Spontaneous Inquiry Questions in High School Chemistry Classrooms: Perceptions of A Group of Motivated Learners
Spontaneous Inquiry Questions in High School Chemistry Classrooms: Perceptions of A Group of Motivated Learners
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RESEARCH REPORT
This ethnographic research explores the perspectives of a subset of American suburban Midwestern
high school chemistry students on the motivations for and implications of a particular form of classroom
questioning behaviour. These students describe the intellectual curiosity that drives them to ask ques-
tions that are related to content but bring them beyond the delivered or expected curriculum. These
same students explain that teacher and peer responses often encourage them to abandon their curiosity
for social conformity. Although educators and policy makers call for the freedom to explore, test ideas,
throw out conjectures and practice scientific discourse, these students suggest that the social atmosphere
in high schools is stacked against scientific inquiry. They feel that their questions are not always valued,
encouraged or given time to flourish. This study has significant implications for implementing the
vision for scientific inquiry in high school science classrooms (NRC 2000).
Introduction
This research explores student perspectives on their questioning behaviour in high
school chemistry. Although students ask a variety of questions in their high school
classes, the majority of the questions focus on ‘doing school’: ‘Do we have to know
this for the test?’; ‘How do you do question number 10?’; ‘When did you say this is
due?’ A very small subset of student questions are more substantive and give
evidence of genuine intellectual curiosity. These are ‘how’, ‘why’ and ‘what
would happen if’ questions that are related to the content of the lesson. My interest
is in the fact that they ask these questions and that they do not often feel encour-
aged to question. I am less interested in the particular questions asked. In an effort
to explore the reasons some students ask intellectually probing questions and to
attempt to understand the meaning these questions might have for the students,
I asked students to discuss their own intellectual questioning behaviour. They not
only described why they ask the questions they do, they also described the power
of their teacher’s responses to their questions, some of the social implications of
their questions, and the corresponding modifications they make in their behaviour.
The findings suggest that students want their teachers to value, encourage and
support active intellectual inquiry and powerful learning experiences. However,
students also demonstrate what I thought was an unexpected willingness to
accommodate their teacher’s and fellow students’ responses to their questioning
behaviour.
International Journal of Science Education ISSN 0950–0693 print/ISSN 1464–5289 online # 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
DOI: 10.1080/09500690210126496
14 C. J. ROP
any questions in class. When they did, the questions were usually not cognitive
questions. The apparent paucity of cognitive questions causes Carr to raise a set of
serious questions about what happens in high schools: ‘What does this say of our
science curriculum and teaching, if pupils are not asking questions? And ‘How can
a more obvious enquiring mind be encouraged among our pupils?’ (1998: 50).
Carr’s research suggests that we need to understand more fully students’ motives
for asking or not asking questions.
In a similar way, Newton et al. (1999) found that teacher-felt time constraints and
pressures to conform to the national curriculum with its heavy content load
resulted in little classroom time devoted to meaningful discussion thus restricting
student intellectual involvement (1999: 564). McRobbie and Tobin (1997) call this
perceived ‘shortage of time, a need to cover content rather than build understand-
ings, to be in control of students and to prepare students for success on examina-
tions and tests, cultural myths (1997: 206). By ‘cultural myth’, they refer to
‘intuitive action in social settings’ for which a teacher must find alternatives if
students are to understand science.
national standards for science teaching in the USA include posing questions as one
of the vital behaviours associated with scientific inquiry:
Inquiry is a multi-faceted activity that involves making observations, posing ques-
tions, examining books and other sources of information to see what is already known;
planning investigations; reviewing what is already known in light of experimental
evidence; using tools to gather, analyze, and interpret data; proposing answers,
explanations, and predictions; and communicating the results. Inquiry requires
identification of assumptions, use of critical and logical thinking, and consideration
of alternative explanations. (NRC 1996, p. 23)
The National Research Council (NRC 2000) explains that questioning behaviour
is based in curiosity about how the world works. Inquiry is ‘intimately connected’
to questions (2000: 13). The NRC therefore challenges science educators to create
environments that both stimulate and harness the natural curiosity of young
people.
The literature suggests, however, that in spite of the fact that the call for
classroom inquiry has been heard for more than a century, student curiosity-dri-
ven questioning behaviour is still very rare in US classrooms (NRC 2000). It
seems clear that although it is important to research any of the possible factors
that influence scientific inquiry and specifically the questioning behaviour of lear-
ners, more attention should be given to the perspectives of the students them-
selves, the source of the curiosity that drives the scientific questioning. My
research indicates that students do have opinions about why and how inquiry
questions fit or do not fit classroom life. We should listen to them. They explain
that questions that originate in a desire to learn are not intentionally drawn out by
the teacher, usually receive only brief attention, and are generally regarded as
rather eccentric by the rest of the students.
Methodology
This report is part of a larger ethnographic study of US high school chemistry that
included participant observations, informal interviews and extended time on site.
This report is the result of close study of one particular chemistry class in one of
the US suburban high schools I visit. Ethnography is an appropriate methodology
for trying to understand student participation events in the context of the school
and classroom culture (Erickson 1986, 1992). As Vygotski indicated, people make
sense of their situation in context of their socio-cultural situation (Wertsch 1985).
Understanding participant point of view depends on being there. I regularly used
field notes written on site and expanded field notes written immediately after the
site visit to record observations of events and records of interactions (Jackson 1990,
Sanjek 1990). I also tape recorded class sessions as well as interviews with the focus
students or ‘special respondents’ (Gordon 1987). In a very real sense, these
students identified themselves by asking, more than occasionally, questions that
seemed to originate in curiosity or efforts to extend subject matter knowledge.
Interviews were informal and conversational. Serendipitously, the class met just
before the students had their lunch period. Hence, I met with students as they ate
their lunch, while events were fresh in their minds. I met groups of 3–4 students in
a conference room down the hall from the classroom or in the school cafeteria
during the lunch hour. Classroom events were the most common subjects of con-
versation. I considered stories elicited in conversations the participant’s version of
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reality and a personal version of their situation (Bruner 1986). I analysed informal
interviews and conversations between interview sessions. The conversations
gained continuity as questions evolved and assertions were formed and tested
(Ives 1974).
The setting
Green Lake High School is an American Midwestern public high school with a
mainly Caucasian, middle-class constituency. I selected this school because
administrators, teachers, students and parents spoke of their pride in high aca-
demic standards. I wanted a public school with a high proportion of students who
reported a concern for high academic standards and were college-bound. I thought
that in this environment, the students would feel pressure from parents to do well,
be concerned with grade point averages and earning their diplomas. I hoped that
along with these academic goals, student participation would be indicative of a
self-motivated desire to understand subject matter. Annual reports submitted to
the school district record a high percentage, consistently during the last decade,
between 85% and 90%, of students pursuing higher education after graduation.
The total student population has been about 1000 for the last few years.
Research participants
The purpose of selecting a focus group of students for interviews and conversa-
tions was to better understand the nature of students’ personal views. Similar
groups of students could be found in the other schools that were part of the
larger research project. The group of six special research participants (Parsons
1963: 9–11) from this school were chosen for this study for reasons of access
and scheduling. All were Caucasian, 16 or 17 year-old sophomores or juniors in
SPONTANEOUS INQUIRY QUESTIONS IN CHEMISTRY CLASSROOMS 19
the same chemistry class. Two of the participants were female; four were male.
Two participants had immigrated with their families to the USA when they were
about 5 years old. Most of them work after school and on weekends and have
complicated, busy social lives. All of the students in the study want to be known
as good students and several spoke of earning scholarships and having a desire to
attend prestigious institutions of higher learning.
Troy. Troy likes to think of himself an artist and musician. He enjoys playing the
trumpet in the school band and in his church’s orchestra. His favourite sport is
soccer and he plays for the school team. In the spring, Troy is on the tennis team.
It was not until after the second semester began that he started an after-school job
at a local fast-food restaurant. However, he also explains that he needs to save for
college and needs some spending money.
During my first interview with Troy, he talked about his desire to be a good
student but that his tendency to procrastinate often stands in the way of a higher
grade. He seems to have a rather laissez-faire attitude about his school work and is
quite satisfied with his 3.0 grade average. He is rather quiet, most often attentive
and seems interested while in chemistry class. Over all, he is quite satisfied with
the education he is receiving. He plans to attend a private college that has a good
music department in which he can develop his talents.
Paul. Paul works at a local garden centre where he does odd jobs, stocks shelves
and waits on customers. He tries to keep his hours down to about 18–20 hours each
week but also likes the money he takes home. He explained that the money he
earned was nice but it made it especially difficult to spend time or find energy for
doing his schoolwork. Soccer and golf also compete for his time.
He likes mathematics and the mathematical part of the sciences but explains
that grades take much of the enjoyment out of school subjects. Like Troy, Paul
explains that B grades are fine but As are better. Paul spends most of his time in
chemistry listening quietly. However, when something catches his attention and
seems interesting, he initiates a question-and-answer session with his teacher. He
likes school and likes to think about practical applications for the information he is
gaining because he wants to pursue a future in engineering, just like his father.
Kurt. Kurt is an intelligent and articulate young man who seems able and willing
to stand on his own socially. His chemistry teacher describes Kurt as interesting
20 C. J. ROP
but also ‘an enigma’: ‘Kurt will find more ways of offending social groups of
people than anyone I have ever seen. No social skill at all. Very bright – extremely
bright’.
According to his chemistry teacher, Kurt often does not do his school work. In
the beginning of the year, Kurt explained that he did not have much use for school
learning that is not practical. He still thinks there are some interesting things about
what they do in his classes, but often sees no real lasting value for what he is
expected to learn. When I asked him why he elected chemistry, he explained
that he wanted to be in Mr Carlton’s class.
Andrea. Andrea likes to think of herself a poet. She explains that poetry is also a
way out of boring classes: ‘I start thinking about other things – like poetry’. We
laughed because then chemistry has some value because it stimulates poetry. A
stanza from one of Andrea’s poems serves to summarize her feelings about school
learning.
So what about education?
The teachers – are tired,
tired of teaching,
tired of seeing a lack of hope.
The students – are tired of rules,
on top of rules,
so they act like fools.
The parents – think the school should be the educator.
Mr Carlton said she is a ‘real right-brained kind of kid . . . actually a bright kid.
She’s just not an analytical kind of kid’. He explained that Andrea has a rather
difficult time with her schoolwork but that he has a lot of respect for her continual
effort to do well. She says that she is not really challenged intellectually in school.
Kyrsten. Kyrsten works every night after school and Saturdays in a store in the
local shopping mall. She explained that even though it was against state law to
work more than 18 hours, she is often asked to fill in for other, less responsible
student workers who fail to come to work or ask for time off. She explained that
her work schedule was probably the most important reason she was having trouble
getting her homework assignments done. She tries to keep up with her school work
during school hours but explained that there is a limit to how much can be done
between classes and at lunch times. She also explained that her work schedule
virtually eliminates her social life because it seems that she spends all her time
either in school or at work. She said that her work schedule hurts her socially and
academically but at the same time she does not want to disappoint her boss. It is
very important to her to maintain her good reputation at work so that she can save
money for college.
Kyrsten spoke often about the pressure she feels from family to do well. Her
mother is a teacher in a local public school, and her father has a professional career.
Kyrsten describes her mother as the source of most of the pressure from home to
get good grades. But then she explains that it is really difficult to balance work,
school work and her social life. Kyrsten explained that it is not her work ethic, but
her lack of motivation, time and energy that stand in her way of getting excellent
grades. She explains that her B average will have to be good enough.
SPONTANEOUS INQUIRY QUESTIONS IN CHEMISTRY CLASSROOMS 21
Jeff. Although he does not work outside of school during the school year, Jeff
certainly has many life pressures to preoccupy him. Recently, he became a father
and the resulting responsibilities, stress in relationships and significant family
trauma weigh heavily on Jeff’s shoulders.
According to Mr Carlton, Jeff’s family immigrated recently and brought much
of their homeland culture with them. Jeff told me that his parents are very strict
and maintain many of the traditions of the ‘home country’. According to Jeff, part
of this tradition is to work hard in school. Jeff often described the pressure he feels
to be successful specifically in chemistry: ‘Everyone in my family is either a doctor
or a chemist, including my grandparents’. Mr Carlton also describes Jeff as a
‘fairly bright kid’ who is ‘extremely naturally inquisitive’ even though he might
have a ‘little over-inflated ego’. Mr Carlton explains that although Jeff likes to
think he is one of the best in his class, there are actually a few students who out-
perform him and get slightly better grades.
Findings
The students represented in the present study were observed to follow a pattern of
participation similar to one of the types found in Tobin and Gallagher’s (1987)
study: they not only were the students most likely to respond to the teacher’s
queries, but also regularly projected themselves into the classroom conversation
by asking SIQs.
The findings section of this report is divided into two parts. In the first set of
findings, students explain their reasons for asking SIQs in class. Their answers
support the assertion that these questions originate in curiosity and a desire to
learn the content of the lesson. The second set of findings examines what students
say about how others in the classroom respond when they ask SIQs. The consis-
tent theme of these discussions is how their teacher responds and how these
responses are important factors they consider when deciding how to act in class.
Although they might not always like the way the teacher responds to their ques-
tions, they are ready to excuse him because they understand that teachers are
under significant pressures to keep their lesson flowing well. Students also reflect
on the social risks associated with this questioning behaviour. Students describe
the pressures they feel from classmates to conform to traditional classroom parti-
cipation patterns.
Some students say they ask SIQs to alleviate boredom and engage in intellectual
challenges. A reason some students gave for asking SIQs was the appeal of taking
on an intellectual challenge. During a lesson about electron configurations, Kurt
was observed asking a somewhat peripheral question about halfway through the
class: ‘What makes sodium react so violently with water?’ His teacher looked at
22 C. J. ROP
him for a brief moment but did not pause in his lesson presentation. Immediately
after this class session, I asked Kurt why he asked this particular question. Paul,
also present, answered first by explaining that their social studies teacher taught
them ‘Bloom’s taxonomy and that we can understand things differently at different
stages of development’. He said that when they ask these questions in any of their
classes, they want to challenge themselves to think at a higher level than is
required: ‘We’ve got that part, we have it done and then we’re going up the ladder
and we want to go farther . . . We want more’. Kurt agreed, saying, ‘We’re not
satisfied’. They explained that, in contrast, memorizing for a test, writing lab
reports and doing assignments on time were so very familiar and relatively easy
to do. It is the intellectual challenge that they seek; for these students it is far more
interesting to think hard about difficult things than about the mundane tasks that
tend to fill their days.
Andrea related her schooling to the real world of work as she explained how
good it would be for her if her school would be more intellectually difficult:
But I don’t get mentally challenged here. I mean what is going to stimulate us to get
mentally challenged and like, ready for a world where – I am not saying that the school
is a good pre. into life you know? It is not a very good one because they are teaching us
book smarts and not like street smarts you know what I am saying? They are now
going to teach you how you are going to be manipulated in the workplace and stuff
like that.
Jason also explained that hard work and intellectual challenges are better than
merely ‘going for the grade’ and trying to make schooling easy:
Well, when you read something and you don’t understand it, you should work at
learning it you know? So if there is something in chemistry that you don’t understand,
you should keep on working to understand it inside the book. But, I think most of the
people in the class feel it should come easy and when it doesn’t, they are just not going
to get it. . . . They just don’t want to work hard. I mean, I don’t even want to work
hard. I’ve been trying to change my attitude and I have been trying to think of school
in a different way.
Some students explained that the cause of intellectual boredom is the very slow
pace of a lesson. For example, in October Jeff complained that everything so far
had been review of material they ‘covered last year in physical science’. He wanted
to learn new content and not ‘just keep going over the same old stuff’. He sug-
gested that the teacher’s pace of content coverage was often far too slow to suit
him. He said, ‘I ask questions. I always want to go ahead because it’s too slow right
now’. For Jeff, a slowly paced lesson is quite closely related to boredom and asking
an SIQ might allow him to intervene in the intellectual pacing of the lesson and
therefore help guard against it.
Two other students, Paul and Kurt, also discussed how their contributions to
chemistry class discussions sometimes mean that the intellectual pace of the lesson
was just too slow to suit them. They said they attempt to ‘keep things interesting’
by asking interesting questions about the content. I erroneously interpreted this to
mean that SIQs represent conscious efforts to push themselves intellectually. Paul
corrected me, ‘No, the brain just wanders. It just gets sick of the same things’.
Kurt asked, ‘You know, I get at the end of that chapter and I just: ‘Oh, man, when
are we going to be done with this? . . . How many times can you sit down and write
the same essay before you are sick of it?’ The class had drilled the process of using
the periodic table to assign oxidation numbers to elements for two weeks before
SPONTANEOUS INQUIRY QUESTIONS IN CHEMISTRY CLASSROOMS 23
this conversation. Evidently, these two young men had wearied of the homework
and quiz questions on the same set of skills and procedures. Kurt later dramatically
described the feeling he has in class if he doesn’t ask questions:
If you just drone on and on and on and on. You know, memorize this, memorize that,
memorize this, memorize that, everyone’s head gets closer and closer to the desk . . .
everyone like . . . till you – bonk (he closed his eyes and let his head slip down until his
forehead rested on the table).
Some students say they ask SIQs because they want to understand specific subject
matter better. A second reason that students gave for asking this type of questions
revealed their interest in knowing and understanding the lesson content.
Immediately after a chemistry class session in which Troy asked several SIQs
about the subject matter of the lesson, I asked him why he asks such questions
in class. For him, SIQs can reflect a personal desire to learn subject matter in
deeper ways:
There is a difference between just learning it [chemistry] and learning it for the grade.
I have found that with most teachers, the tests and everything are just made so that
you just memorize it and you don’t learn it . . . You just study and do home work and
you’ll get an A but you don’t have to go beyond to the knowledge and comprehending
stuff. (original emphasis)
For Troy, ‘learning it’ represents his desire to learn more than is required. It goes
beyond traditional classroom behaviours, such as answering teacher questions and
doing homework, to gaining knowledge and comprehension of subject matter.
Troy goes on to say that because such comprehension is not usually required for
a good grade, he and others like him must find intrinsic motivation for it: ‘There
are some students who learn it, but they take it on themselves to learn it’.
Andrea also made it clear that she would rather learn about her world than be
constantly preoccupied doing school work that does not require much conceptual
understanding:
I mean I’d rather have a grade that represents what I learned about this. . . . But if I
can come up and never learn anything and it’s just a grade, you know at that point it
doesn’t mean anything–even if it gets me to a different physics course next year, it
doesn’t mean I know anything about chemistry.
Kurt also described a process by which he hears something interesting during the
lesson and wants to know more about it – to know more about the subject of study.
He said, ‘I just . . . there’s just a little voice in the back of your head: ‘‘Why does
this work? Why does that work?’’’.
Kurt went on to explain that before he asks an SIQ, he understands that, from
a practical perspective, he already has the skills and information that are required
for to get a good grade. However, he says he is not satisfied with that form of
understanding and wants more: ‘to go farther’ conceptually; ‘I don’t want to know
that it works. I don’t want to just accept it. I want to know why and how, you
know?’ Kurt acknowledges that he does not necessarily get what he wants even
when he questions things:
Why does this thing work like this and why doesn’t it work like that? Why can’t we
split an atom in half and keep the energy in light, take the energy and blow up, you
know, this table? . . . Mr Carlton says it doesn’t work that way. I don’t like it when he
says that – I hate it when he says that: ‘It just doesn’t work that way’.
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Troy also explained that he asks questions in class because he ‘just want[s] to know
more’ than is required for the next test. And Jeff, like the rest of these students, in
describing why he asks questions, explained that asking questions in class will
result in deeper understandings in one way or another: ‘But I am interested . . . in
what is going on. That’s why I ask questions in class’.
Whether questions are asked to alleviate boredom or because of interest in and
enjoyment of what is going on in class at a given moment, or to find out more about
a specific topic, the success of the process really depends on the classroom teacher.
The teacher holds the key to providing an atmosphere that encourages or dis-
courages this kind of classroom participation. The next section of this report
addresses this issue from student perspectives.
Teacher response: ‘the put off’. During conversations and informal interviews,
students described their frustration with what they called the ‘teacher put off’.
By the students’ definition, the ‘put off’ refers to events when, in response to an
SIQ, the teacher responds in a way that students do not really consider an answer
to their question. The ‘put off’ means that their teacher is so busy ‘slamming
content’ [pushing as much content as efficiently as possible] that he brushes off
the question. One version of the ‘put off’ is to be told, ‘We’ll get to that later’.
From Jeff’s perspective, this kind of a ‘put off’ is the typical response to his
questioning. He complained, ‘We are going too slow. That’s why I ask all those
questions and he is always like: ‘‘Oh, I don’t have time to explain it right now’’’.
He interprets that response as evidence that Mr Carlton judged his question to be
inappropriate at the time and plans to cover the content of the question at a later
date. Paul also reported that frequently when he asked an SIQ the teacher
responded by saying: ‘We’ll get to that later, Paul’. Kurt reported that ‘[Mr
Carlton] always says: ‘We’ll get into this later’ or, ‘It’s too complicated to explain’.
Troy reported that if he asked questions that went beyond the teacher’s agenda,
Mr Carlton would tell him, ‘We’ll get to it later’.
Some students reported another version of the ‘put off’: the teacher’s sugges-
tion that the questioner come to him after class to discuss the question privately.
Troy explained that ‘he’ll just say: ‘‘Stay after class’’’. However, he did not con-
sider this a satisfactory solution: ‘We never do [stay after class] because by that
time, your brain is not working on that stuff any more’.
Andrea echoed this perception of the ineffectiveness of this solution: ‘He
means well when he says ‘‘Come up after class’’. . . . And, I do. But he is always
SPONTANEOUS INQUIRY QUESTIONS IN CHEMISTRY CLASSROOMS 25
Teacher response: ‘he gets mad’. A number of these students also reported another
teacher response to SIQs to be common: annoyance. Jeff – who by his own
description ‘asks too many questions’ – described this as the teacher getting
‘mad’ (angry). Near the end of the school year, when I asked him to talk about
why he asked one or two SIQs during each class session throughout the school
year, he responded: ‘I ask questions. He gets mad at me when I ask questions, but
if I don’t understand what’s going on, I am going to ask questions anyway’. Jeff
illustrated his perception of this response by mimicking for me, in a voice edgy
with frustration, what he perceived to be his teacher’s frequent response to his
questions: ‘just accept it for now, OK? We won’t figure it out till later’.
Kyrsten also identified anger as a possible teacher response to questioning.
Interestingly, while Jeff accepted the annoyance as a consequence of asking the
questions he was interested in, for Kyrsten the potential for teacher displeasure
constrained her in-class questioning. She explained that it is often better to go to
the teacher after class to ask specific questions than to ask frequent questions in
class. ‘Yeah, you have to go with specific questions and it is not like in class where
you can’t keep asking like 20 questions. . . . He might get angry’.
have to do. Give them what they want and get a good grade and next year, you get
another class’. Kurt seems to be implying that sometimes it might be wise to
refrain from trying to do anything out of the ordinary and to merely conform to
classroom expectations – just listen, respond to teacher questions, do your home-
work and ‘go for the grade’. He indicates that it is much easier to be a traditional
student and ‘just give them what they want’ and perhaps next year, things will be
different.
After Kyrsten explained that she doesn’t feel right about ‘asking like 20 ques-
tions’ in class (as quoted above), she explained that she too is not only worried
about the teacher’s intolerance but her peers’ as well. Other students, she
explained, have a vested interest in having the class proceed smoothly, without
interruption. She stated that her classmates believe their performance on the next
test depends in a large part on how well Mr Carlton ‘covers’ the material in class.
Tests are every Friday and her teacher consequently has only a limited time to
‘cover the chapters’ and prepare students for the test. She implied that students
feel that too many student questions might take too much valuable class time and
actually hurt test grades if the teacher tries to fit SIQs into an already over-full
course schedule. Good teachers keep things moving.
This student intolerance of other’s classroom questions is particularly directed
at certain students who tend to dominate classroom conversation. This attitude
became explicit when two focus students joked about Jeff’s participation patterns.
Jeff throughout the year averaged one SIQ per chemistry class session. Classmates,
even those who were participants in this study because they themselves were
questioners, disparaged his questioning. Paul volunteered that ‘I get sick of it
after a while. He just keeps asking and asking. It’s good to ask questions to
learn or whatever, but you can overdo it’. Kurt, agreeing with Paul, described
Jeff’s questioning as ‘excessive’. Paul and Kurt’s attitude was reflected by other
members of the class who frequently responded to Jeff’s questioning behaviours
with sighs and rolling eyes.
In a conversation with Andrea and Jeff about what they do when they are
having trouble understanding a concept in chemistry, the subject of asking ques-
tions in class came up. Andrea said, ‘in class . . . you can’t keep asking questions. I
mean . . . ’ – then she looked at Jeff and laughed – ‘I can’t keep asking questions like
over and over ’cause every one else will . . . Hmm’. Clearly, she was indicating that
other students looked askance at frequent questions. At this reminder of the atti-
tudes of classmates to his questioning, Jeff was unabashed: ‘If I don’t ask ques-
tions, I am not going to get it. So, if I have a question, I am going to ask’.
However, it is clear that most of these questioners are more susceptible to the
social pressures to conform.
Discussion
The focus students in this sample explain that they ask SIQs in class because they
desire deeper, more meaningful understandings of the subject matter. It is striking
that their desires conform so closely to the NRC (2000) conception of scientific
questioning and classroom inquiry. To these students, schooling should include
questions like this because they represent sincere motivation and intellectual
efforts to learn.
28 C. J. ROP
science. These young people teach us that we must find a way to let these student
questions, and the spirit of inquiry they represent, flourish in high school class-
rooms. They also teach us that solutions are complicated by social, cultural and
institutional pressures that limit inquiry in favour of traditional instructional
expectations and practices. The following section discusses this dilemma.
Implications
End note
Listening to these students, I am again reminded that the real challenge facing
educators is to awaken in young people the pleasure of learning that lasts a lifetime.
32 C. J. ROP
Our aim should be to develop in students a life-long thirst for inquiry and inde-
pendence in learning. To nurture this spirit in students, teachers need to establish
clear inquiry priorities and habits of mind so that thoughtful questions are the
norm and students become good questioners. Because inquiry always involves
asking good questions, a good test for a modern curriculum is whether it enables
students to see how knowledge grows out of thoughtful questions. It is not just the
held facts, retrievable knowledge or demonstrable skills that determine whether
one is truly educated, the real test is in the development of a spirit of thoughtful
curiosity and the disciplined habits of inquiry to support it. A central role of
instruction in high schools should be to teach students to ask better questions
and to create an environment where it is socially and academically rewarding to
do so.
References
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