Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page i

‘By exposing how the pharmaceutical companies actively set out

to make us feel sick so they can sell drugs we don’t need, this bril-
liant book blows the lid off the carefully cultivated image of
medical authority and benign concern. The drug companies turn
out to be the worst sort of corporate pirates—read this book
and rage.’
Clive Hamilton, The Australia Institute

‘There are those, it seems, who want to sell us a pill for life itself.
It’s a trillion dollar industry and getting bigger every day. This
remarkable investigation of the Sickness Industry is by two
accomplished writers with an incredible story to tell.’
Robyn Williams, science broadcaster

‘In sickness and in health, private profits are not the same as
public good, and high medical and drug company incomes
do not equate to great health outcomes. The gains from the
modern pharmacy are immense, but when industry hubris and
distortions cause the medicine bottle to fall and smash, the
consequences for ordinary people are enormous. Moynihan
and Cassels show us where to walk among the shards of broken
glass.’
Stephen Leeder, Professor of Public Health
and Community Medicine
Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page ii
Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page iii

SELLING
SICKNESS
HOW DRUG
COMPANIES
ARE TURNING
US ALL INTO
PATIENTS
Ray Moynihan& Alan Cassels
Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page iv

First published in 2005

Copyright © Ray Moynihan and Alan Cassels 2005

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any
information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the
publisher. The Australian Copyright Act 1968 (the Act) allows a maximum of one chapter
or 10 per cent of this book, whichever is the greater, to be photocopied by any
educational institution for its educational purposes provided that the educational
institution (or body that administers it) has given a remuneration notice to Copyright
Agency Limited (CAL) under the Act.

Allen & Unwin

83 Alexander Street
Crows Nest NSW 2065
Australia
Phone: (61 2) 8425 0100
Fax: (61 2) 9906 2218
Email: [email protected]
Web: www.allenandunwin.com

National Library of Australia

Cataloguing-in-Publication entry:

Moynihan, Ray.
Selling sickness : how the drug companies are turning us
all into patients.

Includes index.
ISBN 1 74114 579 1.

1. Pharmaceutical industry. 2. Public health. 3. Drugs –

Prescribing. I. Cassels, Alan, 1962– . II. Title.

338.476151

Typeset in 12.5/15 pt Centaur MT by Midland Typesetters, Maryborough, Vic

Printed by Griffin Press, Netley, South Australia

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page v

For Marian, Lynda, Morgan and Chase

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Selling Sickness pages 22/4/05 8:40 AM Page vii

Contents

Prologue: Selling sickness ix

11. Selling to everyone

High cholesterol 1
12. Doughnuts for the doctors
Depression 22
13. Working with celebrities
Menopause 41
14. Partnering with patients
Attention deficit disorder 61
15. Making risks into medical conditions
High blood pressure 82
16. Advertising disease
Pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder 99
17. Shaping public perceptions
Social anxiety disorder 119
18. Testing the markets
Osteoporosis 139
19. Taming the watchdogs
Irritable bowel syndrome 156
10. Subverting the selling
Female sexual dysfunction 175

Epilogue: What can we do? 196

Notes 201
Acknowledgements 242
Index 246

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Prologue

Selling sickness

hirty years ago the head of one of the world’s best-known

T drug companies made some very candid comments. Close
to retirement at the time, Merck’s aggressive chief executive
Henry Gadsden told Fortune magazine of his distress that the
company’s potential markets had been limited to sick people.
Suggesting he’d rather Merck to be more like chewing gum
maker Wrigley’s, Gadsen said it had long been his dream to make
drugs for healthy people. Because then, Merck would be able to
‘sell to everyone.’1 Three decades on, the late Henry Gadsden’s
dream has come true.
The marketing strategies of the world’s biggest drug com-
panies now aggressively target the healthy and the well. The ups
and downs of daily life have become mental disorders, common
complaints are transformed into frightening conditions, and
more and more ordinary people are turned into patients. With
promotional campaigns that exploit our deepest fears of death,
decay and disease, the $500 billion dollar pharmaceutical

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Selling Sickness

industry is literally changing what it means to be human. Rightly

rewarded for saving life and reducing suffering, the global drug
giants are no longer content selling medicines only to the ill.
Because as Wall Street knows well, there’s a lot of money to be
made telling healthy people they’re sick.
At a time when many of us are leading longer, healthier and
more vital lives than our ancestors, saturation advertising
and slick ‘awareness-raising’ campaigns are turning the worried
well into the worried sick.2 Mild problems are painted as serious
disease, so shyness becomes a sign of social anxiety disorder and
pre-menstrual tension a mental illness called pre-menstrual
dysphoric disorder. Everyday sexual difficulties are seen as sexual
dysfunctions, the natural change of life is a disease of hormone
deficiency called the menopause, and distracted office workers
now have adult ADD. Just being ‘at risk’ of an illness has become
a ‘disease’ in its own right, so healthy middle-aged women now
have a silent bone disease called osteoporosis, and fit middle-
aged men a lifelong condition called high cholesterol.
With many health problems, there are people at the severe
end of the spectrum suffering genuine illness, or at very high risk
of it, who may benefit greatly from a medical label and a
powerful medication. Yet for the relatively healthy people who are
spread across the rest of the spectrum, a label and a drug may
bring great inconvenience, enormous costs, and the very real
danger of sometimes deadly side effects. This vast terrain has
become the new global marketplace of potential patients—tens
of millions of people—a key target of the drug industry’s multi-
billion-dollar promotional budgets.
The epicentre of this selling is of course the United States,
home to many of the world’s largest pharmaceutical companies,
and the stage on which most of the action in this book takes

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Prologue

place. With less than 5 per cent of the world’s population, the
US already makes up almost 50 per cent of the global market in
prescription drugs.3 Yet spending in the US continues to rise
more rapidly than anywhere else, increasing by almost 100 per
cent in just six years—not only because of steep increases in the
price of drugs, but because doctors are simply prescribing more
and more of them.4
Prescriptions for the most promoted categories, like heart
medicines or antidepressants, have soared astronomically in the
US, with the amount spent on these drugs doubling in less than
five years.5 In many other nations the trend is also up. Young
Australians took ten times more antidepressants in 2000
than they did in 1990.6 Canadian consumption of the new
cholesterol-lowering drugs jumped by a staggering 300 per cent
over a similar time period.7 Many of those prescriptions
enhanced or extended life. But there is a growing sense that too
many of them are driven by the unhealthy influences of mislead-
ing marketing rather than genuine need. And those marketing
strategies, like the drug companies, are now well and truly global.
Working from his mid-town Manhattan office in New York
City, Vince Parry represents the cutting edge of that global
marketing. An expert in advertising, Parry now specialises in the
most sophisticated form of selling medicines: he works with
drug companies to help create new diseases. In an astonishing
article titled ‘The art of branding a condition’, Parry recently
revealed the ways in which companies are involved in ‘fostering
the creation’ of medical disorders.8 Sometimes a little-known
condition is given renewed attention, sometimes an old disease is
redefined and renamed, and sometimes a whole new dysfunction
is created. Parry’s personal favourites include erectile dys-
function, adult attention deficit disorder, and pre-menstrual

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dysphoric disorder—a disorder so controversial some researchers

say it doesn’t even exist.
With rare candour Parry has explained how pharmaceutical
companies now take the lead, not just in branding their block-
buster pills like Prozac and Viagra, but also in branding the
conditions that create the markets for those pills. Working under
the leadership of the drug marketers, Madison Avenue gurus like
Parry get together with medical experts to ‘create new ideas
about illnesses and conditions’.9 The goal, he says, is to give drug
company customers around the world ‘a new way to think about
things’.10 The aim, always, is to make the link between the con-
dition and your medicine, in order to maximise its sales.
The idea that drug companies help to create new illnesses
may sound strange to many of us, but it is all too familiar to
industry insiders. A recent Reuters Business Insight report designed
for drug company executives argued that the ability to ‘create new
disease markets’ is bringing untold billions in soaring drug
sales.11 One of the chief selling strategies, said the report, is to
change the way people think about their common ailments,
to make ‘natural processes’ into medical conditions. People must
be able to be ‘convinced’ that ‘problems they may previously have
accepted as, perhaps, merely an inconvenience’—like baldness,
wrinkles and sexual difficulties—are now seen as ‘worthy of
medical intervention’.12 Celebrating the development of prof-
itable new disease markets like ‘Female Sexual Dysfunction’,
the report was upbeat about the financial future for the drug
industry. ‘The coming years will bear greater witness to the
corporate sponsored creation of disease.’13
The unhealthy influence of the pharmaceutical industry
has become a global scandal. That influence is fundamentally
distorting medical science, corrupting the way medicine is

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Prologue

practised, and corroding the public’s trust in their doctors.14

The burying of unfavourable research studies on children and
antidepressants, the dangers of the anti-arthritis drugs and the
investigations into the alleged bribing of physicians in Italy
and the US are just the latest in a string of embarrassments.15
Exploding drug expenditures have helped produce double-digit
increases in the costs of health insurance premiums, fuelling
further widespread anger towards the industry, particularly in the
US. As a result, many doctors, scientists, health advocates, poli-
ticians and medical journal editors are moving to try to wind
back the industry’s influence over scientific research and doctors’
prescribing habits.16 The time is ripe to understand how that
influence now extends right to the very definitions of disease.
Marketing executives don’t sit down and actually write the
rules for how to diagnose illness, but they increasingly under-
write those who do. The industry now routinely sponsors key
medical meetings where disease definitions are debated and
updated. In some instances, as we will see, the medical experts
writing the rules are at the same time taking money from the drug
makers who stand to make billions, depending on how those rules
are written. Many of the senior specialists deciding whether your
sexual difficulties should be defined as sexual dysfunctions,
whether your stomach complaints should be seen as serious
medical conditions, and whether your everyday risks should be
portrayed as deadly diseases, are on the payrolls of the companies
seeking to sell you drugs. The payment of money doesn’t neces-
sarily buy influence, but in the eyes of many observers, doctors
and drug companies have simply become too close.
With many medical conditions, there is great uncertainty
about where to draw the line that separates the healthy from the
sick. The boundaries that separate ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ are

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Selling Sickness

often highly elastic, they may differ dramatically from country to

country, and they can change over time. Clearly, the wider you
draw the boundaries that define a disease, the wider the pool of
potential patients, and the bigger the markets for those making
drugs. The experts who sit down to draw those lines today are
too often doing so with drug company pens in their hands, and
they are drawing the boundaries wider and wider almost every
time they meet.
According to these experts, 90 per cent of the elderly in the
US will have a condition called high blood pressure, almost half
of all women have a sexual dysfunction called FSD, and more
than 40 million Americans should be taking drugs to lower their
cholesterol.17 With a little help from a headline-hungry media,
the latest condition is routinely portrayed as widespread, severe
and, above all, treatable with drugs. Alternative ways of under-
standing or treating health problems, and lower estimates of the
numbers affected, are often swept away by a frenzy of drug
company promotion.
While the boundaries defining disease are pushed out as
widely as they can be, by contrast, the causes of these supposed
epidemics are portrayed as narrowly as possible. In the world of
drug marketing, a major public health problem like heart disease
can sometimes be reduced to a narrow focus on a person’s choles-
terol levels or blood pressure. Preventing hip fractures among the
elderly becomes a narrow obsession with the bone density
numbers of healthy middle-aged women. Personal distress is seen
as being due largely to a chemical imbalance of serotonin in the
brain, an explanation as narrow as it is outdated.
Like most everything else that happens in health care today,
our ideas about sickness are being shaped in the long shadows
cast by the global drug giants. Yet the narrowing of the focus is

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Prologue

making it harder for us to see the bigger picture about health

and disease, sometimes at great cost to the individual, and the
community. To use a simple example, if an improvement in
human health was our primary aim, some of the billions
currently invested in expensive drugs to lower the cholesterol of
the worried well might be far more efficiently spent on enhanced
campaigns to reduce smoking, increase physical activity and
improve diet.
There are many different promotional strategies used in the
selling of sickness, but the common factor amongst them all is
the marketing of fear. The fear of heart attacks was used to sell
women the idea that the menopause is a condition requiring
hormone replacement. The fear of youth suicide is used to sell
parents the idea that even mild depression must be treated with
powerful drugs. The fear of an early death is used to sell high
cholesterol as something automatically requiring a prescription.
Yet ironically, the much-hyped medicines sometimes cause the
very harm they are supposed to prevent.
Long-term hormone replacement therapy increases the risk of
heart attacks for women, while antidepressants appear to increase
the risk of suicidal thinking among the young. At least one of
the blockbuster cholesterol-lowering drugs has been withdrawn
from the market because it was implicated in causing deaths. In
one of the most horrific cases of all, a drug sold as helping with
common bowel problems led to constipation so severe for some
people, they simply died. Yet in this case, as in so many others,
the official government regulators somehow seemed more inter-
ested in protecting drug company profits than the public’s
health.18
The pharmaceutical industry and its supporters defend their
marketing campaigns as raising awareness about misunderstood

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Selling Sickness

diseases, and providing quality information about the latest

medicines. Company executives talk of empowering consumers
with advertising, and their paid celebrities are said to educate the
public about health conditions via glossy magazine articles and
on TV talk shows. Certainly there are some valuable examples of
industry-sponsored efforts to de-stigmatise a health problem
or stimulate much-needed action, as has occurred in the area
of HIV-AIDS. Yet in other cases these campaigns are not educa-
tion at all, but plain old promotion: skewing our understanding
of the causes of human illness and distorting our knowledge of
the remedies, playing up the benefits of drugs and playing down
their harms and costs.
A loosening of advertising regulations in the late 1990s in
the US has delivered an unprecedented onslaught of drug
marketing targeted at ordinary people, who now watch an average
of ten or more of these advertisements every day. Likewise,
viewers in New Zealand are subject to this sort of promotion.
Elsewhere in the world the industry is fighting relentlessly for
similar deregulation. For the supporters, this marketing is a
valuable service; for the critics, it is putting disease at the centre
of human life. It is pushing the genuinely ill towards a limited
range of the most expensive drug solutions, and making tens of
millions of the healthy start to fear that their bodies are broken,
dysfunctional, deficient, and decaying. This disease-mongering is
an assault on our collective soul by those seeking to profit from
our fear. It is no dark conspiracy; simply daylight robbery.
Selling Sickness unmasks the latest marketing techniques from
the drug industry’s multi-layered campaigns. Technique by tech-
nique, condition by condition, a pattern emerges, a formula for
changing the way we think about illness in order to expand
markets for drugs. The diseases explored here are not the only

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Prologue

ones being oversold; they are, though, among the most dramatic,
compelling and freshest examples we have. Once you become
familiar with the formula, and start to recognise the tricks of the
trade, you’ll begin to see the black magic of disease marketing at
work everywhere.
Some of the promotional strategies may already be familiar,
but the dirty tricks and covert operations are likely to shock and
anger many readers. The aim of Selling Sickness is not to further
discredit a much maligned drug industry, or its many valuable
products. Nor is the goal to denigrate the many fine and princi-
pled people who work inside these giant corporations and who
are motivated, like many hardworking medical scientists outside,
to discover and develop safe and effective new therapies. Rather,
the plan is to expose the way in which the industry’s promotional
machinery is turning too much ordinary life into medical illness,
in order to expand markets for medications.
Over three decades ago a maverick thinker called Ivan Illich
raised alarms that an expanding medical establishment was
‘medicalising’ life itself, undermining the human capacity to cope
with the reality of suffering and death, and making too many
ordinary people into patients.19 He criticised a medical system
‘that claims authority over people who are not yet ill, people who
cannot reasonably expect to get well, and those for whom
doctors have no more effective treatment than that which could
be offered by their uncles or aunts’.20 A decade ago medical
writer Lynn Payer described a process she called ‘disease-
mongering’: doctors and drug companies unnecessarily widening
the boundaries of illness in order to see more patients and sell
more drugs.21 In the years since, these writings have become ever
more relevant, as the industry’s marketing roar has grown louder
and its grip on the health care system much stronger.

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Selling Sickness

Soaring sales have made drug companies the most profitable

corporations on the planet during particular years of the past
decade.22 But the flip side of healthy returns for shareholders is
an unsustainable increase in costs for those funding the health
system, whether they are governments or private insurers. It is no
surprise that the industry’s unhealthy influence has become part
of the political debate in many nations, which exploded in
Australia during negotiations over the recent free trade deal with
the US. As the public learns more about industry’s influence over
the definitions of disorders and dysfunctions, and its methods
for creating ‘new disease markets’, the selling of sickness will
likely move closer to the centre of those debates.
Like the best of scientific inquiry this work of journalism is
offered as part of an ongoing conversation, to be continued with
friends, families, and physicians, with other health care providers,
work colleagues, health officials and elected representatives:
a conversation that questions the corporate-sponsored selling
of sickness, and explores new ways to define and understand
disease. It is a conversation that could ideally benefit from the
energy and enthusiasm of a whole new global collaboration
of independent researchers and health advocates, whose pri-
mary aim is to promote a more rational and informed public
debate about human health, rather than simply selling fear in
order to sell pharmaceuticals.

Note: Unless otherwise indicated, all $ amounts in this book refer

to US$.

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Selling to everyone
High cholesterol

ittle known as a health complaint when Henry Gadsden was

L still managing Merck 30 years ago, the fear of a condition
called ‘high cholesterol’ has quickly come to dominate the
personal health concerns of tens of millions of people around
the globe. For those selling pills, promoting that fear has paid off
handsomely: nations everywhere have spent more on cholesterol-
lowering drugs in recent years than any other category of
prescription medicines.1 As a group, these drugs now generate
revenues of more than $25 billion a year for their manufacturers,
a rollcall of the biggest names in the global industry, including
Germany’s Bayer, the British–Swedish company AstraZeneca and
America’s Pfizer.2 In less wealthy countries, including some states
of Eastern Europe, the spiralling costs of this group of drugs on
their own can threaten to bankrupt entire health systems.3
Contrary to what many might think, cholesterol itself is not
a deadly enemy, it is an essential element of the body’s make-up,
and is vital to life. There is scientific evidence showing that for
many people, a raised level of cholesterol in the blood is associ-
ated with an increased risk of future heart attacks and strokes.

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But with otherwise healthy people there’s uncertainty about

exactly how much that raised cholesterol will increase your risk
of heart disease, and for how many people this might really be a
problem.
What is widely accepted is that having high cholesterol is only
one of many factors that affect your chances of future heart
disease. Yet it attracts a huge share of attention because it can
be modified with drugs—drugs that now boast promotional
budgets rivalling those of some brands of beer or soda. For
specialists in prevention like the British researcher Professor Shah
Ebrahim, the new cholesterol-lowering drugs—called statins—
are a valuable course of action for people who’ve already had
some heart disease. Yet for most healthy people there are much
cheaper, safe and effective ways to try to stay healthy than using
statins. Improving diet, increasing exercise, and stopping smok-
ing are the obvious and well-known strategies.
Ebrahim is one of many researchers who feel the narrow
focus on cholesterol is a potentially dangerous distraction from
the real business of prevention. Already, one of the statins,
Bayer’s Baycol, has been pulled from the market after being
implicated in several cases of death.4 The newest statin,
AstraZeneca’s Crestor, has also faced calls for its withdrawal,
because of very rare but debilitating side effects of muscle
wasting and kidney failure.5
The dawn of the new age of cholesterol came in 1987, when
Merck launched the first of the statins, Mevacor, amid much
excitement in the medical marketplace. Mevacor was approved to
lower cholesterol levels, which meant the drug could be
promoted and prescribed to otherwise healthy people—a poten-
tially enormous market. Several competitors have been approved
in the years since and the promotion of both the drugs and

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Selling to everyone High cholesterol

the condition has become frenzied. But one pill in particular

has leapt ahead of the pack, and now commands almost half
the total market—Lipitor. Racking up sales of more than
$10 billion a year, Lipitor is the world’s top-selling prescription
drug, ever.6 Its manufacturer Pfizer is the world’s biggest phar-
maceutical company. With head offices in Manhattan, and a
market value around $200 billion, Pfizer is one of the largest
corporations on earth, thanks in no small part to widespread
fears of high cholesterol.
Sales of these drugs have soared in the last decade because the
number of people defined as having ‘high cholesterol’ has grown
astronomically. As with many other medical conditions, the defi-
nition of what constitutes ‘high cholesterol’ is regularly revised,
and like other conditions the definition has been broadened in
ways that redefine more and more healthy people as sick. Over
time, the boundaries that define medical conditions are slowly
widened and the pools of potential patients steadily expanded.
Sometimes the increase is sudden and dramatic. When a panel of
cholesterol experts in the US rewrote the definitions a few years
ago they lowered the levels of cholesterol deemed necessary to
qualify for treatment, (among other changes), essentially rela-
belling millions of healthy people as sick, and virtually overnight
tripling the numbers who could be targeted with drug therapy.7
According to the official US National Institutes of Health’s
cholesterol guidelines from the 1990s, thirteen million Ameri-
cans might have warranted treatment with statins. In 2001 a new
panel of experts rewrote those guidelines, and effectively raised
that number to 36 million, in a scene reminiscent of Henry
Gadsden’s dream of selling to everyone.8 Yet five of the fourteen
authors of this new expanded definition, including the chair of
the panel, had financial ties to statin manufacturers.9 In 2004,

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yet another new panel of experts updated those guidelines again,

recommending that alongside the value of lifestyle changes more
than 40 million Americans could benefit by taking the drugs.10
This time, the conflicts of interest were even worse.
Eight of the nine experts who wrote the latest cholesterol
guidelines also serve as paid speakers, consultants or researchers
to the world’s major drug companies—Pfizer, Merck, Bristol-
Myers Squibb, Novartis, Bayer, Abbott, AstraZeneca and
GlaxoSmithKline.11 In most cases the individual authors had
multiple ties to at least four of these companies. One ‘expert’
had taken money from ten of them. The links were not
mentioned in the published version of the cholesterol guidelines,
and the extent of the conflicts was not publicly known until
media organisations uncovered them, sparking a major contro-
versy.12 The existence of such ties should not imply that any of
these guideline writers would make recommendations in order to
please their drug company sponsors. The problem is the growing
perception of coziness.
The full details of all those financial ties were subsequently
published on a US government website and it is worth taking a
look at them for yourself.13 Strange as they may seem to those
outside, such extensive conflicts of interest have become all too
familiar to those within the world of medicine. Yet here is a clear
case where the doctors writing the very definitions of what
constitutes high cholesterol, and recommending when drugs
should be used to treat it, are at the same time paid to speak by
the companies making those drugs.14 Cholesterol, though, is no
different in this regard than many other common conditions. It
is estimated that almost 90 per cent of those who write guide-
lines for their peers have conflicts of interest because of financial
ties to the pharmaceutical industry.15

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Selling to everyone High cholesterol

The ties between guideline-writers and the industry are just

one corner of the vast web of interrelationships between doctors
and drug companies. The industry’s influence over doctors’ prac-
tices, medical education and scientific research is as widespread
as it is controversial—not just distorting the way physicians
prescribe medicines but actually affecting the way conditions like
‘high cholesterol’ are defined and promoted. As one researcher
candidly put it, the closeness between doctors and the pharma-
ceutical industry has now become a ‘way of life’.16
The entanglement starts with the free pizzas for the hard-
working hospital residents and interns, and from then on it
never stops.17 As US physicians graduate from the hospital
wards out into their own practices, there to greet them daily is
an 80 000-strong army of drug company representatives—or
detailers—always ready with a smile, some warm doughnuts, and
a dose of friendly advice about the newest drugs and the latest
diseases. As those who study these interactions tell us, these are
the foundations of lifelong relationships between the industry
and the profession.18
Next comes the continuing medical education, the refresher
courses that physicians are strongly encouraged and sometimes
formally required to attend. In the US this is now a billion-dollar
enterprise, with close to half of that funding flowing directly
from the pharmaceutical industry.19 Doctors are being ‘educated’
about how to use drugs, and how many of us should take them,
in venues sponsored by their makers.
After the education comes the scientific research. An estimated
60 per cent of biomedical research and development in the US is
now funded from private sources, mainly drug companies.20 In
some areas, like the testing of drugs for depression, the figure is
closer to 100 per cent. Almost all the clinical trials of the new

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antidepressants were funded by their manufacturers rather than

public or not-for-profit sources.21 And that research evidence is
discussed and disseminated at more than 300 000 scientific meet-
ings, events and conferences sponsored by the industry every year,
and often hosted by medical societies like the American Heart
Association, themselves partially underwritten by drug companies.22
At the top of this hierarchy are the so-called ‘thought-
leaders’—or key opinion leaders—the senior physicians who
write the guidelines, conduct the sponsored research, educate
their colleagues at sponsored conferences, and publish papers in
medical journals kept afloat with drug company advertisements.
Many of the thought-leaders hold positions at prestigious
academic institutions, at the same time as being on drug com-
pany payrolls as advisers and paid speakers.
One of those thought-leaders in the cholesterol field is
Dr Bryan Brewer, a senior official at the publicly funded
National Institutes of Health (NIH) based in Bethesda, just
outside Washington, DC. In the lead-up to the launch of the
newest statin, AstraZeneca’s Crestor, Dr Brewer delivered a pres-
entation at an American Heart Association seminar describing
the controversial drug in very positive terms, as safe and effec-
tive.23 His talk was considered an important and influential one,
and it was later published in a special supplement of the American
Journal of Cardiology, which is read by prescribing physicians.24 The
timing could not have been better for the drug’s manufacturer, as
the journal article coincided with Crestor’s launch into the
massive US market.
The American Heart Association seminar and the special
journal supplement were both sponsored by AstraZeneca. So too
was Dr Brewer, though his links were not disclosed in his article in
the journal supplement. At that time he was a paid adviser to the

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Selling to everyone High cholesterol

company, and a part of the company’s stable of paid speakers.

According to later public hearings in the US Congress, Dr Brewer
received in the order of $200 000 from outside private interests
including drug companies, while simultaneously holding down a
position as branch chief at the government’s NIH.25
The attempts to clean up these entangled relationships
between doctors and drug companies have received much pub-
licity in recent years, but they have often been little more than
self-serving window-dressing. For example, under a voluntary
code created by the industry, it remains acceptable for a drug
company to fly 300 supposedly independent doctors to a golf
resort, pay them to attend, ‘educate’ them about the company’s
latest drug, and then train them to become part of the company’s
stable of paid speakers.26
The golf resort scenario was in fact strongly endorsed by an
industry spokesperson as an entirely appropriate way for a drug
company to train the large numbers of speakers needed to
support its ‘communications effort’.27 And therein lies the
fundamental danger of such cosiness: doctors, the people we
trust to give us untainted advice about powerful pills, become
part of the marketing campaigns for those very same pills, no
matter how independently minded they might be—not just
helping to sell the medicines, but helping to sell a particular defi-
nition of disease that expands markets for those medicines. In
this case, high cholesterol has been defined so as to classify more
than 40 million Americans as sick and potentially in need of
drugs. One of the members of the expert panel who wrote that
definition was Dr Bryan Brewer, who is financially tied to eight
other drug companies, on top of his ties to AstraZeneca.28
Among some independent health advocacy groups there is a
view that the company-tied cholesterol ‘experts’ have gone too far

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this time, have pushed the boundaries of illness too wide, and
caught too many healthy people in the net. The Center for
Science in the Public Interest, based in Washington, DC, has
become so concerned it has mounted a public campaign calling
for an independent review of the official cholesterol guidelines.29
More than three dozen physicians, health researchers and scien-
tists have put their name to a strongly worded letter to the NIH
director, arguing that the guidelines, with their expanded recom-
mendations for drug therapy, are not supported by the scientific
evidence-arguments flatly rejected by the NIH. 30
This grassroots campaign was inspired in part by a blistering
critique from Harvard University clinical instructor and author
Dr John Abramson. He argues that the guideline panel painted
an overly positive picture of the scientific evidence about the
risks and benefits of the cholesterol-lowering drugs, and that it
has ultimately misled doctors and the public.31 ‘This is a perver-
sion of science,’ he says. ‘I think they’ve gone way too far.’32
Abramson is a strong supporter of using these drugs for people
at high risk of heart disease, particularly those who have, for
example, already suffered a heart attack. Yet he is also one of the
voices within the scientific world arguing that prescribing statins
to healthy men and women at relatively low risk of future heart
disease may offer them no meaningful benefit and even bring real
dangers.33
While the campaign for an independent review of the choles-
terol guidelines was getting under way, another very different and
much better funded campaign was being launched elsewhere in
the US. A new patient advocacy group called the Boomer
Coalition sprang onto the world stage with an advertisement
broadcast during the televised Academy Awards ceremony in
2004. The ad kicked off a campaign to make heart disease ‘the

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most-talked-about disease’ among American baby boomers.34 It

featured the famous Henry Winkler, better known to maturing
generations around the world as sitcom wise guy The Fonz, who,
along with Wonder Woman Lynda Carter and the estates of
former heart throbs James Coburn and Errol Flynn, has become
part of this curious new celebrity coalition.35
Along with suggestions about stopping smoking and doing
more exercise, the group urges people as a priority to see their
doctors and get their cholesterol levels tested on a regular basis.
Its website suggests you should ‘know your numbers’ at all times
and carry them around routinely ‘like a driver’s license’.36 The
group’s home page is adorned with slick images from the 1960s
civil rights campaigns and peace protests, playing on themes of
emancipation activism and rebellion.
While the Boomer Coalition might look to some like
a hip new movement, it is little more than the latest attempt
at astro-turfing: the creation of fake grassroots campaigns by
public relations professionals in the pay of large corporations.
According to the Wall Street Journal the concept for the coalition
was dreamt up by a Dutch PR company and funded by Pfizer—
the makers of the cholesterol-lowering drug Lipitor—with an
initial investment estimated at less than $10 million.37 While
the messages about getting tested might on the surface seem a
valuable public service, the group’s materials reflect none of the
uncertainty or controversy that exists in relation to the definition
of this condition and who should be treated for it. In contrast to
the astro-turfing of the star-studded coalition, genuine grass-
roots groups like the Manhattan-based Center for Medical
Consumers encourage a more healthy scepticism towards the
promotion of high cholesterol as a fearful condition. That
group—which is not on the industry’s payroll—stresses that

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cholesterol is only one of many risk factors, and that drug

benefits are often greatly exaggerated.38
The pharmaceutical industry’s financial entanglement with
the medical profession is fast being replicated in the consumer
field—through the creation of groups like the Pfizer-funded
Boomer Coalition. A global survey from Britain estimated that
two-thirds of all patient advocacy groups and health charities
now rely on funding from drug companies or device manufac-
turers. The most prolific sponsor, according to the survey results,
is Johnson & Johnson and number two is Pfizer.39 While creating
the appearance of corporate generosity, such sponsorship can
bring many benefits to the sponsor as well as the recipient. Chief
among them is that patient groups are a great way to help shape
public opinion about the conditions your products are designed
to treat. With high cholesterol, there are clearly differing views
within the wider health community about how to define the
condition, and for whom drugs might be appropriate. Sponsor-
ing advocacy groups that tend to keep messages simple, and keep
the focus on the fear of high cholesterol, will inevitably help to
maximise the sales of cholesterol-lowering drugs.40
Up at White River Junction, set amongst the green mountains
of Vermont in the north east of the US, the fear-mongering
around cholesterol is starting to unsettle practising physicians like
Dr Lisa Schwartz. ‘Patients worry a lot about cholesterol,’ she says,
‘and a lot of them come in wanting their cholesterol checked.’ 41
Schwartz tries to reassure her patients that cholesterol is not so
much a condition as one risk factor among many that can raise
your chances of heart disease or stroke in the future. Her husband,
Dr Steve Woloshin, encounters similar worries from many of his
patients and agrees cholesterol is not a medical condition but a
risk factor. ‘I try to put it in the context of other risk factors

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people are facing,’ he says. ‘If you are a smoker, for example,
probably the most important thing to do is stop smoking.’
Schwartz and Woloshin, based at the Veterans Affairs
Medical Center in White River Junction, support the use of
cholesterol-lowering drugs for people who have already suffered
some heart disease, and others at high risk of future disease, but
they worry that for otherwise healthy people at low risk, long-
term use of the statins may offer little benefit and unknown
harms. Obsessing unnecessarily about cholesterol levels may also
bring unhelpful anxiety for many.
Trained on the busy wards of New York City hospitals, the
medical duo moved to Vermont to take up academic postings at
the prestigious Dartmouth Medical School, where they are both
now associate professors, along with their VA work. Unlike most
of those who wrote the latest definitions of cholesterol, these two
have no financial ties to the pharmaceutical industry. As physicians
working in a federal government hospital, they never see drug
company detailers, and they refuse offers of industry-sponsored
speaking work. Both publish regularly in the world’s top medical
journals, and they can have a room full of hardened researchers in
stitches with their intelligent and witty performances.
One of their most recent projects involved a critical look at
the official cholesterol guidelines. While those guidelines recom-
mend more than 40 million Americans could benefit by taking
drugs to lower their cholesterol, Woloshin and Schwartz estimate
there are over 10 million currently taking them.42Among the more
than 30 million who are therefore ‘untreated’ there are many that
this pair believe could benefit from drugs. But there are also many
who could lower their risks of heart attack or stroke just as easily
without drugs, by other means, such as by stopping smoking.
‘While we worry about overtreatment, these figures show there is

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also a lot of undertreatment,’ says Woloshin. ‘But we need to do a

better job focusing in on the people who really stand to benefit
the most from drugs, rather than get distracted by having to treat
so many people at low risk,’ adds Schwartz.
Their examination of the cholesterol guidelines is part of a
bigger look at the way definitions of many common conditions
are being widened, and how as a result the pool of potential
patients likely to be prescribed drugs and other therapies is being
expanded. Cholesterol is for them a prime example of what they
see as a growing trend. ‘It’s an effort to make everybody sick,’ says
Schwartz. ‘And the trend is global,’ adds Woloshin.
One of the key ways of making healthy people believe they are
sick is direct-to-consumer advertising of drugs and diseases—and
there is now more than $3 billion dollars’ worth of it every year
in the US alone; more or less $10 million dollars a day. One
recent TV advertisement on high rotation in the US featured
stunning footage of a middle-aged female surfer riding perfectly
formed waves. The mellow mood, though, is broken when the
surfer runs in to the beach, and accidentally knocks over a row of
surfboards that had been planted neatly in the sand. Somehow,
through the magic of marketing, the accident with the surfboards
is related to her cholesterol numbers being too high, and that is
where the statin that’s being advertised can help.
We’ve ‘scared everyone into this state,’ says Schwartz, ‘and
drugs offer an easy way that you can do something about it.
There is a sense that the goal is to lower your cholesterol
numbers. You hear this idea that “it’s all about your numbers”,
but it’s not really—it’s about whether you have lowered your risk
of heart disease. Because cholesterol has become a condition, you
can define a treatment’s success as having a lower cholesterol
level, as if cholesterol is of itself the problem.’

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The problem here is finding effective ways to reduce heart

disease, stroke and premature death, not cholesterol levels. For
some people, there is no doubt lowering cholesterol with drugs
can help; for others, the drugs may be useless, wasteful and even
harmful. According to rigorous and independent analysis of all
the clinical trials of the statins, there is no good evidence these
drugs offer benefits to healthy women who have not already had
some heart disease—women like the healthy-looking surfer in
the surfboard ad.43 For women who have already experienced
some form of heart disease, the drugs may offer slight reduc-
tions in the risk of future heart problems, lowering the chances
over five or so years from 18 per cent to 14 per cent.44 But there
is no good evidence that the drugs can reduce the chances of a
premature death for women.
For men the situation is a little different. For those who
already have some heart disease, and others at high risk, the
drugs can reduce the chances of further disease and premature
death. The large Heart Protection Study published in the British
journal The Lancet showed that those with heart disease taking a
statin for five years reduced their chances of death from roughly
15 per cent to 13 per cent, and reduced their chances of further
heart attacks and strokes from 25 per cent to 20 per cent.45
For most men who have not already suffered any heart disease
the benefits are not so clear. There are differing views on the
scientific data for this group, with some scientists claiming major
benefits, and others like Harvard’s Abramson arguing there is no
good evidence that the drugs reduce the risk of heart disease or
death in any meaningful way. One recent review of the evidence
suggested that for people who have not experienced any heart
disease, the drugs provided ‘small and clinically hardly relevant
improvement’.46 So in summary, for many otherwise healthy men

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and women, there is no definitive proof that these drugs can

meaningfully contribute to the prevention of an early death.
Yet the suggestion that taking cholesterol-lowering drugs
lowers your chances of an early death has been one of the key
messages promoted far and wide, even in countries where direct
drug advertisements are still banned and mass marketing takes
the form of ‘disease awareness-raising’. The use of the fear of
death to market the statins has provoked outrage from inde-
pendent scientists, consumers and physicians around the world.
The concern is twofold. First, for most of the healthy people
being targeted by this mass marketing, there is no good evidence
that the statins can reduce the chances of an early death. Second,
and more importantly, the promotional focus on cholesterol
takes attention away from other effective and efficient ways to
make life longer and healthier.
In 2003, several officials from the World Health Organi-
zation became so alarmed by some of Pfizer’s ‘awareness-raising’
activities that they wrote a statement denouncing the promotion,
published as a letter in The Lancet.47 The WHO experts were
appalled in particular by an ad that appeared in newspapers and
magazines displaying a corpse in a morgue, along with the
caption: ‘A simple test of blood cholesterol could have avoided
this’. Like a lot of modern pharmaceutical promotion, the ads
were not directly promoting a named drug—but rather they were
attempting to expand the market for drugs by promoting fear—
and offering misleading and distorted information about health
and illness along the way. The ad was supposed to increase public
awareness of heart disease—a widespread health problem related
to many risk factors including smoking, a sedentary lifestyle, an
unbalanced diet, obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes, and high
blood cholesterol. The problem with the ad, according to the

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WHO officials, was that of all the major factors accepted as

risks, ‘only cholesterol is addressed’.
To us, the implication is that smokers, obese individuals, or
those who live a sedentary lifestyle can safely continue to
smoke, remain overweight, or take little exercise, provided they
take medication to reduce their cholesterol values.
The WHO letter went on to argue that the Pfizer-funded
campaign was not ‘accurate, informative, or balanced’. Rather, it
was misleading and likely to induce ‘unjustifiable drug use’. The
letter concluded by stressing the need for health authorities to be
more vigorous in regulating pharmaceutical promotion, and in
producing more independent and balanced health information
to counter it.
The problem here, though, is not just about misleading
information, and the need for people to be better informed.
Promotional campaigns like this are far more pernicious. As
others have observed, saturation selling campaigns promoting
high cholesterol as a major health problem and cholesterol-
lowering drugs as a key solution also affect those charged with
protecting and improving public health.48 The cultural obsession
with ‘lowering the numbers’ keeps the attention of many official
decision-makers narrowly focused on just one small part of the
picture, restricting their ability to more creatively and effectively
fight heart disease.49
The unhealthy obsession with cholesterol has reached the
highest levels of decision-makers around the world, as we have seen
with official US government-backed guidelines recommending
that almost one in four adults should be taking statins. Those
same guidelines recommend that the entire population over twenty
years old—around 200 million people—should have their blood

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cholesterol levels regularly tested.50 Other nations do not yet have

such sweeping recommendations, in part because of questions
about the escalating costs and unnecessary harm that can flow
from the inappropriate treatment of healthy people.
For London-based Dr Iona Heath, the whole idea of pre-
vention is being perverted by pharmaceutical promotion. A
hardworking inner-city general practitioner, and a long-time
official with the Royal College of General Practitioners, Heath
brings a tough, ethical approach to medicine, and she has written
extensively about the link between poverty and ill health. She and
many of her colleagues are becoming increasingly concerned that
there is far too much focus in modern health care on the ‘rich
well’ and not enough on the ‘sick poor’.51
Like Lisa Schwartz and Steve Woloshin across the Atlantic,
British doctors such as Iona Heath are now measured on how
successful they are at lowering the risks of heart disease for their
patients. In the US, the government-funded Veterans Affairs
system formally rates its doctors like Woloshin and Schwartz on
how conscientiously they test and treat the risk factor of high
cholesterol, particularly in people who have already had some
heart disease. In the UK, the government’s National Health
Service has similar arrangements.52 Schemes like this that meas-
ure doctors’ performance do have some benefits, says Heath,
in terms of making sure they take heart disease seriously. But
in her view they also act as strong incentives for the doctors
to prescribe the quick fix—cholesterol-lowering drugs. The
concern in such a system is that with so much focus on lowering
the risks of the well, ‘the needs of the sick can get marginalised’.
Looking more globally, Heath argues that a similar distortion of
priorities is occurring, as billions are being spent to slightly
reduce the risks of future heart disease among the wealthy

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healthy. ‘It’s so tied in with the greed of the rich countries and
the fear of dying—people seem able to deny the reality of death,
right up to the last moment. But getting cholesterol down in the
west, while not treating those dying of AIDS in African nations,
is just obscene.’53
Heath’s concerns about the perversion of prevention are
echoed by Bristol University’s Professor Shah Ebrahim, who
specialises in ageing and heart disease. A believer in prescribing
statins for those who have already had a heart attack, he sees the
benefits for most others as being so small that they do not
warrant ‘making patients out of people like me’—a generally
healthy middle-aged man.54 He says the scientific evidence
suggests the health system should spend less time prescribing
statins to healthy people, and more time getting strict anti-
smoking policies enacted, making sure people have more
opportunities for regular exercise and better access to shops
selling fresh fruit and vegetables. And those sorts of broader
changes, according to Ebrahim, will produce a lot more health
benefits than simply reducing heart disease.
While there is no doubt statins can produce health benefits
for many people, their side effects, in some very rare cases, can be
deadly. All drugs carry downsides and the cholesterol-lowering
medicines are no different. When a drug is being prescribed to a
healthy person—as they often are when the drugs are designed
to prevent illness—those side effects become much more impor-
tant. Yet despite the fact that this category of drug is one of the
biggest-selling classes ever, and people stay on them for years,
their long-term side effects have been very poorly studied. A
recent review of all of the clinical trials of the statins found that
only a third of those trials fully reported on side effects.55 ‘It’s
just a scandal,’ says the normally mild-mannered Ebrahim, who

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is gravely concerned about such a gaping hole in the scientific

evidence, ‘it’s quite remarkable’. From the evidence that has been
collected on side effects, there are at least two very important
ones—though they are extremely rare: a debilitating muscle-
wasting condition call rhabdomyolysis, and liver damage. Yet
with so many millions taking the statins worldwide, even rare
side effects start to mount up.
Reports of sometimes fatal muscle-wasting linked to Bayer’s
statin Baycol, when taken in conjunction with a second drug, led
to a voluntary withdrawal from the market several years ago, and
the company and its insurers have had to put aside more than a
billion dollars to fight or settle thousands of the resulting
lawsuits.56 The company’s view is that it marketed the statin
responsibly, and it is fighting each suit on a case-by-case basis.
Without admitting any wrongdoing Bayer has so far settled
3000 cases, and has another 8000 pending.57
With the newest statin, Crestor, its manufacturer has had to
fight off calls from the consumer watchdog Public Citizen for
the drug’s withdrawal, and there have been ongoing reports that
a very small but increasing number of people taking the pills are
experiencing muscle wastage and in some cases even kidney
failure.58 While conceding that rare cases of muscle wasting and
kidney failure have been linked to Crestor, AstraZeneca main-
tains its drug is just as safe as the other statins and accuses Public
Citizen of causing ‘undue concern’. In early 2005, however, the
company informed regulators that there was a report of a
patient’s death, possibly linked to the drug. 59
In the United States decisions about whether or not a drug
like Crestor should be withdrawn are made by the Food and
Drug Administration (FDA), the government body charged with
assessing the safety and effectiveness of medicines. The FDA is

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well-known around the world, and its decisions can influence

those of many nations. Yet just like the doctors, the patient
groups and the professional associations, the FDA itself now
relies on partial funding from the drug companies whose
products it is assessing. A new system of user pays, introduced
in the 1990s, has meant that more than half of the FDA’s drug
review work is now funded directly by the pharmaceutical
industry—a situation similar to that of many nations, including
Australia, Britain and Canada.60 The call to pull Crestor from the
market has been assessed by people who know that some of their
salary—and the salaries of their colleagues—is funded by
AstraZeneca and the other drug giants.
The campaign against Crestor has been led by Dr Sidney
Wolfe, the director of Public Citizen’s Health Research Group.
A six foot two piano-playing intellectual who walks to his
Washington, DC office every morning, Wolfe is one of the most
well-informed, aggressive and influential health advocates in the
world. Despite decades in the business, he continues to be
outraged by what he sees as the unhealthy conflicts of interest
that riddle the global medical establishment, even reaching into
the heart of regulatory agencies like the FDA.
It was Wolfe and his colleagues who decided to make an
example of the conflicts of interest of a senior official at another
public agency, the National Institutes of Health, when he
discovered the extent of Dr Bryan Brewer’s dual role as govern-
ment employee and paid speaker for Crestor’s manufacturer
AstraZeneca. Wolfe wrote to the NIH director raising questions
about Brewer’s links with the company and noted that they
were not disclosed in his influential journal article endorsing
Crestor.61 In response, the NIH director expressed regret that
Dr Brewer’s financial ties with the drug maker were not disclosed,

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but indicated that it was acceptable for senior government

researchers to work for drug companies in their own time.62
Dr Brewer declined a request to be interviewed about the
matter, though in a letter to the NIH director he defended his
public presentations about Crestor as ‘unbiased’.63 And he is
certainly not the only senior NIH researcher to have close finan-
cial ties to the drug industry. Revelations by investigative
journalists and others in recent years have uncovered extensive
conflicts of interest, and ultimately sparked congressional
inquiries.64 At one hearing on Washington’s Capitol Hill, the site
of Congress, committee members expressed dismay at one case
where an NIH researcher had received $430 000 from industry
sources, and another where stock worth almost $2 million had
been held.65 Initially defending some of the links, in late 2004
the NIH unexpectedly announced a moratorium for all scientific
staff on all financial ties with private companies.66
Ironically, even if the industry-funded FDA decided to vigor-
ously investigate the safety questions surrounding Crestor, and it
convened a committee of its advisers to deliberate, the panel
would most likely include physicians with strong financial ties to
statin manufacturers—a conflict of interests endemic within
many of the regulator’s advisory panels, and many of the influ-
ential decision-making bodies across the health care landscape.67
In a bizarre postscript to the controversy over the government’s
cholesterol guidelines, two of the guideline writers have left their
former positions and gone to work for the pharmaceutical
industry, one joining the late Henry Gadsden’s firm, Merck.68
Whatever the future of Crestor and the other statins, or the
prospects for more independent drug regulation and more
unbiased guidelines, there is a growing scepticism about the
selling of high cholesterol and the value of the drugs to treat it.

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In fact, right from the beginning of the cholesterol boom in the

1980s, critical thinkers like investigative journalist and health
researcher Thomas Moore have been exposing the weaknesses in
the arguments of those who would seem to welcome statins
in the drinking water.69 Similarly, researchers like Lisa Schwartz
and Steve Woloshin, and their colleagues from Dartmouth,
have developed international standing for promoting a more
informed and sceptical approach to the risks and benefits of all
therapies, and for raising concerns that expanding disease defi-
nitions put us all in danger of becoming patients unnecessarily.
Perhaps the biggest obstacle to a more rational debate about
cholesterol, heart disease, or any other health problem, is the
simple fact that too many of the people we turn to for advice on
such matters—our doctors—are tied to the makers of drugs.
Sometimes those ties involve several hundred thousand dollars a
year, sometimes just a few warm doughnuts.

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Depression

T he aroma of fresh baking wafts from Michael Oldani’s car

as the door swings open and he jumps out to open the
trunk. He lifts out a carton of free drug samples and stacks on
top two other boxes, all of them festooned with stickers bearing
the name of a popular antidepressant. As one of an army of
80 000 detailers working as sales representatives for drug compa-
nies in the US, Oldani had started his morning bearing the most
beguiling of gifts—warm doughnuts.1
With his jet-black hair and dark Italian good looks, Oldani
was at the time making daily forays to the front-line of physi-
cians’ offices, wielding the industry’s weapons of mass seduction:
food, flattery, friendship—and lots of free samples.2 His
primary goal was maximising the sales of his company’s anti-
depressant, but a key strategy to achieve it was selling a certain

Note: The drugs discussed in this chapter have different names in

some countries. For example, Paxil is Aropax in Australia and
Seroxat in the UK. Zoloft is called Lustral in the UK.

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view of depression. For almost two decades, Oldani and thou-

sands like him have helped instill and reinforce the notion that
depression is a widespread psychiatric disease most likely due to
a chemical imbalance in the brain, best fixed with a modern
group of drugs called selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, or
SSRIs, that includes Prozac, Paxil, and Zoloft.3 Their work has
paid off handsomely: in some countries prescriptions for these
pills more than tripled through the 1990s, making antidepres-
sants one of the top-selling categories of drugs, and generating
combined sales of more than $20 billion for their makers.4
Drug company spending on sales representatives and their
free samples is the biggest component of the roughly $25 billion
dollars now outlaid annually in the United States for promotion,
and it is the foundation of the global web of financial entangle-
ment between the industry and the profession.5 What starts
with doughnuts for the doctors ends with lavish banquets for
thought-leaders in five-star hotels. And at every opportunity, it
is not just drugs being sold, but very particular views of disease.6
As specialists in mental illness remind us, the idea that depres-
sion is caused by a deficiency of the brain chemical serotonin is
in fact just one scientific view among many—and a simplistic
and outdated one at that.7 But it is a theory kept very much alive
by the massive marketing machinery that starts with the morning
deliveries of pharmaceutical company sales representatives.
After a major change of heart, and career, Michael Oldani is
now working on his PhD in anthropology at Princeton, where he
is trying to make sense of the interactions between drug detailers
and doctors. The detailers who succeed in such a competitive en-
vironment are, he explains, ‘masters at establishing trust, forging
alliances, and acquiring commitments through the sharing of
information and the giving of oneself.’8 Human beings have a

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natural tendency to want to repay kindness, and the best way

doctors can do that is by prescribing the products that the detail-
ers are pushing.9 For Oldani, these two-way relationships become
highly personal, and ‘business transactions per se, are never
conducted . . . never witnessed’. Though these intimate dealings
are largely hidden from public view, they are highly effective for
those bankrolling them.
Contacts between detailers and doctors tend to lead to
less rational prescribing habits, yet many physicians deny they
are being influenced.10 Research suggests doctors exposed to
company reps are more likely to favour drugs over non-drug
therapy, and more likely to prescribe expensive medications when
equally effective but less costly ones are available.11 Researchers
have even suggested there is an association between the dose and
response: that is, the more contact between doctors and detailers
the more doctors latch on to the ‘commercial’ messages as
opposed to the ‘scientific’ view of a product’s value.12
In the case of the new antidepressants, the gap between the
commercial messages and the scientific view has become fright-
eningly wide, with the benefits of these drugs far more modest,
and risks far more serious, than a decade of promotion has
suggested.13 According to independent analysis of the clinical
trials—almost all of which have been funded by their manufac-
turers—on average the advantages of these antidepressants over
placebo or dummy pills are modest at best, yet their side effects
can include sexual problems, severe withdrawal reactions and an
apparent increase in the risk of suicidal behaviour among the
young.14 Somewhat ironically, part of the marketing of these
new antidepressants has played directly on fears that suicide
could result if a young person’s depression was left untreated.15
While many doctors and researchers believe the drugs do indeed

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prevent suicide for some people, the available evidence suggests

that the children and adolescents who take these medications are
likely increasing their risks of suicidal thinking and behaviour.16
Importantly, the scientific evidence doesn’t point to an increase
in actual suicide, rather, suicidal thinking and behaviour.

As the clouds and mist of an early May morning swirl around

the rooftops of Manhattan, thousands of psychiatrists stream
into a giant mid-town convention centre to learn about the lat-
est in scientific developments, at the annual congress of the
American Psychiatric Association, the APA. On their way in they
couldn’t have missed the massive billboards advertising the
meeting, adorned with the name of one of the congress’s key
sponsors, Pfizer, the maker of the world’s top-selling anti-
depressant, Zoloft. Inside the cathedral-like convention centre
the first port of call for the swarming visitors is the gigantic
exhibit hall, which offers a surreal trip inside the entangled world
of drug company-funded psychiatry.
The first display inside the exhibit hall is Pfizer’s. It’s still
early on a Sunday morning, the five-day conference has only just
opened, yet already hundreds of doctors are lining up at the
stalls like eager kids at a carnival, filling out forms and entering
their names into competitions in the hope of winning tiny
trinkets and treats. At one booth, the prize on offer is a simple
laser pointer, but the excitement runs high nevertheless. It’s circus
time and working the crowds like well-dressed ringleaders are
dozens of friendly and efficient salespeople. ‘Very nice meeting
you,’ says one, politely.
Psychiatry’s intimate relationship with the pharmaceutical
industry has become notorious. When the former New England

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Journal of Medicine editor Dr Marcia Angell published her

famous editorial ‘Is Academic Medicine for Sale?’, it was this
group of specialists that she chose to illustrate her point.17 She
wrote that when journal staff were searching for an experienced
and independent psychiatrist to write a review article about
antidepressants, they had great difficulty finding one, because
only ‘very few’ in the entire United States were free of financial
ties to the drug makers.
The psychiatrists’ industry-sponsored annual congress has
similarly become legendary.18 In 2004, drug companies paid
around $2000 for each tiny 10 foot × 10 foot (3 metres ×
3 metres) square of real estate in the gargantuan exhibit hall.19
But not only did companies pay for space for their stalls, they
actually sponsored over 50 scientific sessions throughout the
week-long congress. The APA will not confirm how much the
organisation charges companies for the privilege of sponsoring
a symposium, but it has been reported to be tens of thousands
of dollars per session.20
For the psychiatrists attending, the sponsorship created an
orgy of culinary indulgence, because somehow the industry-
funded symposia always seemed to coincide with meal times. At
the New York congress psychiatrists learnt about bipolar disorder
at a breakfast session in the Marriott Marquis Hotel courtesy of
Lilly, the makers of Prozac.21 At a lunchtime session in the
Grand Hyatt sponsored by Paxil manufacturer GSK, delegates
were educated about maternal depression.22 And for the dinner
symposia, the conscientious doctors heard about generalised
anxiety disorder in the Grand Ballroom of the Roosevelt, thanks
to Pfizer.23 Welcome to the modern world of medical science.24
Not all psychiatrists have stayed seated on the gravy train.
The Harvard-trained psychiatrist Dr Loren Mosher caused a stir

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a few years ago when he quit his professional association in

disgust. An APA member for nearly three decades, Mosher
said at the time that in his view, ‘psychiatry has been almost
completely bought out by the drug companies’ and that he, for
one, did not want to be a ‘drug company patsy’.25 He counselled
that the APA and other groups like it around the world were
doing a serious disservice to human health care and urged them
to ‘get real about money, politics and science. Label each for what
it is . . . that is, be honest.’
What irked Loren Mosher most was not the unholy alliance
per se, but the corrosive effect he believed this alliance was having
on the practice of psychiatry. He was horrified by what he saw
as the narrowing focus on drug therapies, making physicians
everywhere less able to ‘understand whole persons in their social
contexts’. Because he saw a more noble cause for psychiatry,
beyond the mere technical role of realigning patients’ neuro-
transmitters—including serotonin—he said he could no longer
stand by while his profession condoned the ‘widespread use and
misuse of toxic chemicals’.
Mosher’s voice is by no means the only one critical of the close
links with industry and the narrowed focus on chemical causes
and chemical solutions. University of Wales psychiatrist, Dr
David Healy, is a specialist in the history of psychiatric drugs, a
practising clinician who prescribes antidepressants to his patients,
and an occasional consultant for several drug companies. In recent
years, with many articles, books and media appearances under his
belt, he has emerged as a leading critic of the way pharmaceutical
marketing is shaping our perceptions of illness.26
Healy maintains that early theories suggesting that a serotonin
imbalance causes depression have not been verified by later
research. While acknowledging a role for biological causes, Healy

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argues that the serotonin theory has been overplayed in order to

help sell the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor drugs, including
Prozac, Paxil and Zoloft. It’s been overplayed because companies
realise it makes ‘wonderful marketing copy’ he says.27 ‘It’s the kind
of thing that a GP [family physician] can use when they’re trying
to persuade a person to have pills.’ It’s also the kind of rationale
that drug reps like Michael Oldani can use to persuade physicians
to use their products. ‘They’re trying to get us to think a particular
way,’ Healy says. ‘They are trying to get us doctors to see the
illnesses that we will then see in you, the patients, and the sales
of their product will then follow . . . I consume, by putting pills
in your mouth, and you’re the one who’s going to have to suffer
the consequences of things if they go wrong.’28
While the industry’s marketing might help to narrow the focus
on to chemical causes and chemical solutions, it also helps to
promote wide estimates of how many people are affected by
mental disorders like depression. Over the past decade many of
us have heard repeatedly that perhaps a third of the population
suffers with a mental illness. A major source for that figure was a
survey of Americans conducted in the early 1990s, which claimed
to have found that in any given year, 30 per cent of people had a
mental disorder.29 While the figure may sound so absurdly high
as to be laughable, it has been widely cited around the world, in
marketing and elsewhere, and it has helped build the impression
of untold millions being undiagnosed and untreated.30
One of those who thought the figure sounded a little on the
high side was psychiatrist Dr William Narrow, at the time working
for the government-funded National Institutes of Health in the
US. He and his colleagues started taking a closer look at exactly
how the survey results had been put together. What they found was
that a lot of the people classified by the survey researchers as having

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a ‘mental disorder’ did not have a ‘clinically significant’ disorder. In

other words, they most likely didn’t have a disorder that warranted
treatment.31 When Narrow started to separate out those who had
a ‘clinically significant’ disorder from those who didn’t, a very differ-
ent picture emerged.
In 2002, Narrow and his colleagues published a scientific
paper called ‘Revised Prevalence Estimates of Mental Disorders
in the United States’.32 Reading between the polite lines of
academic language in the paper, the findings of the original
survey were being well and truly questioned. The orthodoxy that
one-third of people were mentally ill with depression and other
psychiatric disorders was being directly challenged. The widely
quoted estimates were dramatically revised downwards, slashing
the total rate of those supposedly suffering a mental disorder in
any given year from 30 per cent to less than 20 per cent.
In the revised estimates, the proportion of people said to
be suffering major depression was virtually halved from 10 per
cent to under 5 per cent. Most importantly, Narrow and his
colleagues argued that because of problems and limitations with
the methods of the original survey, it was likely the true rates of
disorders were significantly lower still.33 The bottom line was
that a lot of people with mild problems had been included in
those original estimates, which as a result were highly inflated.
‘When you’re trying to get visibility, one way to do that is to
shock people with big numbers,’ says Narrow, speculating on why
the original survey researchers chose to publish such extraordi-
narily large figures.34 Asked whether he thought the original
figures were fundamentally misleading, he said, ‘I’m going to
reserve judgment on that.’ A practising psychiatrist, Narrow says
one of his key motivations is to make sure that people who need
help get it. But there is a real danger, he says, that by including

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the millions of people with mild problems in your estimates of

mental illness, you risk losing public support for treating those
people who have real disorders.
Dr Ron Kessler, the lead researcher of the original survey,
concedes that it’s hard to believe 30 per cent of people suffer a
mental disorder, but he sticks by his findings, and rejects William
Narrow’s revision as simply wrong. Kessler, a Harvard professor
of health care policy, argues that even those with mild forms of
mental disorders like depression have a higher risk of killing
themselves than others, and should therefore be treated—
however you want to label them.35 ‘If you don’t want to call mild
problems disorders, then don’t. Let’s just say mild disorders are
not disorders. Let’s call them risks if you want to, but whatever
the case—let’s treat them. We have to keep them on our radar
screens because it’s an area of human suffering that we should be
thinking of doing something about. I like the idea of calling it a
disorder because it keeps it in front of our eyes as something we
need to keeping working on.’36
Kessler’s estimates of widespread mental disorders are of
course music to the ears of drug marketers and while his original
survey was govenment funded, now companies regularly court
him. While he does not work as a paid adviser or speaker—finan-
cial ties many other senior researchers accept with relish—he has
taken funds from several companies to help support his ongoing
survey work—most recently from Lilly, GSK and Pfizer—the
makers of the world’s three top-selling antidepressants.37
One of Kessler’s latest studies involved surveys in fourteen
nations, conducted between 2001 and 2003. The massive project
was funded by many public and private organisations, including
Lilly, GSK, and the Pfizer foundation, though the surveys were
run at arm’s length from the sponsors.38 The findings reveal some

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extraordinary differences between countries. Despite the criti-

cisms from Narrow and others, this international survey declared
that in any given year 26 per cent of people in the United States
still meet the criteria that defines them as having a mental
disorder. In Mexico, the number was 12 per cent, in China and
Japan 9 per cent, and in Italy 8 per cent. Yet, of those he classi-
fied as having a mental disorder, many were in fact ‘mild’ cases
according to the definitions Kessler and colleagues were using. In
the US, more than one-third were mild cases, meaning they may
not even warrant treatment—depending, of course, whether you
listen to William Narrow or Ron Kessler.
On the issue of what’s commonly called ‘unmet need’ the
latest Kessler study also offered fascinating, though somewhat
contradictory, new insights. It found that around half of those
classified as having a serious disorder were not getting the medical
treatment they needed. In other words here was evidence of
undertreatment. Yet the international study also found that at
least half of the people who were receiving treatment may not in
fact have needed it. The write-up of the study, published in the
Journal of the American Medical Association by Kessler and colleagues,
stated that ‘either the majority or a near majority of people in
treatment in each country are either noncases or mild cases’.39
The global obsession with ‘unmet need’—a notion that is
constantly pushed by doctors and drug companies as the justifi-
cation for aggressive drug marketing—may well be helping to
create a strange new phenomenon: ‘met un-need’.40
One educational program that strongly promoted the idea
of ‘unmet need’ was run in Australia in the 1990s.41 Groups of
general practitioners attending ‘continuing medical education’
events were told that a third of people who walked into their
surgeries were suffering a mental illness—and they were urged to

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be more aggressive in their detection and treatment of depres-

sion. Like a lot of medical education, the program was part
sponsored by a drug company. The response to questions about
the obvious conflict of interests, where a company making anti-
depressants was part funding doctors’ educational programs
about depression, was that it was in everyone’s interest to increase
the numbers of people being treated, whether with psychologi-
cal therapies or drugs.42
Those educational seminars were in fact part of a much bigger
project attempting to raise awareness among Australian doctors
and the public about depression, funded in part by Bristol-Myers
Squibb, the makers of an antidepressant called Serzone. Funding
also came from state and federal governments. In turn, this
project was just one of many similar programs to ‘educate’
doctors, funded generously by the makers of the other anti-
depressants throughout the 1990s. The programs reaped major
benefits for their private sponsors. The volume of antidepressant
prescriptions in Australia tripled between 1990 and 2000.43
Among the young, aged 15–24, the rates increased tenfold.44
One of the key components of the Bristol-Myers Squibb
funded educational program was a simple screening test—a
checklist of questions—designed to be used by family doctors
to diagnose whether their patients had a mental disorder. Yet this
test was so broad, it classified 49 per cent of people as having a
‘mental disorder’—roughly one-half of that 49 per cent having
what was described as a ‘Level 1’ disorder and the other half
having a less serious ‘Level 2’ disorder.45 While this is clearly
good news for Bristol-Myers Squibb and other drug makers, the
figures may appear to dispassionate observers as absurdly inflated
estimates that would immediately raise questions about a poten-
tially flawed test.

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In fact, researchers from the Monash Medical Centre in

Melbourne later rigorously examined that screening test, and
pointed to major problems. According to their calculations, the
majority of people diagnosed in this test as having a mental
disorder most likely did not have one at all.46 There are obvious
dangers when well-intentioned doctors use tests that may falsely
classify many people as sick—not only is there a potential for
inappropriate labelling, but also the potential to expose relatively
healthy people to the side effects of potent medicines. It is a
danger the Monash researchers themselves highlighted.
Labelling a significant number of people who are not depressed
as ‘probably depressed’ might reasonably be considered a
potential harm. We do not want to replace a situation of under-
recognition with one of over-recognition, neither being of
benefit to the patient.
These heavily promoted antidepressants have serious side
effects. As it turned out, the side effects associated with Bristol-
Myers Squibb’s antidepressant Serzone were considered so serious
it was withdrawn from the market around the world following
evidence linking it to hepatitis and even liver failure in some
patients. The company however explained the withdrawal was for
commercial rather than safety reasons.47 As for Prozac, Paxil and
Zoloft, it is well-known they can cause serious sexual difficulties
including problems achieving orgasm.48 With Paxil, perhaps as
many as 25 per cent of those prescribed the drug have problems
getting off it because of worrisome withdrawal symptoms. But
most serious of all have been revelations that the drugs appear to
increase the risk of suicidal behaviour and thinking among
children and adolescents, discovered only after health authori-
ties—under pressure from consumer activists and others—

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demanded to see the complete set of company-funded trials, some

of which had been buried deep inside drug company archives.49
These revelations came at a time when the prescriptions of these
medicines to children were rising dramatically.50 In 2002, there
were more than 10 million scripts written for people under
eighteen for the three top antidepressants in the US alone.51
So vociferous was the public outcry about the issue of
suicidal behaviour that even the industry-friendly FDA was
forced to convene meetings of its advisers to investigate. The
first of two historic public meetings was held in February 2004,
at the Holiday Inn in Bethesda on the outskirts of Washington,
DC. ‘Our daughter Julie had been excited about college and had
scored 1300 in her SATs,’ Tom Woodward told the FDA
advisers soon after the hearings began. A few weeks after her
final school exams, following what her parents describe as a
normal bout of teenage troubles, Julie was diagnosed with
depression and prescribed Zoloft. After a week on the drug she
went into the family garage and hung herself.52 ‘Instead of
picking out colleges for our daughter, my wife and I had to pick
out a cemetery plot for her,’ Woodward said, his voice full of
sadness and anger. ‘Instead of looking forward to visiting Julie
at school, we now visit her grave.’
The causes of any individual case of suicide are almost always
highly complex, and disentangling the role of any underlying
disease from the effects of a drug is a difficult task. In Julie’s
case, while her parents have strong beliefs about the cause of
their daughter’s suicide, at the time of writing there has been no
investigation into her state of health before death, or the poten-
tial role of the drug. Yet her story was one of many presented at
the all-day hearing in Bethesda that helped focus the attention of
the drug regulator on the potential harms of these widely

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prescribed antidepressants. Summing up a growing sense of

unease among the expert advisers who had listened to Julie’s
parents and many others, Professor Mark Hudak from the
University of Florida urged the FDA to take action to protect
children with milder health problems from being treated with
potent medications.
If they are clearly very ill, anything that can be done should be
done. But for a lot of the people who spoke this morning . . .
the picture that was presented of their child or someone they
knew, was not someone who was very, very ill, it was someone
who had relatively minor type findings, put on these drugs with
terrible consequences.53
Ultimately, the regulator’s analysis of all of the company trials in
children and adolescents, including the unpublished trials, would
suggest that the drugs on average increased the risk of suicidal
behaviour and thinking from 2 per cent to 4 per cent. In other
words, according to a summary of the trial results, 2 per cent of
those taking a placebo experienced suicidal thoughts or behav-
iours. Of those taking the antidepressants, 4 per cent did.54 The
trials showed no increase in cases of actual suicide.
What’s more, for almost all the drugs, except Prozac, there
was no evidence from the clinical trials in children that the anti-
depressants worked any better at relieving depression than a
placebo or dummy pill. British authorities moved in late 2003 to
try to stop the drugs being prescribed to children.55 A year later
authorities in the US demanded that companies add a ‘black box’
warning to antidepressant labels—more than a decade after the
drugs had first appeared on the market.56 A strongly worded
‘black box’ warning is one that appears on all prescribing infor-
mation, and is the toughest form of safety warning available. For

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Tom and Kathy Woodward, no matter how tough, the warnings

were simply too late.
At the time when the middle-class couple had been consider-
ing drug therapy for their daughter’s emotional difficulties, no one
told them of the potential risk of suicidal behaviour.57 For Tom
Woodward, his daughter’s death highlights what he sees as a gross
failure of regulation, made worse by the fact that the FDA relies
on industry funds for much of its drug review work. ‘These drugs
are being prescribed like candy,’ says Woodward. ‘They’re being
given for practically everything, it seems today, and the conse-
quences are frightening.’ A long-time Republican, Woodward has
become a grassroots activist exposing what he sees as the pharma-
ceutical industry’s unhealthy influence over the US Congress and
the White House, and a campaigner for much tougher and more
independent drug regulation.58 ‘We’re going to try to reach out to
as many people as we can, tell our story and try to spread the
word, so people can make informed decisions. If they think there
is some value to these drugs, so be it. But go in with your eyes
open, understanding what the downside is. ’Cause the downside
could be very great.’59
Like Tom Woodward, London general practitioner Dr Iona
Heath is concerned that too many people with ordinary life ex-
periences are being too quickly offered a label and a drug. She is
particularly worried by simple screening checklists and question-
naires that ask people if they have been feeling sad, blue, unhappy
or down in the dumps—the sort of questions to which many of us
might answer yes. Heath stresses that while it is important for
doctors to be diagnosing and treating genuine mental illness, these
kinds of screening tests are so broad they may wrongly label healthy
people as sick in too many instances. She points out that much
depression will be relatively mild and can pass within a matter of

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months, yet according to some estimates millions of people are

prescribed these antidepressants for several years or more.60
Dr Heath says that what is important is for physicians to take
time to listen to patients, many of whom in her view don’t want
to have their complaints reduced to a simple problem with levels
of serotonin in the brain. She sees many sources of emotional
distress in her daily work, including people experiencing serious
pain, the loss of a loved one, a job under threat, an abusive
partner, or a damp, overcrowded and dangerous home.61 Many
people struggle to make sense of their suffering and many people
develop the skills to cope.
Heath, who works with the Royal College of General
Practitioners as well as the British Medical Journal, rejects the ‘pill-
for-every-ill’ model, where the patient is characterised as ‘broken’
and the physician is there to ‘fix’ him or her. Instead, she sees the
interaction with her patients as part of a much richer relation-
ship. Her goal is to come to mutual agreement on the extent to
which a person may want to see their difficulties as a medical
problem that might require treatment. And if treatment is called
for, she draws from a very large bundle of solutions, including
medications and talking therapies, for which there is good
evidence of effectiveness.62 She will sometimes suggest people
write things down or tell stories about their suffering and
distress, and she might even recommend dancing classes or
doing more exercise—strategies not as heavily promoted as the
biochemical approaches pushed by company detailers.
Studies in several nations show that roughly 80 per cent of
doctors still regularly see drug detailers, though GPs like Dr Iona
Heath and Canadian Dr Warren Bell do not.63 A family phys-
ician in Salmon Arm, a small rural town in the interior of British
Columbia, Bell grimaces as he talks about the early flattery and

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friendship offered to him by the company detailers when he was

a young intern. ‘I was basically offended, deeply offended by the
fact that people would be nice to me not because of who I was,
but because of the role I play in society. I think it was my first
contact with people who were treating me as a political entity
rather than a person. It really did irritate me.’64
What Bell did as soon as he started practising medicine in
the community was cut himself off from the drug industry’s
marketing, completely. He has no logos in his office, and has never
seen a drug salesperson, ever, in his 27 years of medicine. He
chuckles at the thought of his colleagues ‘bemused and hopelessly
imprisoned within the world of pharmaceutical bafflegab . . . even
quite intelligent, quite knowledgeable people can’t step beyond it,
because they’re in this sea of drug company logos’.65
Bell and Heath aren’t the only ones who have disentangled
themselves from the influences of drug company marketing. The
New York based group No Free Lunch has been running a
global campaign along those lines for some time, featuring its
slogan ‘Just say no to drug reps’ and its high-profile ‘pen amnesty’
that encourages doctors to send back their drug company pens
and other paraphernalia.66 The activist group has already enjoyed
some considerable success. Inspired in part by No Free Lunch,
a few years ago the 50 000-strong American Medical Student
Association mounted its own ‘PharmFree’ campaign calling for
an end to all forms of free lunch.67
Back at the American Psychiatric Association congress in
New York, it seems No Free Lunch is yet to have a big impact.
Tonight the psychiatrists are scheduled to listen to a thought-
leader in the Sheraton’s Imperial Ballroom tell them about
anxiety disorders.68 Cultivating a stable of thought-leaders is
a key part of the industry’s marketing strategies, whether for

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depression or any other condition. The quality of that stable

depends a lot on the groundwork of drug reps like Michael
Oldani, who would often assess a young doctor’s potential for
influencing his peers, first-hand, as part of his daily rounds.
Promising prospects might be singled out by a detailer as a
potential thought-leader, and then given some small speaking
assignments to test them out. Later, if they’ve proven their worth,
they might be paid to speak regularly in small local settings about
the latest new drug in the pipeline. With a bit of luck the thought-
leader could eventually find themselves on a drug company’s
‘speaker’s bureau’ earning thousands of dollars for making presen-
tations to their international peers about the latest new disease, at
high-profile events like the APA congress in New York.
So important are the alliances with thought-leaders that some
marketing firms actually calculate the ‘return on investment’ a
drug company can reap from these sorts of presentations.69 A
thought-leader’s performance can be tracked by secretly measur-
ing the impact of their messages on the prescribing patterns of
those being ‘educated’. Oldani remembers from his time in the
industry that the best spokespeople were those who appeared to
deliver a balanced message—never crudely cheerleading for a
drug. Attendees at such educational or scientific sessions would
never know they were being marketed to. The most accomplished
of his thought-leaders—or ‘product champions’ as they are also
known within the industry—could really work the crowd, and
‘sell without selling’.70
By any objective analysis, one of the reasons the SSRI anti-
depressants were embraced by prescribing doctors so fulsomely
all over the world for so long was because the hard work of
detailers like Oldani was backed with the credibility of psy-
chiatrist thought-leaders in the pay of the drug makers. When

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comparing the scientific reality of these drugs’ modest benefits

and serious harms against the enthusiastic marketing messages
espoused for more than a decade, many within psychiatry must
today feel a sense of shame. And while their specialty may be
more entangled than most, the same web of financial ties exists
across virtually the entire medical landscape. When it comes to
educating doctors with doughnuts, few medical specialties have
been left behind.
For a condition like depression, trying to separate the market-
ing from the science has not always been easy, because many
people do suffer with genuine mental disorders, many can
be helped greatly with medications, and many with serious
problems are not getting the treatments they need. Moreover,
many of the doctors working closely with the drug companies
are highly motivated to act in the best interest of patients—and
their ties with industry may reflect a shared professional interest
rather than an inappropriate commercial relationship. And com-
plicating matters even further is the ongoing argument over
what is ‘unmet need’ and what is ‘met un-need’ in relation to
depression and other mental illness.
Sometimes, however, the most natural and normal processes
of life are being sold as medical conditions to be treated with
drugs. And sometimes that marketing is made even more
powerful and effective by the intangible magic of celebrity
selling.

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Working with celebrities

Menopause

he summer of 2002 brought good and bad news for Lesa

T Henry, the busy public relations chief at the drug company
Wyeth, and the woman helping to market one of the best-selling
drug regimes of all time—hormone replacement therapy. The
good news was that she’d just picked up an advertising industry
award for her work using celebrities to promote drugs, and she’d
been named one of the top 25 marketers of the year. The bad
news was that scientists had just discovered long-term use of
hormone replacement therapy was doing women more harm
than good.1
In the world of drug marketing, Wyeth’s Lesa Henry is seen
as well ahead of the game. She was one of the first to recognise
the value of celebrities for ‘educating consumers’ about health
conditions, and the drugs that go with them.2 One of Wyeth’s
major coups had been hiring supermodel Lauren Hutton to
help raise public awareness about a ‘health condition’ otherwise
known as the menopause—the time in a woman’s life when her

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periods, and her fertility, come to an end. Hutton’s famous face

has fronted a massive marketing campaign promoting both
the ‘dangers’ of the menopause, and the ‘promise’ of Wyeth’s
hormone pills. As director of communications within the com-
pany’s Women’s Healthcare division, Henry was leading the way
for the industry, according to the judges who gave her the award,
‘in appropriately using celebrity spokespersons in an innovative,
results-oriented communications effort’.
Celebrities have become central figures in drug company
campaigns to change the way we think about the common
ailments of life. Baseball stars help transform fears about sexual
performance into pills for sexual dysfunction, and football
heroes now help sell shyness as a symptom of a mental illness.
For their trouble the stars are paid anything from $20 000
to $2 million, yet the exact size of these pay cheques are well-
kept secrets.3 What’s more, many of the talk shows and the
tabloids will portray these celebrities as being engaged in worth-
while ‘awareness-raising’ activities, while making no mention of
the fat fees flowing to the stars behind the scenes. One of the
most cynical campaigns of all has been Wyeth’s attempt to
inflame fears about the menopause at the same time as scientists
have been documenting the dangers of the company’s meno-
pause drugs. The supreme irony is that hormone replacement
therapy, after finally being properly studied, would ultimately
be shown to cause some of the very health problems it was
supposed to prevent.
A milestone in the campaign to ‘educate’ consumers about
menopause was a cover story in 2000 in Parade, the weekly
magazine inserted into newspapers across the United States.4
Seen by an estimated 70 million Americans every Sunday, it is
arguably one of the most widely read magazines on the planet,

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and a cover story here is a marketer’s dream.5 Photographed with

two other beaming celebrities, the sexy Hutton adorned the
Parade cover along with the headline, ‘Live Longer, Better, Wiser:
This year’s indispensable guide for every one of us’. Blurring the
lines between news and advertising, Hutton not only appeared
on the magazine cover and in its main article, she also featured
as the centrepiece of a Wyeth advertisement in the same issue—
talking about the consequences of ‘estrogen loss’ at menopause.
The Wyeth advertisement detailed a horrifying list of what
apparently lies ahead for women after the menopause: Alzhei-
mer’s disease, heart attacks, colon cancer, cataracts, teeth loss,
night sweats, vaginal dryness, bone fractures and more. ‘Talk to
your doctor,’ urged Hutton’s reassuring image, ‘because the more
you know about menopause and its associated estrogen loss, the
more you’ll want to take an active interest in your health.’
Just a few pages away from the advertisement was an article
called ‘Celebrities Reveal Their Secrets’, where the 55-year-old
supermodel and health advocate shared her tips for feeling good
and looking fabulous. First she praised the virtues of apples,
fish, pasta and yoga. Then came the most important part of
Hutton’s message. ‘My No. 1 secret is estrogen,’ she said. ‘It’s
good for your moods, it’s good for your skin. If I had to choose
between all my creams and makeup for feeling and looking
good, I’d take the estrogen.’ US FDA regulations forbid Wyeth
executives from making such one-sided claims about the com-
pany’s hormone drugs in their advertising, with no mention of
side effects, yet their paid celebrity is apparently not under the
same FDA constraints.
Selling menopause as a fearful time of hormone loss lays the
groundwork for selling the promise of hormone replacement. As
the industry magazine DTC Perspectives rightly recognised when it

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anointed Lesa Henry one of the top marketers of the year: using
celebrities brings results. And Lauren Hutton is not the only star
in the Wyeth stable. Soul diva Patti LaBelle and actress Cheryl
Ladd have also been on the payroll.6 Not surprisingly, Lesa
Henry won that same industry award a second time round, the
following year.7
Wyeth strongly defends the use of celebrities, arguing that the
women are prompted to participate in educational programs
because of their own experiences, and their desire to share those
experiences with other women. In relation to the awards, a Wyeth
spokesperson said the company was pleased when employees are
recognised for their professional achievements.8
‘These campaigns are extremely effective in reaching con-
sumers,’ says celebrity-broker Amy Doner Schachtel. Working
from her office in New Jersey, the attractive former drug
company public relations expert has moved to the leading edge
of medical marketing.9 Sometimes juggling two phones at once,
she connects high-profile celebrities with big-name drug compa-
nies keen to educate the public about common conditions. ‘Just
one segment on a national talk show, or one print article in a
major newspaper can tremendously impact patients’ decisions
to seek treatment,’ she says. The goal of these company-funded
celebrity campaigns, as she stresses repeatedly, is to drive patients
into doctors’ offices to seek treatment. Schachtel has helped find
celebrities to raise awareness about irritable bowel syndrome,
depression and social anxiety disorder. She’s worked with West
Wing heart-throb Rob Lowe, country singer-songwriter Naomi
Judd and television mega-star Cybill Shepherd. ‘People look up
to celebrities,’ she says, ‘because they trust them.’
Hutton’s role, like that of other celebrities, was not to create
a condition, but rather to help sell a certain perception of one.

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In this case the Wyeth advertisement featuring her was helping

to persuade women that the menopause was not simply a natural
part of life, but rather a condition of ‘estrogen loss’ which
brought an increased risk of deadly and frightening diseases,
and required a visit to a medical doctor. This picture of the
menopause is by no means a new one, but in recent years Wyeth’s
reasons for promoting it have intensified, as the world has learnt
more and more about the dangers of the company’s hormone
pills. By the time of the famous Parade front cover in the year
2000 the preliminary findings were starting to flow from a
massive government-funded study of long-term use of the drugs.
As we would all later learn, the combined form of long-term
hormone replacement therapy—one of the most prescribed
drug therapies ever—was doing more harm than good to the
millions of women around the world who were taking it: slightly
increasing their risks of heart attacks, strokes, blood clots and
breast cancer.10
Promoting a woman’s natural change of life as a medical
condition of ‘estrogen loss’ has a history dating back several
decades at least. And just like today, drug company-backed
celebrities were at the centre of the action. In the mid-1960s,
New York gynaecologist Dr Robert Wilson published the
landmark work Feminine Forever.11 The book’s cover declared a
revolutionary breakthrough: ‘the discovery that menopause is
a hormone deficiency disease, curable and totally preventable’
means that ‘every woman no matter what her age, can safely live
a fully-sexed life for her entire life’. Excerpts were published
in Look and Vogue and it sold 100 000 copies in a matter of
months.12 The book became a bestseller, and Wilson a celebrity
physician. ‘Instead of being condemned to witness the death of
their own womanhood during what should be their best years’,

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said the book’s preamble, ‘they will remain fully feminine—

physically and emotionally—for as long as they live’.
. . . menopause is a hormone deficiency disease, curable and totally
preventable . . .
Feminine Forever, 1966

The central claim of Feminine Forever—and one that echoes

through Hutton’s celebrity scripts almost forty years later—was
that menopause is a condition that requires medical help. It is
a deficiency disease to be fixed with hormone pills. ‘With estrogen
therapy,’ proclaimed Wilson, ‘her rapid physical decline in
post-menopausal years is halted. Her body retains its relative
youthfulness just as a man’s does.’ A host of scientific articles
were used to support Wilson’s claims about the miracle prop-
erties of estrogen. While it was clear the pills could offer
short-term benefits in terms of symptom relief, their long-term
risks and benefits were simply unknown.13
Against the backdrop of the emerging women’s movement of
the 1960s and its language of emancipation, Wilson’s book
argued that his revolutionary view of menopause, and its treat-
ment, was a way of helping to liberate women—particularly
sexually. He attacked a predominantly male medical profession
that had failed to appreciate menopause ‘as a serious physical and
mental syndrome’. By acknowledging the sometimes severe
suffering of his menopausal patients, Wilson firmly aligned
himself with women, standing courageously against the ‘indif-
ference’ of male physicians who dismissed women’s suffering as
simply a state of mind.
Similar charges are regularly levelled against the medical
profession from within the women’s movement. Just like Wilson,
advocacy organisations like the National Women’s Health

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Network criticise clinicians who dismiss the problems experi-

enced by women at midlife as ‘just’ menopause. Echoing his
arguments, the feminist group urges clinicians to be more sensi-
tive to reports of the uncomfortable changes that many women
experience at menopause, and to try to offer remedies for them.14
Yet that same women’s group is scathing about the celebrity
book Feminine Forever, and Wilson’s claims that menopause is a
disease. ‘Menopause has become medicalized’, the group claims.
‘This approach is not useful to women.’15 The Washington, DC
based network is one of the few high-profile consumer outfits in
the US that remains totally independent of pharmaceutical
industry funding and support. Acknowledging the need for
effective remedies for menopausal symptoms, and for good,
accurate information about staying healthy, the group strongly
objects to the view that the normal change of life is a deficiency
disease. ‘Menopause is a natural bodily function, not a disease,
and does not automatically require treatment.’16
Sociologist Susan Bell has traced the medicalisation of meno-
pause back well before the book Feminine Forever—to the 1930s,
when a small group of elite medical specialists started to define
a woman’s change of life as a medical problem and label it as a
deficiency disease.17 Coincidentally, the same group of phys-
icians was researching a new drug called DES—one of the early
synthetic forms of the female hormone estrogen.
According to Bell, there were benefits for women from the
process of thinking about menopause as a medical condition:
complaints of hot flashes (hot flushes), sweats and other symp-
toms were now legitimised and explained by modern medical
science, and in some cases relieved with medical therapies,
instead of being dismissed as figments of women’s imagination.
But for Bell, the downsides of medicalising menopause far

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outweighed the benefits. Once menopause was defined as a

deficiency disease, its treatment with estrogen was not only
legitimate, it became an obligation—a line of thinking that
echoes today with supermodel Hutton urging women to take
an active interest in their health. And many readers will already
have made another connection here. Just as modern long-term
hormone replacement therapy is now being exposed as toxic and
harmful, the 1930s drug DES was ultimately found to be a
dangerous carcinogen linked to birth defects in the daughters of
some of those who took it.18
Both doctors and drug companies have much to gain from the
construction of menopause as a condition that requires treat-
ment and, as occurs with other conditions, elements within the
two groups worked closely together on this one.19 The perfect
illustration is perhaps Feminine Forever—the book that helped sell
to generations of women the idea that they could treat their
disease of deficiency with hormone replacement. What wasn’t clear to
many of those who read the late Dr Wilson’s bestseller was that
his celebrity book tours and his scientific work testing estrogen
were in part sponsored by the drug company that manufactured
the hormones, Ayerst Laboratories, which ultimately became
Wyeth—the same company that sponsored Hutton’s celebrity
selling nearly four decades later.20
While this alliance between parts of the medical profession
and drug companies is sometimes referred to as the ‘menopause
industry’, some writers are keen to point out that the process of
transforming a woman’s change of life into a medical condition is
not part of a dark commercial conspiracy. Rather, there is a
complex interplay of images and ideas back and forth between
society and the world of medicine, fed by deep-seated and wide-
spread anxieties about ageing, femininity and sexuality.21 While

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there may be no conspiracy here, this does not stop critics from
calling for a halt to what they see as medicine encroaching way
too far into ordinary life—and taking too much power away from
ordinary people as a result. Two researchers, Susan Ferguson and
Carla Parry, recently argued there was an urgent need to ‘demed-
icalize the language and experience of menopause’, and describe
and understand it as a natural and healthy process.22
Groups like the National Women’s Health Network see
themselves as doing exactly that—advocating a view of meno-
pause as a natural process, at the same time as exposing the
marketing campaigns that reinforce the idea of a disease of de-
ficiency or loss.23 The group’s director of programs and policy is
Harvard graduate Amy Allina—a strong critic of the marketing
of menopause.24 She says Wyeth’s campaign featuring Hutton
‘plays off the celebrity worship in this country’. Allina boasts an
extraordinary collection of drug ads including Hutton’s Parade
appearance that come in very handy whenever she speaks publicly
about the way menopause has been sold, and is still being sold to
women. ‘We use the ads to show how drug companies expand the
market for HRT,’ she says. ‘They all promote the idea that there
is something wrong with women’s bodies, there’s something
wrong with getting older, and these drugs are going to fix you.’
‘This wasn’t a change, it was a catastrophe’, says a middle-
aged woman in one ad from a medical magazine of the 1970s.
Another features a large close-up photo of the joyless face of a
very depressed woman, with three words printed starkly beside
her in bold type: Estrogen Deficient Woman. That ad urges the
physician to Treat Her With Premarin, and Keep Her On
Premarin, the Wyeth drug that would become one of the biggest-
selling pills of all time. Looking over the ads with Allina in her
downtown office, one doesn’t know whether to laugh or cry.

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While company advertisements were urging physicians to

Keep Her On Premarin, early studies were already suggesting
women taking the drugs were at an increased risk of endometrial
cancer. Public controversy over the use of hormones was
growing, and in fact it helped create the very network where Amy
Allina works today, a quarter-century later. Following those
initial cancer findings, a second drug called progestogen (or
progestin) was added to estrogen, to make a combined form of
hormone replacement therapy, sold by Wyeth as the popular
Prempro with the promise of being safer than estrogen alone.
By the late 1980s and into the 1990s millions of women
worldwide would start taking this combination hormone
replacement therapy—or HRT—promoted on the basis of
evidence suggesting that not only could it help relieve symptoms,
but that in the long term it might reduce a woman’s risk of bone
fracture, heart disease, and cognitive decline.25 Essentially HRT
would be seen as the elixir of life.
Much of that evidence was from the beginning weak scien-
tifically, and many of the promises would later prove utterly
false. Yet the fiction that HRT was a panacea was reinforced at
company-sponsored medical meetings and scientific conferences
all over the world, including the international menopause
congress held in Sydney’s famous harbour one springtime in
the mid-1990s.26 Not only did industry heavily sponsor the
congress, individual companies, including Wyeth, were able to
fund almost half of the scientific sessions, just as the maker
of antidepressants helped fund the psychiatrist meeting in
New York. On each afternoon of the four-day conference, the
symposia were all drug company funded, including a Wyeth
session on brain function and hormone replacement therapy. To
help the international delegates understand the latest science

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about menopause they were also offered a sumptuous smor-

gasbord of Sydney social engagements, including trips to the
celebrity landmark the Sydney Opera House and romantic
harbour cruises. Post-congress tours explored the tropical rain-
forest, the Great Barrier Reef, and Uluru.
While some of the thought-leaders at Sydney Harbour that
year were still singing the praises of hormone replacement therapy
for the menopause, and organising or attending conferences spon-
sored by drug makers, others were offering much more sober
assessments of the state of the existing evidence. That same year
as the Sydney conference, two doctors in the United Kingdom
published a letter in a medical journal strongly questioning the
ability of long-term HRT to reduce a woman’s risk of heart
disease, and suggesting much safer options might include more
exercise, a healthier diet and stopping smoking. ‘The menopause
is a normal physiological state’, they wrote, ‘not a disease’.27
At the time of that Sydney meeting, combined hormone
replacement therapy had been widely used since the 1980s, yet it
was not until 1998 that a rigorous top-quality study, called the
HERS trial, actually assessed its long-term risks and benefits.28
Until then, these drugs were being taken by women who were
essentially unwitting participants in a giant uncontrolled global
experiment.
The HERS trial was a particularly significant landmark
because it was among the first of what’s called a randomised
controlled trial of these drugs—the form of study that is now
considered a gold standard in science for evaluating how well a
treatment works. It might sound like an awkward scientific term,
but a randomised controlled trial is a relatively simple yet very
powerful way to test drugs or other treatments.
A group of people are randomly divided into two groups.

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One group is given the drug, and the other group, called the
control group, is given a placebo or dummy pill. Then at the end
of the trial the health of both groups is compared.29 In the
HERS trial, a group of almost 3000 older women who already
had some form of heart disease were randomly divided into
two groups—one group received combined estrogen plus pro-
gestin—HRT—while the control group received a placebo. The
trial was run by researchers at the University of California, San
Francisco, and funded by Wyeth. Its results were startling.
Researchers found that after four years, the group of women
taking the drug had done no better than the group who were
taking the placebo. The drug had failed to prevent any heart
attacks—contrary to a lot of what women had been led to
understand for a decade or more. More worrying still, in the first
year of the study, a slightly higher number of women had
had heart attacks in the group taking hormone replacement
therapy.30 Before this, the studies purporting to show that the
drugs reduced the chance of heart attacks were mainly observational
studies—rather than the more reliable randomised controlled
trials.31 But despite this frightening new evidence about a
popular medicine, coming from a top-quality trial, the HERS
study received remarkably little public attention—and certainly
no celebrity endorsements.32
In fact, rather than focus people’s attention on the important
new scientific findings about HRT’s lack of long-term effective-
ness, in that same year, just a few months before the publication
of the HERS trial results, Wyeth unleashed a worldwide cam-
paign to remind women and their doctors of the dangers of
‘estrogen loss’ at the menopause. Inflaming fears about the
disease would serve to counter what Wyeth marketers knew
would be growing fears about its drugs.

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Wyeth wrote to physicians across the US, not to warn of the

mounting concerns about HRT, but to advise them of a new
patient education campaign designed primarily to ‘educate
women about all the consequences of estrogen loss at meno-
pause, and the different, sometimes serious, effects it can have on
their bodies’.33 The second aim of the campaign, according to
the Wyeth letter, was to encourage women to see their health care
provider ‘to learn more about menopause and . . . estrogen loss’.
The excerpt from the patient education material that was
attached to the letter to doctors featured the sketched image of
a naked woman surrounded by the frightening array of threats
to her health associated with ‘estrogen loss’: Alzheimer’s, heart
attacks, etc . . . virtually the same list that appeared surrounding
the image of supermodel Hutton in the Parade advertisement.
The letter to doctors is important not only because it reveals
Wyeth’s growing commercial need to reinforce public fears about
the menopause, but also because it sheds light on the shared
interests of doctors and drug companies. A well-funded ‘aware-
ness- raising’ campaign that urges women to see their health care
providers about a natural event they will all experience is clearly
going to be good for the business of doctors, as well as drug
companies.
Like many modern marketing campaigns, Wyeth’s new wave
of promotion was global, and eventually reached the shores of
distant Australia around the same time Lauren Hutton was
adorning the front cover of Parade magazine. In Australia the
marketing of menopause at the dawn of the new millennium
would become a textbook case of selling sickness.
At two minutes past two one afternoon in mid-July 2000, a
facsimile arrived at the Sydney newsroom of an influential
national newspaper.34 Like dozens of faxes that arrive in

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newsrooms around the world every day, this one was from a
global public relations firm, advising journalists of the latest
important piece of health news. This fax was from the
Manhattan-based Hill & Knowlton, announcing the launch of a
new national awareness campaign about menopause ‘devised by a
group of experts’ from the Australasian Menopause Society. As
part of the campaign, the fax explained, the Australian experts
had developed a free information booklet for patients, and a series
of consumer seminars would soon be held around the nation.
This Aussie campaign was no small affair. A week after the fax,
newspapers ran advertisements encouraging women to attend
seminars with medical experts talking about the consequences of
‘estrogen loss’, and what to do about it, at towns and cities across
the country.35 Like the press release, the newspaper ads featured
the name and logo of the Australasian Menopause Society.
What both the faxed release and the newspaper ads failed
to mention was that the US-based Wyeth was funding the
Australian campaign, and it was part of the company’s global
marketing effort to boost sales of HRT—the drug regime soon
to be hit by a hurricane of bad news. Contrary to the suggestions
in the Hill & Knowlton press release, the Australian experts from
the menopause society did not devise the so-called ‘educational
materials’ being distributed to the public. Drafts of the ma-
terials, including the patient information booklet, had come
from Wyeth and its PR team, Hill & Knowlton, before being
revised and signed off by the Australian experts—a fact
admitted months later by the menopause society president.36
At least one of the key images in the supposedly independent
patient information booklet—notably the sketch of the naked
female—was lifted directly from the Wyeth ads running at the
time in the United States. Similarly, it listed the now familiar

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health threats to women at the menopause: Alzheimer’s disease,

heart attacks, and so on. The front page of the booklet featured
the name and logo of the Australasian Menopause Society,
and while Wyeth’s funding was revealed in tiny print on the
back page, its role in developing and distributing the booklet
and orchestrating the wider ‘awareness-raising’ campaign was
not disclosed.
The company-funded patient booklet distributed to Aus-
tralian women in 2000 stressed the many purported ‘dangers’ of
menopause, yet it failed to mention the latest evidence about the
dangers of Wyeth’s HRT. Under the section about the benefits of
HRT, the booklet stated that observational studies suggested the
drugs reduced the risk of heart disease. It did not reveal that one
of the first top-quality randomised controlled trials, the HERS
trial, had suggested the drugs had no such benefit. Yet the
HERS trial results had by then been known for two years.
Similarly, the booklet totally failed to inform women of the well-
proven risk of blood clots associated with the use of these drugs.37
Here was another model example of astro-turfing, the use
of corporate money to try to create the appearance of a grass-
roots campaign. In this case, biased and unbalanced marketing
materials were signed off by so-called Australian experts and
dressed up as independent patient information. Yet again market-
ing masquerading as education. And what’s worse, the web of
company sponsorship was hidden in some of the campaign’s
dealings with the media and the public. Perhaps most impor-
tantly, despite clearly misleading materials being promoted to the
public about one of the biggest-selling drugs of all time, virtu-
ally no one within the medical establishment would bat an eyelid,
and no one within the health authorities would take any action
to hold those responsible accountable.

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What made that campaign even more misleading was that

early findings from the much bigger and far more important
study were by then also ringing alarm bells about HRT. The
timing here is critical. In mid-2000, as Wyeth’s latest wave of
marketing was washing around the world, capturing the front
cover of Parade magazine with its paid celebrity Lauren Hutton
and flooding Australia with supposedly independent materials,
the first frightening findings were already starting to surface
from the enormous randomised controlled trial set up almost a
decade earlier by the US federal government. It was called the
Women’s Health Initiative, and its findings would turn estab-
lished medical wisdom on its head.
The HERS trial, published in 1998, had been conducted
among women who already experienced some form of heart
disease. But the Women’s Health Initiative was the first large,
long-term trial of the hormone drugs among healthy women. And
it was much bigger, involving more than 16 000 women, making
its findings far more relevant to a broad range of women. The
US National Institutes of Health had launched it in the early
1990s, following pressure for such a rigorous trial from women’s
groups like the National Women’s Health Network. The US
taxpayer was funding it and Wyeth was providing the pills.
In early 2000, before Wyeth even kicked off its Australian
campaign, the researchers running that giant Women’s Health
Initiative trial had written an extraordinary letter to the thou-
sands of women taking part. The letter informed them that the
study participants taking the combined version of HRT were in
fact experiencing slightly more ‘heart attacks, strokes and blood
clots’ than those women taking the placebo—or dummy pill.38
This was an historic finding—backing up what the HERS trial
had found two years earlier—and seeming to contradict much of

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what was widely believed within the medical world. The increase
was only slight, and it was hoped that over time, as the trial
continued, it might disappear. But it was still cause for major
concern, given that the drugs were supposed to be reducing
women’s risks, not increasing them. For women taking part in the
trial this must have been alarming news, particularly because as
part of the trial design they were not even aware whether they
were taking the real drugs or the placebo.
Ultimately, those increased risks associated with the drugs did
not disappear. Two years later the trial was stopped early because
hormone replacement therapy was found to be doing more harm
than good. In mid-2002, the first results of the Women’s Health
Initiative were published in the Journal of the American Medical
Association, sparking front-page headlines around the world.39 A
small benefit in terms of reduced risk of fractures and colon
cancer was outweighed by increased risks of heart attack, stroke,
blood clots and breast cancer.40
For every hundred women taking combined hormone
replacement therapy long term, the drugs were causing one extra
serious adverse event—including heart attacks and strokes.41
Rather than preventing heart disease, the drugs were causing it.
Among the older women in the trial, over five years the drugs
doubled the risk of developing ‘probable dementia’, from
roughly 1 per cent to 2 per cent.42 Rather than prevent Alzhei-
mer’s, the drugs appeared to be causing more of it. Apart from
the slight reductions in fractures and colon cancer, the long-term
health benefits of these drugs simply did not exist. The promise
to fix hormone loss with hormone replacement, the very basis of Wyeth’s
award-winning celebrity campaigns, had proved utterly false.
What’s more, the claims that the drugs alleviated many of the
symptoms associated with the menopause—the reason many

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women start therapy—were also thrown into some degree of

doubt when further findings from that same trial were released.
As one part of the huge Women’s Health Initiative, the
researchers had tested how well HRT improved quality of life.
They looked at effects on general health, vitality, mental health,
and sexual satisfaction. After three years of treatment they found
there were ‘no significant benefits in terms of any quality-of-life
outcomes’. However, among a subset of those in the study, the
younger women, aged 50–54, who experienced moderate to
severe symptoms, the drugs offered some benefit with hot flashes
(hot flushes) and sleeping problems.43 Importantly, there is a
strong body of good evidence that these drugs are very effective
in reducing the frequency and severity of hot flashes (hot
flushes) for many women.44
These extraordinary findings have brought a mix of shock
and disbelief, and forced many physicians to face the fact that
their beliefs about the long-term health benefits of hormone
replacement therapy were based on flawed science, and were
sustained in part with the help of celebrity awareness-raising
campaigns funded by the drug makers. However, some company-
funded medical groups have been particularly slow to
acknowledge the new scientific reality. A full two years after the
release of the groundbreaking HERS trial in 1998 that found
no heart benefits for women taking HRT, the influential
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists was still
recommending that women take HRT to ‘reduce the risk of
cardiovascular disease’.45 Similarly, the results of the Women’s
Health Initiative have been criticised by many researchers as
being flawed, despite its rigorous quality and enormous size.
Some observers like Amy Allina believe there has been a
concerted campaign to try to minimise the impact of these two

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important studies on both public understanding and doctors’

prescribing habits. She points out that company-funded medical
groups are trying to suggest the Women’s Health Initiative results
are of limited relevance, particularly to younger women. She
worries that good science is again being undermined by market-
ing. Certainly it is the case that our knowledge about the risks
and benefits of HRT, like all scientific knowledge, is evolving,
and it is important to place the findings of these latest studies in
the context of all the relevant data. But that said, few unbiased
observers would question the assertion that the publicly funded
Women’s Health Initiative is one of the biggest and the best
trials so far conducted in this field. Despite the criticisms of that
study, and the ongoing defence of the drugs from those who
have long championed them, the rates of prescriptions for HRT
have fallen dramatically since 2002.46
Ironically, as the dangers of hormone replacement therapy
have become better known, and rates of prescriptions of HRT
have fallen—in spite of the concerted campaign to defend the
drug—other companies selling different medicines or alternative
therapies have attempted to muscle in on the ‘menopause market’,
often also enlisting stars to help out. In one case celebrity broker
Amy Doner Schachtel helped hire Cybill Shepherd to raise
awareness about menopause on behalf of an Australian company
that makes a popular soy-derived supplement.47
‘A partnership between a celebrity and a brand has an intan-
gible sort of magic,’ said a senior marketing executive recently,
offering tips to her peers in the pharmaceutical industry.48 One
tip was to have celebrities appear on talk shows or do media
interviews, rather than straight advertising. Why? Because the
‘great advantage over advertising is that the airtime is practically
free, and there is no fair balance to worry about’.49 The now

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infamous endorsement of estrogen in the Parade magazine article

made no mention of the side effects of the drug, presumably
because there was no fair balance to worry about.50 Neither did
the article mention the celebrity’s paid work for the company
which markets estrogen.
‘This is an outrageous circumventing of public health protec-
tions,’ says Allina, arguing that in her view, if paid celebrities
appear in public hawking a disease or a drug, without disclosing
their links to the manufacturer, it’s equivalent to ‘outright decep-
tion’. Yet celebrities being paid by drug companies have been
under no clear regulatory requirements to disclose accurate infor-
mation about the nature of the condition or the therapy they
might be promoting. Similarly, there are no legal requirements
for them, or for the media outlets in which they appear, to
disclose the link with the drug manufacturer, even though the
public may sometimes be misled into thinking the star is inde-
pendent.51 Until the health regulators awake from their dreamy
slumbers, these star-studded marketing campaigns will continue
to dazzle consumers around the world, and the complexity of
the science will continue to get lost under the bright lights.
For many observers, the appropriation of a woman’s change
of life is the perfect illustration of the dramatic transformation
of a normal human experience into a treatable medical con-
dition. The stars in this drama now include ‘A list’ celebrities with
strong ties to the drug companies. As we’ll see, they also include
some of the world’s best-known patient groups.

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Attention deficit disorder

he rolling green fairways of the Norbeck Country Club

T shimmer in the welcome sunshine of a long overdue spring.
A good hour’s drive from the sirens and stress of downtown
Washington, DC, the manicured private golf course sits amidst
the wealthy suburbs of the state of Maryland. The silence here,
like the surrounding affluence, is striking. Being May, the quiet
is interrupted by the occasional bursts of birdsong, and on this
particular Monday afternoon, by the gentle sounds of middle-
aged male golfers teeing off at the start of the annual CHADD
charity golf classic. CHADD stands for Children and Adults
with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder—the energetic
patient advocacy group that now boasts 15 000 members and
200 affiliates across the United States.
A scene of such tranquillity might seem an unlikely setting
for an ADD charity event, but really the location is perfect.
White suburbs like those around the country club are amongst
the healthiest and wealthiest places on earth, yet they are also

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considered the centre of the ADD epidemic. In a neighbouring

state, in some school years, up to 20 per cent of young white
boys are now taking speed-like stimulants for their ADD.1 In
other parts of the world, such as Perth on Australia’s west coast,
rapidly rising rates of drug use have also generated great concern.
Growing global controversy about both the nature and extent
of attention deficit disorder has not slowed the rapid growth in
the use of ADD drugs. According to those who study this
phenomenon, in the decade from 1990 production of the drug
Ritalin rose almost 800 per cent. By 2000, with under 5 per cent
of the world’s population, Americans were consuming 80 per
cent of the stimulants manufactured worldwide.2 That same year
a leading scientific journal revealed a dramatic increase in the
prescription of these drugs to toddlers.3 But despite growing
disquiet, medication use among kids shows no signs of abating,
as drug companies aggressively market new medicines to rival the
ever-popular Ritalin. As with many other conditions, much of
that marketing promotes the disease itself, not just the drugs,
and who better to help out with such ‘awareness-raising’ than
company-sponsored patient advocacy groups.
Partnering with patient groups has become a key element of
marketing strategies for every major medical condition, and with
virtually every major drug company. A survey from Britain esti-
mated that two-thirds of global health charities and patient
groups now accept support from drug or device manufacturers,
though it is often hard to know exactly how much they receive.4
With ADD, as with other conditions, company-funded con-
sumer groups provide a service to their sponsors by helping to
paint a picture of an underdiagnosed medical disorder best
treated with drugs and by giving a human face to that disorder.
Unlike many other groups around the world, to its credit

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CHADD clearly discloses exactly how much it gets from drug

companies. It receives almost $700 000 annually, which is just
under one-fifth of its total income of around $3 million.5 There
is little doubt that CHADD, and groups like it, can play a valuable
role in providing support to thousands of members and their
families. Yet at the same time it is also providing a valuable service
to its drug company sponsors. In this case, helping to promote and
reinforce a particular view of this controversial disorder.
The celebrity on hand at the CHADD charity golf classic in
Maryland was Johnny Holliday, a high-profile sports broadcaster
on radio and television in the US, known for his coverage of the
Olympic Games. He had come to the country club to play a
round of golf and act as master of ceremonies for the evening’s
celebrations. Explaining that he lived not too far away, Holliday
said he was happy to help out with the event for free, because his
daughter had once suffered with ADD, discovered in her case in
eighth grade. ‘I know the frustration she went through and her
parents went through,’ he told a reporter from the British Medical
Journal.6 As for drugs, Holliday said, she had only taken her
medication intermittently during school time, mainly to help
with tests. ‘It really did the job,’ he said, before jumping back into
his golf cart and adding with fatherly pride that she had just
graduated from college with honours.
Few would argue there are some children who have severe and
debilitating symptoms of hyperactivity, inattention, or impulsive-
ness, who may benefit greatly from a medical label, medical care
and medication. But there is much less agreement about how best
to describe or deal with the difficulties faced by vast numbers of
children who can’t sit still, or who drift off in class. Because of the
uncertainty and disagreement about the nature of this disorder,
commonly cited estimates of the numbers of children suffering

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ADD range widely, from less than 1 per cent to one in ten kids.7
As with depression, there is much scientific uncertainty about
whether these difficulties are primarily due to biological and
chemical problems in the brain, or are the result of a complex
interplay of physical, social, cultural and economic factors.
Mountains of scientific research have been published on these
questions, but there remain strongly conflicting views on what all
that research actually means. Some scientists insist there is now a
consensus—that attention deficit disorder is a widespread and
proven biological disorder, and that the debate is over.8 Others,
publishing in exactly the same scientific journals, insist the
debate is very much alive. In stark contrast, these researchers
claim there is great uncertainty about how to define this disorder,
there is no reliable medical test for it, and no strong evidence that
it is biologically determined.9 Even the National Institutes of
Health in the US, one of the biggest biomedical research houses
in the world, concludes that the causes of the condition remain
speculative, and there is not yet enough evidence to say with
certainty that ADD is a brain disorder.10
It’s obvious that viewing ADD as a biochemical disorder
greatly benefits the companies selling chemicals that purport to
fix it. Less obviously, drug companies are using a multitude of
marketing tactics to influence the wider public debate, to make
sure that particular view dominates. As we will see, one powerful
form of that influence flows directly through partnerships with
patient groups like CHADD, whose high profile is due in no
small part to the longstanding supply of funds from industry.
It’s clear that accepting sponsorship doesn’t mean a group’s
credibility is compromised or that it is crudely told what to do.
But it’s also clear that drug companies tend to fund patient
groups whose public positions are in tune with their own

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marketing messages, in order to help amplify those messages

and make them resonate. Despite the widespread scientific
uncertainty and legitimate ongoing debate about ADD, both
CHADD and its drug company partners promote the condition
as a common ‘neurobiological’ disorder to be treated primarily
with drugs.11
Back at the country club, the lead sponsor of the CHADD
charity golf classic was a drug company called Shire, whose name
appeared on several strategically placed signs in and around the
club on that sunny Monday in May, and on a giant banner domi-
nating the banquet room where Johnny Holliday was to work as
volunteer master of ceremonies. A relatively recent entrant to the
pharmaceutical industry, the global company Shire boasts head-
quarters in London and Philadelphia, and it sells more than half
a billion dollars of an amphetamine called Adderall every year.
According to a presentation that its chief executive officer,
Matthew Emmens, gave for potential investors a few months
before the golf classic, the company had high hopes its sales
figures would grow exponentially in the coming years.12 One of
the slides presented by the CEO at a merchant bank meeting in
New York featured a graph of Adderall sales, surging from just
$10 million in 1996 to almost $520 million six years later. This
single amphetamine product constitutes more than 40 per cent
of the company’s total revenues.
Another slide from the same presentation displayed a
pyramid representing the marketplace as Shire saw it. The
pyramid was divided into different layers representing the differ-
ent categories of people that the drug company was seeking to
influence. In the top two layers of the pyramid was the small elite
group of medical decision-makers—the thought-leaders—that
Shire was working with through its sponsored education efforts

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and other strategies. At the bottom of the pyramid, in the

biggest layer, were the great bulk of patients Shire was attempt-
ing to influence with direct-to-consumer advertisements. In the
middle of the pyramid was a layer titled ‘Medical Societies’ and
‘Patient Advocacy Groups’.
Not only does Shire fund CHADD events like the golf
classic, it is also a sponsor of the group’s annual conference, and
it supports the group’s magazine, Attention,13 which is distributed
to thousands of patients, families and physicians. So where does
Shire sit on the scientific controversy about the nature and extent
of ADD? There is no debate, no controversy, no question: this is
a ‘neurobiological disorder’14 affecting between ‘three and seven
percent of school age children’.15
Long before Shire’s drug Adderall hit the market, CHADD
was set up in Florida by a small group of families and psychol-
ogists.16 Two decades later it is one of the highest profile patient
advocacy groups in the US, and perhaps the world. CHADD’s
massive annual conference now opens with special two-day
workshops offering parents CHADD-certified training in how
to provide CHADD-approved support and education to other
families. The organisation’s extensive website declares it a ‘success
story, inspired by the desire of countless parents to see their
children with AD/HD succeed’.17 Certainly the group has
inspired the creation of many similar advocacy outfits in
Australia and elsewhere.
While acknowledging there is some degree of scientific
uncertainty about causes, CHADD’s position is that the disorder
‘has a very strong neurological basis’.18 As for its treatment, while
it is seen as important to combine different approaches includ-
ing talking therapy, according to CHADD, medication is ‘the
most effective foundation for treatment’.19 More than an advocacy

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group, CHADD is akin to a highly energised political or reli-

gious organisation. A leading series of articles in the group’s
magazine Attention recently bore the title ‘ADHD: Building a
social movement’.20
Since its beginnings the patient group has built that social
movement with support from drug makers and their money.
Famously CHADD accepted three-quarters of a million dollars
in the early 1990s from Ciba-Geigy, the chemical company that
manufactured Ritalin. In the $500-billion world of the prescrip-
tion drug business, less than a lousy million may not sound like
much at all. Yet anyone who has ever tried to run an advocacy
group would well appreciate the value of such an investment,
particularly in a young organisation still finding its feet.
Tracking the exploding use of Ritalin and other ADD drugs
at that time, the US government’s Drug Enforcement Admin-
istration took a strong interest in the work of this particular
group, warning on one occassion that: ‘The relationship be-
tween Ciba-Geigy and CHADD raises serious concerns about
CHADD’s motive in proselytizing the use of Ritalin.’21 Similarly,
some of those concerned about soaring rates of drug use have
raised alarms about the obvious conflicts of interest such spon-
sorship carries.
The group’s CEO, Dr Clark Ross, declined requests to
discuss CHADD’s relationship with its pharmaceutical company
sponsors. However, clearly sensitive to the appearance of con-
flicts of interest, the group publicly discloses the full extent of
company sponsorship. Moreover, its interactions with industry
are governed by a set of ‘ethical principles’ outlined on its
website.22 The site also shows that the group’s revenue comes
from multiple sources, with almost half from membership dues
and government.

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Just like the financial relationships between drug companies

and doctors, the links between companies and patient groups can
operate in ways that are subtle and complex. Often the partner-
ship is a coming together of like-minded allies, rather than an
opportunity for a company to clumsily curry favour with
an innocent group of hardworking patient activists. There is
often a confluence of interests that creates a powerful force in the
public debate. The problem is that the public is usually not aware
of the way these special partnerships are working to transform
public perceptions about diseases and disorders. Perhaps one of
the best examples of such a transformation is happening now,
before our very eyes: the promotion of a new condition called
adult ADD as a major public health problem.
One of the most important messages that the Shire chief
imparted to potential investors at the merchant bankers’ meet-
ing in New York was that a whole new ‘adult market’ was about
to open up, assuring healthy growth in drug sales for many years
to come.23 In a slide titled ‘Adult ADHD’, Shire showed esti-
mates that there were 8 million potential adult patients in the
US, of which only a tiny fraction were currently being treated.
While it wasn’t stated explicitly in the slides, potential investors
would be well aware that children are only children for a decade
or so—the lifespan of an adult’s potential drug-taking is much,
much longer.
Coincidentally, the same month as the Shire presentation
suggesting there may be 8 million potential new adult drug users,
CHADD’s drug company-sponsored magazine Attention ran a
feature story entitled ‘Dads with ADHD’. About the same time
as adult golfers were teeing off for the Shire-sponsored
CHADD charity classic, Shire was releasing the results of a
survey at the giant American Psychiatric Association congress in

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New York, detailing what were described as the devastating

emotional difficulties facing millions of adults with ADD.24
Shire was of course also one of the sponsors of the psychiatrists’
congress, setting up a large display in the exhibit area, tastefully
decorated with potted palms and fresh white flowers.25 At the
time of these marketing activities, Shire did not even have regu-
latory approval to promote its drug to adults, though according
to the fine print of the CEO’s presentation to investors, many
doctors were already prescribing its drug for adults ‘off label’—
contrary to its existing approval which was only for children, but
within the bounds of the law.26
The first drug company to get the green light for the adult
ADD market was not Shire but Lilly, whose ADD drug Strattera
sold more than a million prescriptions in its first six months in
2003.27 Unlike Ritalin and Adderall, Lilly’s Strattera is not an
amphetamine or stimulant, which means the rules governing its
marketing are a little looser.28 But just like Shire, Lilly also
provides funds to CHADD and, just like Shire, its marketing
helps sell new ideas about the disorder as well as the drug.
Distracted? Disorganized? Frustrated? Modern Life or Adult ADD?
Many adults have been living with Adult attention deficit disorder
(Adult ADD) and don’t recognize it. Why? because its symptoms are
often mistaken for stressful life.29
Lilly ad in US News & World Report

As the industry’s ADD marketing machinery is shifting

towards adults, CHADD’s too is stressing that ADD can be a
lifelong disorder. At CHADD’s 2004 annual conference there
was a focus on making sure the public understood this to be
a ‘lifespan’ disorder.30 ‘Medications for Adults with ADHD’
was even the title of one of the planned presentations.31 And as

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it turns out, key drug company sponsors of the conference

include Shire, Lilly and Novartis (the company that now makes
Ritalin)—who are all competing aggressively for a share of this
expanding, and now maturing, market. The Shire advertisement
in the CHADD conference program was not particularly subtle
in its marketing to adults: ‘Already Done with my Homework
Dad!’ says a cute child in a baseball cap who might be as young
as five years old, with the tag line underneath the picture reading,
‘Now the whole family has time to learn more about AD/HD!’32
What was happening with the ads, the conferences, the
surveys and the golf charity event is what some in the industry
call the ‘branding’ of a condition. Vince Parry is the Manhattan-
based marketing professional who specialises in helping
pharmaceutical companies to ‘brand’ medical conditions, the way
one might brand chewing gum. One of his clients is Lilly.
Expanding on what he calls the ‘art of branding a condition’
Parry says drug companies will often bring the key players
together—the thought-leaders, the local physicians and the
patient groups—to help define, refine and brand new condi-
tions. ‘By bringing them together, you’re fostering a consensus
about the condition, about the importance of the condition and
about the best possible ways to address the condition.’33
For Parry, a common aim in his marketing work for drug
companies is ‘elevating the importance of an unknown con-
dition’. One example he points to is ADD, previously considered
a condition almost exclusively affecting children. ‘Recently,
there’s been a lot of work done realising that adults have it too,’
he says. ‘. . . people are having the same problems at work as
adults as they were as children in schools. So there’s been a lot of
talk lately about reframing a discussion about that condition to
maybe split it up into . . . a childhood condition as well as an

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adult condition. It’s raising the level of awareness about some-

thing we don’t even know we have until we began looking into
this further.’34
Vince Parry’s insights into how pharmaceutical companies
help to shape public perceptions about conditions are invaluable,
because the strategies are often hidden from public view. Men
and women like him with expertise in advertising, marketing
and public relations working from chic offices in Manhattan,
London, Toronto or Sydney are being paid to fundamentally
change the way we think about our bodies, our health and
the conditions we supposedly suffer. The pro-drug messages
hammered out in these marketing offices are camouflaged as
‘awareness-raising’ exercises and then transmitted far and wide,
through massive advertising campaigns, sponsored medical edu-
cation, and PR campaigns that generate much media reporting.
And integral to many of these ‘awareness-raising’ activities are
company-sponsored patient groups.
In Parry’s mind there is little doubt that drug companies take
a lead role in what he calls ‘branding’ conditions. He should
know, because he works with them. The more you listen to this
industry insider, the more you realise that what companies might
describe as awareness-raising activities are really designed to
change awareness—in ways that serve the ‘marketing needs’ of
their latest products, as Parry explains it.
There’s a couple of ways that manufacturers of pharmaceuticals and
health care products approach someone such as myself or other
people in the branding business. It could be a direct request from
them saying that, you know, there’s a particular condition, you know,
such as ADHD for example. And we’ve identified another aspect of
that, we’d like you to help us work with the community and the
professional and patient community to come up with a name that

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really suits this and come up with a condition that addresses our
needs.
In other cases, it happens just as a general discussion that you’re
having with them about the marketing needs of a particular
product … And it might be something we volunteer and say, ‘You
know, we think it would be a good idea, instead of going through this
complicated process, if we can simplify this aspect of the process.
Have you ever thought of taking this condition and branding this
particular condition by giving it a name that can be recognised?’ So,
there are two ways they can engage us.35

Just weeks after Parry made those comments, one of

America’s leading news magazines US News & World Report ran a
dramatic cover story, under the banner headline ‘Adult ADD’.36
Featuring the face of a beautiful young blue-eyed white woman,
the magazine cover story offered readers a scoop on the latest
from medical science: ‘Living with Adult ADD. New hope for
coping with the distraction and anxiety.’ The eight-page article
inside seemed to pay little attention to the wider scientific
controversy about the nature and treatment of ADD, and read
more like an excited industry promotion of the next big market
than the serious investigative journalism for which the magazine
has a well-deserved reputation.
The reigning theory, according to the magazine piece, was that
the disorder was caused by ‘faulty biochemical communication in
the brain’. Four per cent of adults suffer this disorder, said the
article, and less than one in four of them know they have it.
Medication was deemed so important, according to one quoted
expert, it was ‘necessary all the time for nearly every aspect of life’.
Lilly’s new drug for adult ADD, Strattera, was mentioned early on
in the article, along with the news that it had achieved sales of
$370 million in its first year. A few pages later, the magazine ran

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a Lilly advertisement for Strattera, which featured a headline

strikingly reminiscent of the magazine’s front cover: ‘Distracted?
Disorganized? Frustrated? Modern Life or Adult ADD?’
Like many media articles on medical conditions, the US News
&World Report piece featured the harrowing personal stories of
sufferers, the gritty anecdotes from ‘real’ people that make jour-
nalism live and breathe. And like a lot of media articles, those
personal stories were used to reinforce an argument that yet
another grave condition remains underdiagnosed and under-
treated, essentially the same message being heavily promoted by
drug companies and the sponsored patient groups including
CHADD, though a view heavily contested by other scientists
and researchers around the world. Surprisingly, despite the
synchronicity between the magazine article’s key arguments and
those of CHADD, there was no mention of the group, or any
quoted spokespeople in the piece.
One of the important roles of advocacy groups is to serve up
patients to media outlets giving them a steady stream of real
people, to help reporters craft stories that will impact emotion-
ally on their readers. CHADD explicitly sees part of its role as
providing ‘physician experts and families dealing with AD/HD
for news and feature articles, television segments, or radio inter-
views’. A quick check with the organisation’s media liaison staff
revealed CHADD had in fact supplied at least one of the adult
patients reported on in the US News & World Report story.37 But
the published version of the magazine story had somehow failed
to mention that the adult in question also happened to be
CHADD’s director of public policy.
CHADD’s acceptance of drug company funding and its
dealings with the media are in some ways just par for the course,
when compared to what most other groups are doing. As the

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global survey of health charities from Britain suggested, around

two-thirds of these groups accept industry funds. Similarly,
many work in alliance with industry to use the media to promote
the need for greater recognition of their particular condition and
more resources for treatment. But as Parry the marketing man
makes clear, the alliances between companies and patient groups
have another purpose, at least for the companies involved: to
help change the way the public thinks about medical conditions
in order to maximise the sales of medicines. The aim, he says, is
to create an inextricable bond between the condition and the
drug. And it works. Think ADD and you think medication. And
it is for this reason that independent-minded consumer groups
like the Amsterdam-based Health Action International believe
health advocacy groups should attempt to minimise and even
sever their sponsorship ties with health care corporations.38
Parry is not the only industry insider who is upfront about
the value to industry of these relationships with patient advo-
cates. Another insight comes from the industry magazine
Pharmaceutical Executive, which published a special report by
PR practitioner Teri Cox called ‘Forging Alliances, Advocacy
Partners’.39 According to Cox, advocacy groups help companies
provide the media with patients for their stories, they help defuse
the arguments of industry critics by offering positive messages
about drug companies, and they even help influence the de-
cisions of policy-makers and regulators.
Importantly, for Cox, all company activities, including lavish
product launches, medical education, and disease awareness
campaigns can benefit from having ‘respected third party advo-
cates as members of the pharma marketing team’. Note the fact
that the patient advocates are described as members of the drug
company’s ‘marketing’ team. Accepting commercial sponsorship

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almost always ties the recipient, whether they like it or not, into
the sponsors’ marketing machinery.40
In her article Cox also describes a fascinating shift in the
nature of these alliances in recent years, quoting a senior PR
expert from a global drug company. ‘Gone are the days when
companies just handed out big checks to groups with no discus-
sion afterward,’ said the PR expert. ‘Now we seek opportunities
with groups that not only help them achieve their goals and
objectives, but also help us move our business along.’41 While
ADD drug maker Shire has said publicly that it gives money to
CHADD because the company feels an obligation to do so, there
are quite obviously more self-interested motivations as well.42
Some drug firms are becoming highly organised about how
they record and analyse their alliances with patient groups. One
even created a web-based tool to track every event, every funding
opportunity, and every key contact person for all of its patient
group ‘partners’, including notes that documented each ‘trans-
action, interaction and activity’. Teri Cox concludes that such a
comprehensive strategy is needed to strengthen the alliances with
patient advocacy groups at a time when ‘the pharma industry
needs all the friends it can get’.43
Working with groups of patients, in this case parents, to
help get the marketing messages out, is not new to the industry,
though the alliances may certainly have become more sophisti-
cated and better funded. In the days before CHADD was set up,
the promotional tactics of Ritalin maker Ciba-Geigy included
presentations to parent-teacher associations and other parent
groups, at a time when concerns about increasing rates of drug
use were already emerging.44 A sociology professor writing
in the mid-1970s described officials in some states as being
alarmed that between 5 and 10 per cent of elementary school

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children were using medically prescribed amphetamines includ-

ing Ritalin ‘to control their fidgety restlessness or lack of
attention in the classroom’.
The professor went on to argue that this was another example
of the medicalisation of human problems. ‘The increasing
tendency to define unpleasant human feelings and troublesome
behaviour as a “disease” to be corrected with drugs may serve to
(1) diminish pressures to seek more fundamental approaches to
the real sources of the drug user’s distress, and (2) individualize
and depoliticize complex social problems.’45 The rhetoric may
sound a little dated to some but the concerns about medicalis-
ation are more relevant than ever, as both prescription drug use
and corporate influence in medicine have grown astronomically
in the decades since these observations.
The complex causes of the ADD epidemic are the subjects of
many other books and articles and much public debate. One
voice in that debate is Dr Lawrence Diller, a pediatrician who
practises in an affluent suburb of San Francisco and has written
extensively on the topic.46 Diller had been prescribing stimulants
for young boys with hyperactivity for many years, but through the
1990s he started to see a very different candidate for the diag-
nosis of ADHD: kids across a much wider age range with milder
problems and less impairment, often good students simply not
meeting their potential.47 ‘I began to wonder if boyhood, at least
in my community, had become a disease,’ he muses. Comparing
rates of stimulant use between different towns and cities, Diller
suggests ‘the ADHD/Ritalin epidemic appears to be a primarily
white middle-upper middle class phenomenon’.48
A long-time observer of CHADD and someone who has met
with members of its board, Diller feels drug company funding,
though influential, hasn’t bought fundamental changes in the

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group’s direction. Rather he believes the money has enabled

CHADD ‘to become a more effective lobbying tool for
industry’. In response to arguments put by CHADD that it can
accept funding and remain independent, Diller has this to say:
‘It’s the same thing as the doctors and medical researchers saying
we’re independent, yet all the studies show money influences
research. It’s naïve to believe money doesn’t have some influence.’
While he says there is a spectrum of opinions about the disorder
within CHADD, and that at a local level the group can do some
good work, on the whole the group’s official position is ‘way too
medication focused and brain based’.49
Diller, also an assistant clinical professor at the University of
California, San Francisco, does not dismiss the role of neuro-
biological causes in severe cases of hyperactivity or impulsiveness,
but he argues that economic, social and cultural factors are
playing a big role in contributing to the modern epidemic. He
points to increasing educational pressures on kids and a growing
acceptance in the post-Prozac era that many of life’s difficulties
are caused by chemical imbalances in the brain. At the same time
class sizes have been growing, putting pressures on teachers too,
and patient–physician consultation times have been shrinking,
reinforcing the move to the quick fix.50
The final key factor Diller identifies as highly significant: a
change to federal disability laws in the US, which meant that if
a child had a diagnosis of ADD, it could lead to special edu-
cational services for that child at school. As it happens, CHADD
makes much of the fact that a diagnosis of ADD can bring
special help at school, and nowadays, for adults, special help in
the workplace.51
And while all that has been going on, psychiatrists have
been quietly broadening the definition of ADD that appears

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in their manual, the Diagnostic & Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders

(DSM), drawing in more and more children and adults and thus
widening the pool of potential patients. Lists of ‘symptoms’ that
appear in the DSM and overlap with very common behaviours—
including things like ‘often talks excessively’, ‘often does not seem
to listen’, ‘is often forgetful’—make it easy to understand
concerns that many ordinary kids might be ending up with a
medical label.52 Some researchers have actually done studies
comparing the definitions, looking at how many kids each defini-
tion defines as sick. The results of this research are stunning.
One American study found that when the definition in the
psychiatrists’ manual in 1980 was compared with the definition
published in 1987, 50 per cent more children received a diag-
nosis of ADD under the newer definition.53 The same kids, a
new definition; many more of them classified as sick. A study in
Germany compared the 1980 definition to the 1994 definition,
and found the numbers of children receiving the diagnosis of
ADD jumped more than 60 per cent.54
Of course, the elephant in the room in this story is the fact
that amphetamines like Ritalin can have positive effects on atten-
tion and focus not only for kids or adults diagnosed with this
disorder, but for virtually everyone—even horses—according to
Dr Judith Rapoport, a senior ADD researcher at the NIH. One
of the many scientists working for public institutions who are
convinced ADD is a neurobiological disorder, Rapoport is
currently involved in an ongoing long-term study looking at the
brain development of those diagnosed with the condition. More
than twenty years ago it was Rapoport who did some ground-
breaking research showing amphetamines had effects in normal
kids as well as those who were hyperactive—a finding that has
stood the test of time and is still cited today in the scientific

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literature. ‘These drugs have the same effect in healthy and

ADHD kids. Amphetamines seem to improve anyone’s atten-
tion—whether they have a problem or not. Whatever the task is,
you do it better. Football players and racehorses have known this
for a long time.’55
Many proponents of the notion that ADD is a widespread
and severe neurobiological disorder have used the fact that
children do better on stimulants as confirmation that a particu-
lar diagnosis is valid and correct. But evidence suggesting
stimulants can help pretty well everyone rather undercuts that
argument.56 This self-reinforcing—but sometimes false—confir-
mation may be another explanation for the continuing explosion
in the numbers of people being diagnosed and using drugs. In
the opening year of the twenty-first century, sales of stimulants
for ADD were among the fastest growing categories of drugs.57
In the first three years of this century the use of ADD drugs by
kids under five jumped 50 per cent.58 And now, with the market-
ing of adult ADD, those increases in the rates of drug use are set
to soar much, much higher.
Just a few months after the US News & World Report cover story,
Shire’s drug Adderall was approved for adult ADD, and the
company excitedly announced its marketing campaign was ready
to roll immediately.59 The marketing was certainly immediate,
and some of it was to take a fascinating form. Two weeks after
the approval, the American Medical Association bombarded
medical journalists with a series of email alerts, advising them to
attend important media briefings. The powerful AMA publishes
some of the world’s leading medical journals, and for many jour-
nalists it is a highly respected source of news.
The first AMA briefing was specifically about ADD—
and two of the key topics to be discussed were adult ADD and

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medications. The sponsor of this AMA media briefing was Shire,

who supplied the AMA with an ‘unrestricted educational grant’
for the event. The second event was the AMA’s science writers’
conference, billed as bringing journalists news about the ‘most
urgent medical issues’ of the day. At the top of the list of topics
in the email alert was ADD. The keynote speaker on ADD was
a paid consultant for Shire, who had also done work for five
other drug companies.60 If the promotion of adult ADD contin-
ues as aggressively as it has started, and the lifelong drug use that
it encourages occurs, exploding use of these pills will continue to
make Shire shareholders very, very happy for a long time to come.
What long-term value the drugs might offer those actually
taking them is less clear. Many of the clinical trials have been
relatively short and poorly run, though several good long-term
trials are currently under way.61 But whatever the outcomes of
those studies, notwithstanding the importance of offering care
to children and adults with severe and debilitating problems,
there appears to be another fundamental distortion of our health
priorities at work here. In the era of the global AIDS crisis,
ADD is surely not as serious a public health issue as company-
sponsored patient groups like CHADD claim, and it is certainly
not one of the most ‘urgent medical issues’ as communications
about the company-sponsored AMA meetings have claimed.
Without blaming or judging anyone, it can be argued that the
ADD epidemic has enabled millions of families from Perth to
Providence to supply a safe dose of speed to their kids, often,
to help them do better at school. Similarly, any reasonable
assessment would suggest the epidemic is not due simply to
faulty biochemistry, but rather to a much more complex mix of
many factors—including the well-funded ‘condition branding’
designed by Vince Parry and his colleagues in Manhattan.

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In this age of globalisation, is it conceivable that we in the

wealthy developed world will continue to spend billions every
year diagnosing and medicating children whose symptoms
include often fidgets with hands or feet and prescribing lifelong speed
to adults who drum their fingers,62 when each year millions of
children and adults just across our borders will die early from
preventable and treatable life-threatening diseases? Surely this is
one obscenity too many.
Yet it is not just with controversial conditions like ADD
where we are arguably squandering billions medicalising and
treating the symptoms of normal life. With much more estab-
lished ‘diseases’ like high blood pressure there are very lively
debates about whether this is a condition at all, or simply one
risk factor for future illness, and whether too many people are
being given a medical label, and an expensive drug, when for
some avoiding both may be much better for their health and the
public’s purse.

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High blood pressure

he parking area is full at the town hall centre in White Rock,

T a tiny coastal retirement town south of Vancouver. White
Rock is where Canadian seniors come to live out their days amid
beautiful mountain and ocean scenery, close to snow and surf.
While most Canadians are chattering through the frosty winter in
the east, retired boomers living in White Rock brag that they live
in one of the few spots in the country where they can go downhill
skiing in the morning and salmon fishing in the afternoon.
On this mild evening, as the last stragglers of mostly retired
people take their seats, two men are engaging in a little playful
banter as they set up their overhead projector. The taller, younger
one, James McCormack, is a doctor of pharmacy. He’s cracking
a few jokes at the expense of his sidekick, Dr Bob Rangno, a
medical doctor who specialises in medications. Rangno and
McCormack have driven here from Vancouver, where they are
members of the Therapeutics Initiative at the University of
British Columbia, a group that works to educate physicians,

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pharmacists—and sometimes the general public—about the best

ways to use prescription drugs.1
Tonight’s lecture is about the frightening subject of heart
disease, but the full house of senior citizens is in for a treat.
Unlike a lot of what they normally hear, this presentation is not
designed to inflame their fears but, rather, to better inform
them. One of the first things they learn is that having high
blood pressure, as many of them do, is not a disease in its
own right, but instead it is one factor than can raise their risk
of future heart attacks and strokes. Like cholesterol, blood
pressure attracts a lot of attention, because it can be easily
modified with drugs.
In the coming hours, a sense of surprise and anger will sweep
the room more than once, as many of these seniors will for the
first time start to get a realistic sense of how much their blood
pressure actually increases their chances of future heart disease,
and by how much drugs can decrease those chances. Many will
head off into the night feeling that high blood pressure—or
hypertension as it is called medically—is not the bogeyman they
once thought it was. As Dr Bob says to James while they are still
warming up the crowd, ‘As I always tell my patients, high blood
pressure is better than no blood pressure at all.’
Interest in hypertension runs high among the elderly, because
according to current definitions almost all of them have it.
Under recent US guidelines, more than 40 million Americans
are categorised as having ‘high blood pressure’ and an estimated
90 per cent of those over the age of 55 will someday have it if
they don’t already.2 As with other conditions, the definition
of what constitutes high blood pressure is regularly revised, and
the notch on the dial that describes ‘high’ seems to creeep lower
over time.

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With lower levels for what is considered to be ‘high’ blood

pressure, vast new numbers of otherwise healthy people are given
the medical label of having ‘hypertension’, are considered ‘at risk’
of heart disease, and are being pushed in the direction of drugs.
These ageing Canadian boomers and others like them around
the world make up what the pharmaceutical industry hopes will
soon be a $40 billion global market in blood pressure medicines.3
The first part of McCormack and Rangno’s often-delivered talk
is designed to help people understand some of the basic statisti-
cal tricks used to sell those medicines to otherwise healthy people.
James McCormack always starts his presentation with a
scenario like this.4
‘Now imagine that you were just told by your doctor that you
have this “risk factor” for cardiovascular disease, maybe it’s some-
thing like high blood pressure or high cholesterol.
‘We have a drug that will treat this risk factor, it has no side
effects and its cost is covered by a plan. I am going to present you
the results of three different studies and I want to ask you if
you would be willing to take this drug every day for the next five
years based on the results. There is no right or wrong answer—
it is your decision.’
At this point James normally projects this overhead:
Would you take a drug every day for five years if it . . .?
A. Lowered your chance of having a heart attack by 33%?
B. Lowered your chance of having a heart attack from 3% down to
2%, a difference of 1%?
C. Saved one person in a hundred from having a heart attack but
there is no way to know in advance who that one person will be?5

‘Okay, so how many would take the drug given the results
of the first study, study A?’ James asks. About 80–90 per cent of
the seniors in the audience usually thrust their hands into the air.

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‘In scenarios B and C?’ Around 20 per cent of the people in

the audience raise their hands.
James and Bob pause to let this sink in before they deliver the
punchline.
‘I hate to tell you this but you’ve been fooled because what
we’ve just told you is the exact same study results reported to you
three different ways.’
A collective ‘huh?’ often rises from the crowd. Some of the
seniors roll their eyes in disbelief. Some are annoyed or confused.
But by this stage in the presentation many of them are normally
sitting on the edge of their seats. They all want to hear more.
Bob takes the mike from James.
‘Okay, so here’s the trick, but don’t feel bad, we fool doctors
with this all the time. You see, if your risk of a heart attack is
3 per cent to start with, I could give you a pill to reduce that by
33 per cent, down to 2 per cent. See? Two is 33 per cent less than
three. But it is also a 1 per cent difference. As even mathemati-
cally challenged people like James know, if you have 3 per cent
and you go down to 2 per cent, that’s a 1 per cent difference.
Simple, right?’
There are often still a few frowns scattered among the
audience.
James continues. ‘Let’s put it this way, instead of your risk of
a heart attack, let’s talk about buying a dress. Let’s say the regular
price for a dress is $300 and it’s on sale for 33 per cent off, what
do you pay?’
‘Two hundred dollars,’ several people in the audience shout back.
‘That’s right, and if the dress was only $3, and that was
33 per cent off, what would you pay? Two dollars, right?’
By now, when Bob and James scan the sea of grey hair in front
of them they can usually see the audience starting to get it. ‘Jeez,

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you caught on more quickly than the doctors we presented this

to earlier today!’ Bob adds with a chuckle.
The reason this revelation is so important is that drugs are
often promoted using this statistical gimmick that exaggerates
benefits. Advertisements to doctors and patients will claim, for
example, that a drug offers a 33 per cent reduction in the risk of
heart attack, without explaining that in actual fact you may have
to take the medicine for five years in order to lower your risks
from 3 per cent to 2 per cent. As Bob and James explain each
time they give their lecture, in relative terms that is a 33 per cent
reduction. In absolute terms that’s a 1 per cent reduction, from
3 per cent to 2 per cent. Several studies have shown that people
are less likely to take a drug if they are given the absolute figures.
Sadly, many media stories about medications also tend to use the
more exaggerated version, and simply fail to provide the more
informative absolute figures.6
In some ways the promotion of these medicines has to exag-
gerate their benefits, because they are often being targeted at
generally healthy people who may feel there is nothing actually
wrong with them. With high blood pressure the pool of potential
patients who are otherwise healthy has recently been expanded.
The new official US guidelines have listed a new category of
illness called ‘prehypertension’.7 According to those guidelines,
anyone with a systolic blood pressure of 120 to 139 or a diastolic
of 80 to 89 ‘should be considered as pre-hypertensive’, and there-
fore require lifestyle changes—though some observers see drug
use increasing as a result.8
Under the latest version of the guidelines, published in 2003,
the number of people classified as having a medical condition
has increased by an estimated 50 million, further growing the
potential markets for high blood pressure medications.9And

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because the desired targets for blood pressure are now so low, if
you accept these new guidelines many people may need to be
taking multiple medications to get their blood pressure down to
those target levels.
But some specialists in the field are not so enthusiastic about
the aggressive push to get everyone’s numbers lower and lower.
A strong supporter of the role of medications, Wake Forest
University’s Professor Curt Furberg is increasingly troubled by
the lowering of the definition of ‘high’ blood pressure, which has
over time redefined millions more healthy people as sick. With a
sense of exasperation in his voice he says the newest guidelines
have ‘gone too far’.10 As for the level at which he considers a
person to have an ‘illness’, Dr Furberg says that he personally
doesn’t believe it a good idea to treat someone with a blood
pressure of 160 who was otherwise younger, healthy and at low
risk. This highly respected heart specialist takes the view that
blood pressure is just one measurement, and one risk factor, and
that you have to look at the totality of a person’s risks, ‘whether
they smoke or exercise, their cholesterol levels and so on, and
then decide when and if the patient needs treatment’. But, he
adds, ‘under the new guidelines you’d have to treat someone at
160’.11 More broadly, Furberg worries that medicine is becom-
ing far too compartmentalised—with too much focus on the
numbers for blood pressure, or cholesterol, which can take atten-
tion away from seeing the person as a whole.
As with the cholesterol guidelines, the high blood pressure
guidelines were written by a panel riddled with major conflicts
of interest. Nine of the eleven co-authors of the latest guide-
lines received speaker’s payments or research funding from,
consulted for, or owned stocks in a long list of drug compa-
nies.12 One of them declared financial ties to 21 companies.

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There is no suggestion these ties have caused the authors to

write the guidelines in a particular way. The problem is one of
perception. Moreover, according to Furberg, the whole debate
about high blood pressure is skewed by the influence of what he
describes as the ‘hypertension mafia’, the thought-leaders who
he says constantly push lower and lower targets for blood
pressure control. He says the danger is that recommendations
can end up being based on opinions and beliefs instead of the
best science.13
Controversy over the definition of high blood pressure is
nothing new to this lanky, laconic, Swedish American. In the
mid-1990s Furberg was invited to participate on the panel that
was writing the sixth version of the guidelines. When he and a
handful of other researchers asked the federal government’s
National Institutes of Health to require that the panel members
disclose their links with drug companies, their request was not
met. He and his colleagues boycotted the panel and the guide-
lines were published without any disclosures.14
Taking such a principled stand may have had an effect on
the process, because when the next version of the guidelines
emerged they came with a long list of disclosures. But for Furberg,
who recently received an award from the university in Sweden
where he studied for his ‘courageous efforts to promote honesty
and integrity in research’, this latest disclosure does not go far
enough.15 Even though the financial ties reported are so extensive
they take up one third of a page, what is missing is any hint of the
magnitude of money these researchers are accepting. ‘If someone
takes $1500 from a few companies—I don’t see a real problem,’
says Furberg, who himself works on occasions as a paid consultant
or speaker to the industry. ‘If someone is getting $100 000 a year
I don’t trust a word they say.’16 Moreover, he argues that researchers

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should be obliged to disclose both their past financial ties, as well

as any potential future relationships currently being negotiated.
This is not the first time blood pressure has stirred up contro-
versy. The most widely publicised case occurred in 1999 when
international consumer advocates Health Action International
and a group of more than 800 concerned physicians wrote
stinging letters to the Director-General of the World Health
Organization (WHO), Gro Harlem Brundtland.17 The critics
argued the WHO blood pressure targets were not based on the
best available evidence at the time and were set too low, and that
WHO had failed in its responsibility by relying too heavily on
one drug company study. According to the complaints, WHO
had endorsed recommendations that would be used ‘to encour-
age an increased use of anti-hypertensive drugs, at great expense,
and for little benefit’. Brundtland wrote back saying ‘there should
be no conflict of interest in our partnership with private
industry’, though concerns about the way the WHO develops
guidelines remain.
Back at White Rock, British Columbia, Bob Rangno and
James McCormack have just finished explaining that a hypo-
thetical heart medication might lower someone’s risk from 3 per
cent to 2 per cent. By about now they are commonly interrupted
by an audience member, perhaps an elderly gent who stands up
and asks: ‘Look, you’re talking about such small numbers, surely
the risk of having a heart attack if you’ve got high blood pressure
or high cholesterol is more than 3 per cent, isn’t it?’
‘That’s a very good question,’ Bob will respond. ‘In fact it’s the
most important question anyone told to take a drug needs to ask.
If your doc is telling you that you need to take a drug to lower
your risk, don’t you think you need to know what your “risk” is
to start with?’

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‘So let’s figure out what it might be,’ says James. The interaction,
which James has acted out many times, goes something like this.
‘Excuse me sir, can you tell us how old you are?’
‘Sixty-five.’
‘Do you smoke?’
‘Nope.’
‘Ever had a heart attack?’
‘Nope.’
‘Angina?’
‘Nope, don’t even know what that is.’
‘Okay,’ James will say to the audience, ‘let’s take an average
65-year-old man, like this gentleman. He’s a non-smoker, never
had a heart attack or angina but he’s been told he’s got “high”
blood pressure. Let’s say for argument, somewhere around 160
over 90 or so. If his doctor thinks he is at high risk, what do you
think this man’s chance is, over the next five years, of having a
heart attack?’ James then asks the crowd.
‘Put up your hands if you think it is less than 10 per cent.’
No hands.
‘Okay, 10 to 20 per cent?’ Only a few hands.
‘Twenty to 30 per cent? Thirty per cent to 40 per cent?…’ It’s
not till James hits 40–50 per cent that most of the audience raise
their hands.
‘So I’d say that most of you believe that “high” risk is some-
where between 40 and 50 per cent.’
People nod.
‘Well this is normal—and even doctors get it wrong—but
you have estimated his risk to be almost ten times what it actually
is. Because you see, the risk of a non-smoking, 65-year-old man
with elevated blood pressure having his first heart attack over five
years is about 5 to 6 per cent.’

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To make it even clearer James then uses the ‘identical twin

brother’ explanation to show how much someone’s raised blood
pressure might affect the chances of a future heart attack.
‘Let’s say Bob and I are identical twins . . . the same genetic
material,’ says James.
‘God forbid,’ Bob groans.
‘And Bob’s got “normal” blood pressure and I’ve got “high”
blood pressure,’ says James.
‘So my “high” blood pressure increases my risk of a heart
attack by about 2–3 per cent over Bob’s. In other words, my risk
over five years is about 5–6 per cent because I’ve got high blood
pressure and Bob’s is 3–4 per cent, because he doesn’t.’
‘You’re kidding, that’s all?’ someone might ask.
‘It is what it is,’ says James. ‘We can reduce it by 1–2 per cent
back closer to the risk your twin brother has, with diet, or drugs,
but we will never get it down to zero or likely even back to your
dear twin brother. And of course, it will be higher if you are
a smoker and have diabetes and so on. But your doctor needs
to be able to tell you what your risks might be based on your
own situation.’
In closing the segment, Bob suggests: ‘So once you know what
your risk might be, and you learn how much a drug can lower
that risk, the questions you now have to ask are: do I want to take
this drug every day, pay the money, visit the pharmacy every
month and maybe deal with some side effects that aren’t that
pleasant? Those are the things you need to ask.’
And the rest of the ‘Bob ’n’ James Show’ continues into the
night—as the duo banters about the numbers from clinical trials,
answering people’s questions about what their actual risk might
be, and how much the drugs many of them are already taking can
reduce those risks.

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People file out of the auditorium at the end of the night, some
of them having discovered that this ‘major’ risk factor—high
blood pressure—which they have come to dread, doesn’t seem
that big at all. And for many of them, they’ve also had the twin
discovery that the benefits of the long-term drugs they are taking
are somewhat less impressive than they had previously believed.
Yet as the University of British Columbia duo’s show rolls on
through small conference halls around the province, so too does
the much larger high blood pressure marketing machine, which
provides a living for a lot of vested interests besides drug compa-
nies. For a physician, for example, a diagnosis of ‘hypertension’
can create a lifelong patient. In fact, physicians—who do most
of the checking, prescribing and rechecking of your numbers—
have a considerable stake in treating this condition. For a busy
doctor, strapping on the cuff and taking a patient’s blood
pressure is an ideal clinical encounter: it’s easy, quick and fairly
well paid for the short time spent. Doctors like doing it, patients
come to expect it, and the rate at which it is done is skyrocket-
ing. In Canada, a country of around 30 million people, there
were more than 17 million patient visits to office-based phys-
icians for high blood pressure in 2001—an increase of 30 per
cent in just four years.18
While it may not be fully appreciated by the people being
tested during those consultations, the way blood pressure meas-
urements are taken is also the subject of great controversy. The
irony of ironies is that physicians themselves may often be the
cause of their patients’ raised blood pressure in the first place.
People get nervous in the presence of authority (the doctor) and
their blood pressure goes up, a phenomenon so well known
within the medical community it even has a name—‘white-coat
hypertension’. Some researchers even suggested recently that

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physicians shouldn’t be measuring blood pressure, because they

so rarely measure it accurately, and that trained and monitored
observers or automated devices might do a better job.19
While many physicians are strong believers in the value of
regular testing and aggressive treatment of high blood pressure,
others like Dr Malcolm Kendrick are heretics on the issue. A
general practitioner from Macclesfield, a small town outside of
Manchester, England, Dr Kendrick is a self-declared sceptic who
approaches medical research with an eye for evidence and a
penchant for parody. He argues, baldly, that ‘almost everything
written about treating blood pressure is wrong’.20
Kendrick was particularly stunned when he read the current
official American recommendation to mass screen children for
high blood pressure, starting at age three.21 ‘When I read it, I
found myself clutching my chest and making small panting
noises, unable to articulate my feelings. Perhaps I should have
taken my blood pressure at that point, I am sure it would have
been at the level where my brain was in danger of popping like a
ripe tomato hit by a large hammer.’22
Like a modern-day medical Jonathan Swift, Dr Kendrick has
a ‘modest proposal’. He asks, ‘Why should we leave blood
pressure screening until the age of three and expose children
to unnecessary medical risks for the first thirty-six months of
life?’ His proposal? ‘Let’s get started the moment the umbilical
cord is cut.’23
While it may be easy to poke fun at the idea of mass screen-
ing three year olds as being a little over the top, older people do
face greater risks of succumbing to heart attacks and strokes, and
it makes sense to ‘do something’ to try to lower their blood
pressure. Many researchers would agree that for many people
who are otherwise healthy, the best thing to do first, based on the

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evidence, is to try to alter one’s lifestyle—getting more exercise,

quitting smoking and modifying one’s diet.24 Yet if drugs are
required what does the evidence say about which one to use?
As luck would have it, an enormous long-term scientific study
comparing several different drugs can help to answer that
question. Like the giant Women’s Health Initiative that tested
hormone replacement therapy, this trial was funded mainly
by the US federal government, with some support from the
pharmaceutical industry. It was called ALLHAT, it had more
than 40 000 participants, and the chair of its steering commit-
tee was Dr Curt Furberg.25 The historic study compared four
different sorts of drugs—including the oldest and cheapest, the
newest and most expensive. The drugs were compared in terms
of how effective they were at reducing heart disease, how safe
they were, and how much they gave value for money. A core
question posed by the ALLHAT study was, ‘Do the more expen-
sive drugs add value?’26
The end result was very bad news for the pharmaceutical
industry, but good news for pretty well everyone else. The oldest,
cheapest drugs—low-dose diuretics (or thiazides)—not only did
as well as the newer ones at lowering the chances of heart attacks
and strokes, but came out marginally ahead because they were
slightly better at preventing heart failure.27 On the question of
cost, the old drugs won hands down, because they are off patent
and available as generics: treatment with these pills is so low it is
almost free. In Canada it’s been estimated that taking a daily dose
of a diuretic for ten years might cost as little as C$40, yet the
newer, more heavily promoted and marketed medicines, like
the popular Norvasc, would cost up to 200 times as much.28
According to the ALLHAT study’s finding, there would still
be people who would benefit most from one of the newer pills,

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or from a combination of drugs, but for a lot of those who

require a drug to lower their blood pressure, the older diuretics
would be just as effective, probably safer and a lot cheaper.
The historic study conclusions were published in a paper in the
Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA): the diuretics were
‘superior’ in preventing one or more types of heart disease and
were ‘less expensive’.
Putting these findings into practice could save literally
billions of dollars for health systems around the world, because
at the time the study was published the newer, more heavily
promoted drugs dominated prescribing habits. Yet the release
of results from this major study barely affected the number of
prescriptions being written for the newer, more expensive pills.
Why? Because rather than good science, it is the roar of the
promotional machine, from the detailers to the television drug
ads, that influences what a lot of doctors prescribe to their
patients. After a brief burst of publicity when the study was first
published in JAMA in late 2002, the dust soon settled, and it
became clear that marketing would again trump science.
At least that’s what Curt Furberg, one of the study’s key
researchers, believes. Soon after the publication of the findings
of the massive trial, Pfizer, the maker of Norvasc, issued press
releases that ‘ignored’ some of the study’s key findings, according
to Furberg. The company was claiming its drug was as good as
the old diuretic, he says, but because it was more or less equally
as effective, but much more expensive that the older drugs, ‘it was
actually inferior’.29
In 2003, the year following the publication of the ALLHAT
study, Pfizer sold almost $5 billion worth of Norvasc, making
it the best-selling blood pressure medication and the fourth
biggest revenue-generating drug in the entire world.30 Pfizer

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clearly has a strong financial interest in ignoring or playing down

the study’s key findings, and it seems that is what the company
did, according to reports at the time. Shareholders would
presumably expect nothing less.
According to an article in the British Medical Journal, when
Pfizer staff learnt through a research agency that doctors’ aware-
ness of some preliminary ALLHAT results was minimal, ‘they
took steps to avoid sullying that lack of awareness’.31 And when
Pfizer representatives heard that Curt Furberg was presenting
early data about one of the company’s drugs from the ALLHAT
trial at a scientific conference in San Francisco, the company
organised for visiting international heart specialists to go out on
a sightseeing trip rather than hear the presentation. An internal
Pfizer memo quotes staff congratulating their colleagues on the
masterful plan. ‘The good news is that they were quite brilliant
in sending their key physicians to sightsee rather than hear Curt
Furberg slam Pfizer once again!’32
It has become clear from the solid scientific evidence
produced by studies like ALLHAT that collectively the world is
wasting billions on the most expensive blood pressure drugs.
According to another study published in JAMA, almost a quarter
of that spending could be saved if physicians stuck to the
cheaper therapies.33 A similar study undertaken by publicly
funded researchers in Norway had more conservative estimates:
the United Kingdom could save more than $100 million, and the
United States could save between $500 million and $1 billion
per year.34 An Australian study estimated taxpayers could save up
to A$100 million a year by using more of the older but equally
effective medicines.35 Even the official US guidelines—despite
their authors’ extensive conflicts of interest—state that for many
people with ‘uncomplicated’ high blood pressure, the cheap

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diuretics should be the drugs of first choice ‘either alone or in

combination’ with other drug classes.36
In the initial period immediately following the publication of
ALLHAT, Curt Furberg and others had high hopes for change.
They were planning to mount a massive publicly funded
promotional campaign—to counter the industry’s spin—and
educate doctors about the value of the older cheaper drugs. Just
two years later those hopes had evaporated, the counter-spin
campaign has not materialised as envisaged, Furberg has resigned
from the project in frustration, and this vital scientific data has
already started to gather dust.
In the meantime, the propagation of the faith continues, as
the demon of high blood pressure is damned even from religious
pulpits. In the US the first Sunday in May is dedicated to the
annual ‘Church High Blood Pressure Sunday’, and used as an
opportunity to get faith-based organisations preaching the
gospel about the seriousness of this condition.37 On that
one day, some churches from within all denominations convert
their sanctuary basements to mini-clinics, encouraging their
patients—er, parishioners—to head downstairs after the sermon
for a blood pressure test and dietary advice with their post-
service tea.
While pharmaceutical industry backing often helps sponsor
educational programs, there is a real enthusiasm on the part of
public health agencies to also get in on the blood pressure act.
In the US the publicly funded National Institutes of Health
sponsors many events to promote public education, and it
recommends that church-based blood pressure awareness activi-
ties should have clergy who endorse the activity enthusiastically.
The obvious danger is that in the midst of the religious
fervour, the fine details of the science can get lost. Details like

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the $500 million-plus that could be saved in the US annually if

doctors based their prescribing more on scientific evidence
and less on promotion. Details like the figures Bob Rangno and
James McCormack showed to their audience, demonstrating that
even with ‘high’ blood pressure, a person’s risk of future heart
disease is much lower than many might think. Details like the
actual or absolute benefits of long-term drug therapy, which can
be far more modest than people are led to believe by TV
commercials or lazy journalists. The difference is that Furberg
and the University of British Columbia researchers are not
preaching fear or promoting drugs, they are trying to better
inform everyone about their risks and how best to manage them.
The maverick Dr Malcolm Kendrick says it’s time the
orthodoxy about blood pressure lowering is more rigorously
questioned. He argues that the way the official guidelines are
colonising whole new groups of healthy patients should be
something of a clarion call that society needs to heed. And for
him, the guidelines on blood pressure are an example of a much
bigger problem, where the idea of ‘normal’ is being more and
more narrowly defined, so that ‘more and more people slip from
the category of healthy into unhealthy’.38 For Kendrick the
words of Bob Rangno ring a lot truer than a lot of the religious
orthodoxy: ‘. . . it’s better to have high blood pressure than no
blood pressure at all.’
That reassuring message, though, could not be further from
the fear-mongering of the pharmaceutical industry’s promotion,
which is sometimes so audacious it advertises diseases that may
not even exist.

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Advertising disease
Pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder

n anonymous woman tries to disentangle a shopping trolley

A from an interlocked row of them, outside a suburban store.
She is frustrated and angry. She becomes even more exasperated
when another shopper enters the frame, calmly unhooks a trolley
and glides smoothly on her way. Watching this TV advertisement
unfold, it might look like the woman is experiencing little more
than a normal bout of tension or stress. But the folks at the drug
company Lilly know better. This woman may need a powerful
antidepressant because she is suffering a severe form of mental
illness called pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder—a new condition
approved in the United States just months before the advertise-
ment’s broadcast.
Think it’s PMS? It could be PMDD.
Lilly TV commercial

Columbia University Professor Jean Endicott tells us PMDD is a

psychiatric condition suffered by up to 7 per cent of women. Brown

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University Professor Paula Caplan claims the condition has essen-

tially been invented, and there is no strong scientific evidence to
distinguish it from normal pre-menstrual difficulties. Even worse,
argues Caplan, using a medical label to explain away the severe
distress some women experience in the lead-up to their period runs
the risk of masking the underlying causes of their suffering.
In the US, the FDA has accepted that the condition PMDD
exists and has approved Lilly’s Prozac and several similar anti-
depressants for its treatment, yet in other parts of the world it is
not even a recognised disease. It is simply not listed as a separate
disorder in the World Health Organization’s International
Classification of Diseases.1 And even in the US, despite the hard
work of Endicott, Lilly and others, PMDD still only has a partial
listing in the psychiatrists’ manual of diseases, the DSM, and is
therefore not strictly seen as a fully official category of illness.2
Yet this scientific controversy is invisible in the avalanche
of television and magazine advertisements about PMDD in
the US—much of it targeting young women. The $500-
billion pharmaceutical industry has identified another new
mega-market—women of childbearing age—and the world of
marketing demands simple, clear messages. The emotional ups
and downs preceding your period are no longer a part of normal
life—they are now a telltale sign you could have a psychiatric
condition. As Caplan puts it, by watching these ads ‘women are
learning to consider themselves mentally ill’.3
A friendly and hardworking academic, Jean Endicott operates
from a small office buried in the basement of a psychiatric hospital
in New York city. In stark contrast to Caplan, she insists PMDD
is a genuine disorder that can be ‘very disabling’, and often not
properly diagnosed or treated. She welcomes drug company efforts
to have the condition taken more seriously. It was Endicott who

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led the key scientific meeting—funded by Lilly and attended by

company representatives—that paved the way for two of the most
important developments in the life of this young disorder: FDA
acceptance of the condition, and approval of Lilly’s antidepressant
as the first drug to treat it. As to the appropriateness of drug
companies advertising disorders like this on television, Endicott is
a strong believer. ‘I think it educates people.’4
The pharmaceutical industry in the US now spends more
than $3 billion a year on direct-to-consumer advertising, pro-
moting its most lucrative brands. Promotional budgets that once
exclusively targeted doctors with doughnuts and free samples,
and cultivated thought-leaders, are now aimed very much at the
general public as well. Prime-time television news bulletins are
dominated by drug ads.5
Increasingly, however, these commercials are not just selling
drugs, but also the diseases that go with them. The shopping
trolley ad for PMDD is part of a new form of TV advertising,
designed to introduce millions of people to previously unheard-
of conditions. While the advertising claims made about the
benefits and risks of medicines are regulated by law—albeit very
loosely—claims about diseases remain a virtual free-for-all.
The US and New Zealand are the only developed countries
in the world that allow full-blown advertising of drugs to con-
sumers. However, many nations—including Australia, Canada
and Britain—allow companies to sponsor disease ‘awareness-
raising’ campaigns that involve advertising and other media
attention. With prescription drug expenditures rising dramati-
cally in many nations, and a growing view that these disease
‘awareness-raising’ campaigns are really only a form of back-door
drug advertising, debates about tougher regulation of all these
marketing activities have been taking place everywhere.

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In Britain these issues have been treated so seriously a major

parliamentary inquiry has investigated them, and in New
Zealand there has been a strong push within the national gov-
ernment to tighten the rules on the advertising of both drugs
and diseases. In Canada, Australia, and across Europe, national
governments are juggling growing consumer concerns about this
mass marketing with the pressure from the pharmaceutical
industry and sometimes part of the media industry as well to
open up the airwaves, just as they are in the US.
One of the world’s best-known and most informed critics
of the industry’s advertising is Australian general practitioner
Dr Peter Mansfield, who helps run a globally recognised group
called Healthy Skepticism, from his base in Adelaide. According
to the indefatigable Mansfield, trying to find good consumer
information about health is like searching for a needle in a
haystack. Drug company advertising, says Mansfield with his
trademark smile, ‘just makes the haystack bigger’.6
Until very recently, much of the criticism of advertising has
focused on the way ads can mislead people about the risks and
benefits of new medicines—not surprisingly many commercials
tend to exaggerate benefits and play down side effects.7 In fact,
the FDA, which regulates drug advertising in the US, frequently
writes to drug companies warning them their advertisements are
so misleading they may have broken the law. As it turned out,
Lilly’s shopping trolley commercial was one that attracted such a
letter. In this case the FDA alleged the ad was ‘lacking in fair
balance’ because it minimised information about the drug’s side
effects.8 In the end, as is usually the case, Lilly was simply asked
by the FDA, politely, to withdraw the offending ad. Despite
repeated violations across the industry, and tens of millions of
Americans being regularly exposed to misleading information

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about the risks and benefits of widely prescribed drugs, compa-

nies are not fined and executives are not held accountable.9
These days, though, another theme has emerged in the
analysis of pharmaceutical industry advertising. Researchers
are finding more and more ads are helping sell the idea that
everyday human experiences are symptoms of medical con-
ditions requiring treatment with drugs. Together with colleagues,
the Dartmouth Medical School duo Drs Steve Woloshin and
Lisa Schwartz recently analysed 70 drug company ads in ten
popular US magazines. They found that almost half tried
to encourage consumers to consider medical causes for their
common experiences, most often urging them to consult a phys-
ician.10 The ads targeted aspects of ordinary life including
sneezing, hair loss, or being overweight—things many people
could clearly manage without seeing a doctor—and portrayed
them as if they were part of a medical condition. The researchers
speculated that advertising was increasingly medicalising
ordinary experience, and pushing the boundaries of medical
influence far too wide.
Watching these trends closely is Canadian researcher Dr Barbara
Mintzes, who included in her PhD at the University of British
Columbia in Vancouver a rigorous examination of drug company
advertising. She also discovered that many ads now promote
medical conditions, rather than just drugs, and are helping to
medicalise life, as she puts it. ‘To an unprecedented degree they
portray the educational message of a pill for every ill—and increas-
ingly an ill for every pill.11 It’s a shift from a drug that’s approved to
treat people who are actually suffering from an illness to the idea
that you just take a pill to deal with normal life situations.’12
Mintzes is particularly outraged by the promotion of
PMDD, which has been aggressively advertised in magazines

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read by teenagers, as well as in TV commercials. In her view it

seems designed to make younger women feel there is something
wrong with the normal emotional fluctuations they experience in
the lead-up to their monthly period. While accepting that for
some people the problem can be severe, Mintzes worries that the
ads paint a shallow picture of what it means to be a young
women. ‘There is pressure on people to be someone other than
who they are.’13
With all treatments there is a balance between benefits and
harms. For someone who is very sick, the chances of a great
improvement may easily outweigh the risks of side effects from
a drug. The antidepressants like Prozac that are being prescribed
for PMDD carry many side effects, including serious sexual
difficulties, and for teenagers an apparent increase in the risk of
suicidal behaviour.14 Such risks might be worth taking for
someone severely debilitated by chronic clinical depression, but
for a woman arguing with a boyfriend, or frustrated by a
shopping trolley?
‘When you’re giving drugs to healthy people you’re shifting
the balance,’ says Mintzes. ‘If you’re already healthy, the likeli-
hood of benefit becomes much, much smaller and then there’s a
concern that what we are actually doing at a population level is
causing much more harm than benefit through drug treatment.’15
New York professor Jean Endicott bluntly rejects the concern
that PMDD is an example of ordinary life being medicalised.
‘It’s an insult to suggest that women with less severe symptoms
would even be seeking treatment. Women are not running
around saying, “Give me a pill for everything”.’16
Looking for good hard scientific evidence to help settle this
difference of opinion is difficult. Mintzes’s view is based on a
belief that the aggressive promotion of conditions like PMDD

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is causing too many otherwise healthy people to see themselves

as ill and opt for drug therapies that may cause them more harm
than good. Her research has added to a body of evidence
showing that these ads do in fact drive many people into doctors’
offices, and that some doctors will prescribe the advertised drugs
even when they may doubt their appropriateness for the problem
at hand.17 But there have been few, if any, large studies that rigor-
ously investigate whether direct-to-consumer advertising causes
unnecessary medical labelling or leads to inappropriate or
harmful prescription of drugs. What is crystal clear, however,
is that these ads boost drug sales.
Industry executives argue that the most powerful case for
direct-to-consumer advertising is evidence of underdiagnosis
and undertreatment among those people with serious health
problems, including high cholesterol, high blood pressure,
depression and, presumably, PMDD.18 In a special issue of the
British Medical Journal devoted to the topic of medicalisation, and
titled ‘Too Much Medicine?’, two senior officials from the drug
company Merck wrote that the rules governing drug advertising
should be loosened in Europe to help fix the urgent problem of
undertreatment. They claimed there was little good evidence to
support the view of Mintzes and others that advertising leads
to inappropriate prescribing or harm: ‘unfounded fears’ about
advertising, they wrote, were restricting peoples’ rights ‘to have
all the information they need to make informed choices about
their health care’.
One of the weaknesses in this argument is the failure to
acknowledge the controversy and uncertainty surrounding the
definitions of the common conditions said to be massively
underdiagnosed. If the estimates of the numbers of people
suffering these conditions and requiring treatment are inflated to

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start with, as some observers consider to be the case with high

cholesterol and depression for example, then claims of wide-
spread undertreatment deserve to be taken with extra-large doses
of scrutiny and scepticism. With PMDD, claims of under-
diagnosis and undertreatment make little sense if the condition
itself doesn’t even exist.
A major report on medicines prepared for the European phar-
maceutical industry, as part of the push to loosen the advertising
rules there, claimed there is strong evidence of undertreatment in
many conditions including heart disease, Alzheimer’s, depression
and cancer.19 Two Italian researchers analysing that report, how-
ever, directly countered those claims, arguing that the industry’s
report selectively cited the scientific evidence—making reference
to studies showing undertreatment, but overlooking studies that
demonstrate examples of overtreatment. ‘Not a single study on
overuse . . . is quoted, and only research looking at under-use is
mentioned’, wrote the Italian researchers.20
There is little doubt that many people in genuine need
are not getting the medical attention or medication they
require, particularly among the poor of wealthy nations and the
wider developing world. Whether spending billions advertising
disorders like PMDD on television and in women’s magazines
is the best way to correct that problem is highly questionable.
Undertreatment may often have more to do with a lack of
money or access than a lack of information. And as to the claim
that advertising is the best way to inform, educate, and encour-
age more choice, the high-profile deputy editor at JAMA,
Dr Drummond Rennie, disagrees. ‘Direct-to-consumer adver-
tising has got nothing to do with the public’s education and
it has got absolutely everything to do with . . . boosting
product sales.’21

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The recent history of the controversial young disorder

PMDD also has a lot to do with boosting product sales—in this
case antidepressants. Taking a closer look at that history offers
some fascinating insights into how a new condition is brought
into the world, and the various players who nurture it in the years
leading up to its debut on the world stage in highly produced TV
advertisements. And just to underline how controversial this
disorder really is, the European health authorities ultimately
stopped Lilly promoting Prozac for PMDD, because it was ‘not
a well established disease entity across Europe’.22
Like the notion that menopause is a disease of estrogen
deficiency, scholars trace the origins of the modern concept
of PMDD back to the 1930s, when the term ‘pre-menstrual
tension’ was first being coined. By the 1960s the medical
community was describing a ‘pre-menstrual syndrome’ (PMS)
that featured common symptoms like fluid retention, irritability
and moodiness. Writing about the history of PMS, feminist
researchers Joan Chrisler and Paula Caplan find there are so many
different definitions as to make any one overall definition almost
impossible. What’s more, they counted up almost 150 symptoms
supposedly associated with the condition. ‘The concept of PMS
is so vague and so elastic that almost every woman can see some-
thing of her own experience within it’, they wrote.23
Examining references to PMS in popular culture and the
medical literature Chrisler and Caplan found that it was very
much a western notion, with most medical research having been
done in Europe, North America and Australia. While women
everywhere experience tension, irritability or water retention
prior to monthly periods, many do not believe this is abnormal
or feel any need for professional intervention. The two authors
argue that long before PMDD was created, the widespread use

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of the term PMS had already medicalised women’s menstrual

cycles—the cycle itself had become the medical problem that
needed to be solved.
While clearly critical of what they see as a strong example of
unnecessary medicalisation, the pair acknowledges that many
women may feel their concerns will not be taken seriously if they
aren’t given a medical explanation. Similarly, they argue, many
people may see the medical discussion of PMS as being friendly
to women, and cast those who reject the idea of the medical label
as being insensitive and uncaring.
Against this backdrop of uncertainty and debate about the
very definition and meaning of PMS, in the mid 1980s a small
group of psychiatrists and others working with the American
Psychiatric Association came together to try to define a new
condition. The idea was to separate out normal pre-menstrual
complaints from a severe form of mood disturbance that came
and went every month, but was serious enough in some women
to be disabling and warrant treatment. The group was pulled
together by the imposing figure of Dr Robert Spitzer, the man
then responsible for revising the psychiatrist’s bible, the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).24
Each time the DSM is revised, new disorders are added and
over the last few decades the numbers have expanded dramati-
cally. Physically, the book started out as a slim volume, but has
since morphed into a massive tome. Under the direction of
Robert Spitzer—Jean Endicott’s colleague at the New York State
Psychiatric Institute—the numbers of new conditions listed in
the DSM exploded. So keen was he on adding new diseases to the
manual, the now elderly Spitzer confesses to having been teased
by some of his younger colleagues as being someone who never
saw a disorder he didn’t like.25 PMDD was one of the most

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controversial disorders ever added, and it was known at first by

the very awkward name of late luteal phase dysphoric disorder
(LLPDD) when Spitzer’s committee sat down to discuss it back
in the summer of 1985.
According to Spitzer’s account of the heated debates of the
time, even within his committee there were disputes about
whether to include this supposed new mental disorder in the
DSM. Part of the concern was that so little was known about its
causes, or how to treat it—criticisms acknowledged by Spitzer
and his colleagues. Yet ironically, this lack of knowledge became
one of the powerful reasons to create the new condition, with
enthusiasts arguing that a listing in the DSM would facilitate
more research on its causes and treatment.26
Another key concern raised from the beginning by some of
Spitzer’s committee was that because all women experience some
degree of pre-menstrual symptoms, there was a danger the
psychiatrists were going to label aspects of ordinary life as a
mental disorder. Again acknowledging the concern, Spitzer
and his supporters responded that similar arguments could be
made about many established mental disorders. For example,
they argued, depression was simply an extreme form of sadness.
Spitzer’s point was that with these sorts of disorders, a lot of
care must always be taken in defining the boundary between what
is normal and what is sick. But Spitzer did not explain how those
boundaries are supposed to survive the whirlwind of mass
marketing deliberately designed to blur them. While the strict
criteria for a disabling impairment might look like a reasonable
boundary on paper in front of a group of psychiatrists, in the
real world of drug promotion a woman having trouble with a
shopping trolley becomes the definition of a new disorder seen
by tens of millions across America.

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Despite the objections of two of its members, Spitzer’s

original committee recommended including the condition then
known as LLPDD in the DSM. The recommendation sparked a
chorus of criticism from some women’s groups and professional
societies—underlining the premature nature of such an addition.
The compromise solution was to include the new disease, but
only in the appendix to the manual, as a disorder requiring
further research. It was therefore not even an official category
when the next version of the manual was published in 1987.27
Six years later, in preparation for the following revision of the
DSM, another committee revisited the same debate. Despite
reviewing hundreds of studies, committee members found there
was still much uncertainty about how to define this condition.
There was still no consensus about whether it existed as a
separate mental disorder, and more research was needed to
resolve the dispute. At that time the name late luteal phase
dysphoric disorder was replaced with pre-menstrual dysphoric
disorder, but the disorder would remain listed in the appendix of
the DSM as a condition requiring further research.
There was, however, another highly significant development
at this point. Despite the ongoing doubts and disputes within
the committee, the publishers of the manual took the unusual
step of classifying PMDD as a bonafide depressive disorder and
listing it in the main body of the DSM, at the same time as it was
still listed in the manual’s appendix as a tentative unofficial
condition needing more research. While appearing somewhat
contradictory this move was important commercially because it
gave PMDD a precious item number—allowing doctors to
prescribe drugs to treat the condition, and health insurers
to fund them.28
It was here that the rifts between the scientists debating this

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new condition became major disagreements. Psychiatry profes-

sor Sally Severino—a member of the committee trying to define
the new condition—says it was at this point that she parted
company with her colleagues Spitzer and Endicott. ‘The data did
not prove PMDD existed as a valid diagnosis,’ she said. ‘The
decision to make it a depressive disorder was driven more by
politics than science.’29 Making the condition look more like a
legitimate mental illness, Severino explained, opened it up for
lucrative research funding from pharmaceutical companies. ‘As
far as I was concerned the decision was not based on anything in
the data we looked at.’ So does PMDD really exist? ‘That’s a
good question,’ she laughed.
What happened next would help push an unknown, unof-
ficial and for some, an unreal condition from the back pages of
the psychiatrist’s manual into glossy magazines and television
screens everywhere, thanks to Lilly, the company best known
for its blockbuster antidepressant Prozac. By the late 1990s
Prozac—whose chemical name is fluoxetine—was about to lose
its patent, and Lilly stood to lose hundreds of millions of
dollars because of the emergence of cheaper generic competitors.
Winning approval for the drug for a new disease might re-
energise sales of this blockbuster chemical.
In late 1998 Lilly helped fund a small meeting, impressively
titled as a ‘Roundtable’ of researchers, which came together and
discussed PMDD. The meeting of just sixteen key experts took
place in Washington, DC, and it was attended by a group of
FDA staff and at least four Lilly representatives. The chair was
Columbia University’s Jean Endicott, who had by then been
pushing for the acceptance of this disorder for over a decade.
This time, though, Endicott had a giant pharmaceutical com-
pany on her side.

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Within twelve months the minutes of that ‘Roundtable’

would appear in a medical journal article claiming there was now
a scientific consensus that PMDD was a ‘distinct clinical entity’.30
Even though the article appeared in a very minor journal, its
publication would lend credibility to the claims that this was a
real disorder and help convince the FDA to approve Lilly’s drug
for the treatment of PMDD just a few months later. Despite
requests, neither Lilly nor FDA officials would talk publicly
about the Roundtable meeting. They have offered no explanation
as to how a company-sponsored gathering can apparently play
such a key role in regulatory acceptance of a new condition
and simultaneous approval of that sponsor’s drug. While the
Roundtable was obviously designed to help win regulatory
approval for Prozac’s new use, it was also designed to try to end
the scientific uncertainty about whether PMDD really exists. As
it turned out the meeting only served to highlight the continu-
ing uncertainty and controversy.
The meeting was held in the shadow cast by just one
company, Lilly. It was supported by just one company, and repre-
sentatives from just one company were in attendance. Turning
down repeated requests for interviews, Lilly has refused to answer
one of the most critical questions here: what role did it play in
transforming those Roundtable meeting minutes into a medical
journal article that helped provide the scientific rationale for
the approval of the company’s antidepressant for this controver-
sial condition? Company-sponsored ghost-writing of scientific
articles is widespread within the medical establishment, particu-
larly within the world of psychiatry.31 Asked about the fact that
drug companies were now funding such vitally important scien-
tific activities—where the very existence of new disorders was
being debated—Endicott said simply, ‘It’s a way of life.’32

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Advertising disease Pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder

Critics like Paula Caplan argue no important new scientific

evidence had emerged since the early 1990s to prove this was a
separate condition, so at the time of the Roundtable in 1998
PMDD still didn’t deserve the status of a separate mental
disorder. Psychiatrist Sally Severino agrees. Jean Endicott dis-
agrees and says there was significant new evidence, though not
a lot of it. Yet even with the limited new evidence that Endicott
points to, it is clear even from the published journal article
that enormous uncertainties still existed about this so-called
disorder—even among the tiny group of hand-picked experts
who attended the meeting.33
Endicott’s summing up at the conclusion of the Roundtable
had an important qualification, hinting at lingering doubts. ‘Most
present are convinced (maybe in different ways) that PMDD is a
distinct entity.’ But despite the doubts and disagreements the Lilly
sponsored meeting had two important bottom-line conclusions,
both highly favourable to the meeting’s sponsor: there was now an
alleged consensus that the disorder existed, and most people
present thought there was sufficient evidence to support the use
of antidepressants like Prozac to treat it.
By Christmas of 1999, a meeting of advisers to the FDA had
voted unanimously to approve Lilly’s fluoxetine for the treatment
of PMDD. Soon after the FDA formally gave Lilly the green
light to market its drug for PMDD and Lilly organised a launch
to do just that. But in an extraordinary turn of events, the pill
was not launched under the name Prozac. Lilly had done some
sophisticated market research with doctors and potential
patients, and as a result it had decided to re-paint Prozac with
attractive lavender and pink colours and rename it Sarafem.
For specialists in pharmaceutical marketing like Vince Parry,
the story of PMDD and Sarafem is a great example of a

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company ‘fostering the creation of a condition and aligning

it with a product’.34 He worked for Lilly on the campaign,
which he describes as helping to ‘build awareness for both the
condition and the drug’. To kick it off, he says, the company
sponsored a ‘pre-launch initiative’ to raise awareness of the
condition. ‘By changing the brand name from Prozac to
Sarafem—packaged in a lavender-coloured pill and promoted
with images of sunflowers and smart women—Lilly created a
brand that better aligned with the personality of the condition
for a hand-in-glove fit.’35
With Sarafem and PMDD, Parry explains, Lilly’s market
research investigated how best to brand both the drug and the
condition, to come up with language women felt most comfort-
able with. PMDD, he says, ‘has a certain kind of personality that
they can see themselves in . . . even the advertising that was done
to support it, the women weren’t sort of these spooky women
who looked depressed. The advertising featured women who
were confident, self-assured, were unafraid of asking for help and
recognising that this is a condition they shouldn’t feel ashamed
of or anything … all those things are developed in conjunction
with the very patients themselves to make sure that there is a lock
and key result.’36
Somehow, though, despite Parry’s and Lilly’s best efforts, the
personality of both Sarafem and PMDD became a little confused,
partly because of some strong negative reactions to the shopping
trolley ad screened across America. Even the industry-friendly
FDA reacted, arguing that the TV ad trivialised the seriousness
of this alleged new mental disorder by associating it with
normal pre-menstrual problems. In a letter to Lilly the FDA was
particularly critical of the catchy tag line, ‘Think it’s PMS? It
could be PMDD’.37

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Advertising disease Pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder

The letter stated that the ad never clearly defined the differ-
ence between PMS and PMDD, and it therefore ‘broadens’ the
condition unreasonably. While the FDA had clearly accepted
the view that PMDD exists, ironically its criticisms of the ad
reinforced the concerns of those who felt ordinary life was being
made into a medical condition. Says drug researcher Barbara
Mintzes, ‘These ads are really selling the magical solution that
you won’t have to deal with something that was a normal part of
life any more.’38 Says psychologist Paula Caplan, ‘In a nutshell,
you see them taking a very common kind of experience and
making that very thing into a mental disorder.’39
Caplan’s concern that serious problems were being trivialised
comes from a different perspective than that of the folks at the
FDA. She worries that a psychiatric label of PMDD can be used
to cover up or mask the real sources of pain and anguish for
some women at the time of their period. Such sources may
include a history of violent relationships, stressful life circum-
stances, poverty, or harassment—problems that clearly cannot be
fixed with a pill.40
Despite the concerns, the marketing of both the new con-
dition and the antidepressants to treat it has continued apace in
the US. In Europe, however, Lilly’s marketing of Sarafem/
Prozac (fluoxetine) for PMDD came to a very abrupt stop. In
mid-2003, following deliberations about standardising product
labels across Europe, the central drug regulator issued a devas-
tating statement raising serious questions about the disorder’s
existence. It also fiercely criticised the quality of the company’s
clinical trials that purported to show the benefits of the drug.
A panel from the European Agency for the Evaluation of
Medicinal Products noted that ‘PMDD is not a well-established
disease entity across Europe. It is not listed in the International

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Classification of Diseases and remains only a researcher diag-

nosis in DSM IV.’ But their next finding was the most powerful
reason advanced for halting the promotion of Prozac for
PMDD, and it echoed the now familiar arguments of feminist
critics. ‘There was considerable concern that women with less
severe pre-menstrual symptoms might erroneously receive a diag-
nosis of PMDD resulting in widespread inappropriate short and
long-term use of fluoxetine.’41
The regulators then vigorously criticised two of Lilly’s key
studies of Prozac/fluoxetine for PMDD, finding them to have
major deficiencies. The trials were too short, the patients were
not representative of those who would be prescribed the drug
and, worst of all, it was not exactly clear what the trials were
measuring so the results were of questionable value anyway.
The damning findings of this panel were in stark contrast to
the conclusions of the Lilly-sponsored Roundtable of experts in
the US: the European regulator was not at all convinced there
was enough evidence to justify the use of Lilly’s Prozac for
PMDD.
Paula Caplan welcomed the move. ‘I think it’s a wonderful
decision,’ she said. ‘This kind of scrutiny of the science or lack
of science behind trials of drugs is all too rare and it is to
be praised.’ Jean Endicott was not at all impressed, saying the
decision did a disservice to women. Lilly was forced to inform
physicians in Europe of the regulator’s decision banning Prozac
for PMDD via letters, a decision that a spokesperson described
as ‘unfortunate’.42
While the FDA may have criticised Lilly’s initial round of
ads, the US regulator has gone on to approve several other
similar antidepressant medications for PMDD, including Pfizer’s
Zoloft and GSK’s Paxil. And as with many new drug approvals

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Advertising disease Pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder

these days, they are accompanied by much company-funded

‘awareness-raising’ about the disorder the drugs have been
approved to treat. Pfizer’s marketing of PMDD even employs
some of the words and concepts used by Lilly.
Are you giving up days to what you think is PMS? If you are, it could
be PMDD.
Zoloft ad
It’s likely these more recent advertisements have not received
the same level of scrutiny from the regulators as the initial Lilly
ad received back in 2000. Soon after winning office that year, the
Bush administration appointed an attorney to be the official
counsel for the FDA who had in the past worked as a legal
counsel on the side of the drug companies against the FDA. His
arrival brought new procedures requiring that any warning letters
to be sent to drug companies had to be first approved by his
office, where inevitably a bottleneck formed. The steady stream
of warning letters to companies slowed to a trickle, sometimes
sent so belatedly they did not arrive at the company’s offices until
well after the offending ad campaign had finished.43
GSK’s advertisements for Paxil and PMDD are even more
blatant in their attempt to blur the boundaries between ordinary
life and mental illness.
I always thought it was just PMS. Now I know otherwise.
Grouchy? Emotional? Irritable? It may be PMDD.44
As advertising campaigns like these are clearly targeting
relatively normal and healthy women experiencing common
problems, the issue of side effects becomes ever more important.
For these three drugs, serious sexual problems are a major and
common side effect. And as the world has learnt, many years after
its original approval, with Paxil side effects can be particularly

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worrying, including withdrawal problems that are in some cases

severe.45
But the problem of withdrawal is just one of many challenges
to the blockbuster Paxil—also known as Seroxat and Aropax. One
of the world’s top-selling antidepressants, the drug was also one
of the biggest money-spinners ever for the giant Anglo-American
pharmaceutical company GSK. A large part of Paxil’s extra-
ordinary success was because it has been approved to treat more
conditions than almost all of its competitor antidepressants.
The most controversial of those conditions, though, was ulti-
mately not PMDD, but another obscure psychiatric disorder the
drug giant has pushed into the spotlight with claims it affects one
in eight people. To help launch the new disorder, GSK turned to
one of the world’s giant communications corporations. That
company would run what would become an award-winning
public relations campaign, and produce an historic case study in
selling sickness.

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Shaping public perceptions

Social anxiety disorder

eborah Olguin first heard about social anxiety disorder

D from a television commercial. She was unemployed at the
time and having a lot of trouble coping with job interviews.
Each interview seemed to go worse than the one before and
Deborah found herself becoming more and more nervous and
agitated. Then she saw an advertisement about a new condition
called social anxiety disorder and a medication called Paxil.
‘I just thought, well, maybe this will help me with my job inter-
views,’ she says, looking back a few years later. ‘I pretty much
diagnosed myself.’1
A resident of a small trailer park community in southern
California, Deborah took herself off to her local physician.
‘I told him what was going on and that I’d seen these commer-
cials on television and asked him if he would give me a
prescription. He did, and I started taking Paxil.’2 Two months
later, her anxiety alleviated, Deborah landed a job working in real
estate, where she stayed for the next four years. ‘I think taking the

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medication helped me be able to work with the public in a

comfortable way.’ With her successful self-diagnosis of social
anxiety disorder, Deborah was at the frontier of medical
science—her condition had only just been pushed from the
shadows of obscurity into the glare of the public spotlight, and
the powerful antidepressant Paxil had just become the first drug
ever approved to treat it.
In the space of little more than a year Paxil’s manufacturer
GSK took a little-known and once-considered rare psychiatric
condition and helped transform it into a major epidemic called
social anxiety disorder—claimed at one point by the company to
affect one in eight Americans.3 The transformation would ulti-
mately help rack up sales of Paxil worth $3 billion a year, and
make it the world’s top-selling antidepressant. The ads Deborah
saw on TV were just the tip of the iceberg, the most visible part
of a multi-layered campaign to fundamentally reshape public
perceptions about shyness and uneasiness in social situations.
To pull it off, the pharmaceutical giant turned to WPP, one
of the world’s big communications corporations, and that
company’s public relations subsidiary, Cohn & Wolfe.
‘We’re not only tapped into the latest trends, we set them,’
boasted the team at Cohn & Wolfe.4 With headquarters on
New York’s Madison Avenue, it is one of a select group of
PR houses that specialise in unconventional ways to market
pharmaceuticals. Set up in the 1970s, the firm rose to global
prominence when it won the PR work for Coca-Cola’s Olympic
Games sponsorship. Now its list of corporate clients includes
household names in fast food, oil and drugs—Taco Bell,
ChevronTexaco, and GSK.
With a division dedicated entirely to health care and pharma-
ceuticals, Cohn & Wolfe has developed very special skills. Not

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only does it market drugs, it can also help drug companies with
the tricky process of seeking FDA approval. ‘But it is often the
work we do cultivating the marketplace prior to approval,’ says
the website, ‘that demonstrates the true power of our communi-
cations efforts.’5 This was the power that GSK harnessed to help
sell a little-known disorder to the world.
Despite their enormous influence around the globe, public
relations firms are largely invisible to those of us whose minds
they change. Cohn & Wolfe is actually only a brand name anyway,
since it is a subsidiary of the giant WPP Group, a global
conglomerate that sells advertising, PR, branding and other
services to many of the world’s biggest corporations—includ-
ing tobacco company Philip Morris—generating revenues of
more than $6 billion a year.6
As the public relations industry saw it, GSK specifically hired
Cohn & Wolfe to position social anxiety disorder as a severe con-
dition.7 This occurred before Paxil was even approved for the
treatment of this condition, in order to give Cohn & Wolfe time
to start ‘cultivating the marketplace’.8 The campaign would have
two clear objectives. The first was to generate extensive media
coverage about social anxiety disorder, always making the link
between the condition and the drug. The second and far more
important aim was to make sure Paxil would outsell Zoloft—the
blockbuster antidepressant that was then number two to world
leader Prozac.9 To put it bluntly, the public was to be educated
about a new condition by a campaign whose primary goal was to
maximise sales of a drug.
In keeping with modern public relations techniques, the PR
firm helped orchestrate what looked like a grassroots movement
to raise public awareness about a neglected disorder. The aware-
ness-raising campaign was based on the slogan, ‘Imagine being

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allergic to people’. Posters that featured a sad-looking man and

listed commonly experienced symptoms were distributed across
America. ‘You blush, sweat, shake—even find it hard to breathe.
That’s what social anxiety disorder feels like.’ The posters
appeared to come from several medical and advocacy groups
under the umbrella of the Social Anxiety Disorder Coalition: all
three members of the ‘coalition’ rely heavily on sponsorship from
drug companies. Calls from the media to the ‘coalition’ were
handled by Cohn & Wolfe.10
Just as we have seen with the promotion of ADD and other
conditions, advocacy groups earn some of their drug company
sponsorship dollars by providing suffering patients to talk to
deadline-sensitive journalists. And that is exactly what happened
in this case—with the PR firm organising teleconferences with
sufferers. What Cohn & Wolfe describe as ‘aggressive media
outreach’ also involved the distribution of video news releases,
press kits, and the setting up of a network of spokespeople. The
outreach to the media apparently worked wonders: stories were
generated everywhere from the high-class New York Times to the
lowbrow Howard Stern Show—from the glossy Vogue to the much-
watched Good Morning America.11
No awareness-raising campaign is complete without medical
expertise, and in this case it came from University of California
psychiatrist Dr Murray Stein. Among others, Stein offered flat-
tering praise for Paxil in the company’s original press releases
about social anxiety disorder—described as a condition where
people are sick with the fear of social settings that might involve
being scrutinised and evaluated by others.12 The press release
explained that the condition ‘is not just shyness’, but a much more
distressing disorder that interfered with normal life. ‘Social
anxiety disorder can be thought of in some ways as being a real

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extreme of shyness,’ says Stein, who helped run the key company-
funded trials of the drug for this disorder, and who has since
maintained ties to the manufacturer.13 At last count, on top of his
university job, Stein has worked in recent years as a paid consult-
ant to no less than seventeen drug companies, including GSK.14
What was at first just a trickle of media stories about social
anxiety disorder soon became a steady stream. The market was
being well and truly irrigated—as part of Cohn & Wolfe’s culti-
vation program. In early 1999 the FDA gave GSK the green light
by approving Paxil for this new disorder, pushing the marketing
campaign into overdrive. A barrage of direct-to-consumer adver-
tisements, just like those for PMDD, introduced a generation
to a psychiatric condition they’d never heard of before. TV
commercials that featured disturbing images of people with
intense fears of social situations were seen by tens of millions of
Americans, including Deborah Olguin, unemployed, watching
TV from her trailer park in California.
The following year Cohn & Wolfe was recognised for its
innovative work on the social anxiety disorder campaign, winning
an award from the Public Relations Society of America. Accord-
ing to the commendation, the PR firm had successfully used
psychiatrist experts, third-party representatives and patient testi-
monials, and ‘educated’ reporters, consumers and physicians
about the new disorder—generating ‘1.1 billion media impres-
sions’ in just one year. The award was particularly warranted
because the ‘heightened public awareness of Paxil and social
anxiety disorder’ had helped boost sales of the drug so much so
that it had surpassed Zoloft and was temporarily tied with
Prozac—a major achievement within the industry.15
But had people like Deborah Olguin and the millions of
others watching really been educated? She was certainly not warned

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that five years later she would still be taking Paxil because of
horrendous withdrawal symptoms that occurred every time she
tried to stop. She was not told that while social anxiety disorder
would help make Paxil one of GSK’s top money-spinners, the
prohibitive costs of her monthly prescription would regularly
send her driving for hours across the border to Mexico seek-
ing affordable pills. Likewise, Olguin was never informed of
evidence suggesting Paxil was associated with an increase in the
risk of suicidal thinking and behaviour in children and adoles-
cents—evidence that when it finally became public would cause
British health authorities to virtually ban the drug for youngsters.
To describe the GSK-funded Cohn & Wolfe’s PR campaign as
education is a grotesque fiction. The fact that it also generated so
much sycophantic media coverage may well justify the PR award
and excitement on Madison Avenue, but it is also a timely indict-
ment of the flaccid culture of much medical reporting.16
There is little doubt that for some people antidepressants
including Paxil can be beneficial and even life-saving. But for
others like Deborah Olguin, the drug honeymoon is soon over. ‘I
don’t want anybody to ever go through what I have gone through
with this medication,’ she said. Ironically, her problems with the
drug first started when she stopped taking Paxil because she
couldn’t get to a doctor to renew her prescription. A few days
later she began feeling anxious and nervous, experiencing weird
sensations she described as electric zaps going through her brain.
When she finally got the prescription refilled, the symptoms went
away. After the same thing happened on a second occasion when
she was unable to get a prescription for several days, she started
to think the drug might be causing the problem. Her doctors
simply told her to keep taking the medication, though she
became determined to try to stop. ‘There was one point I went

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around ten days without the drug and I was totally not function-
ing. Not functioning at all. It was horrible, it was just horrible.’17
Initially denied by GSK, and overlooked by health authorities,
long-term campaigns by consumer activists and others have
forced official recognition of Paxil’s withdrawal problems. One
of the key campaigners has been British activist Charles Medawar
whose site, Social Audit, has played an important role in raising
public awareness.18 While there is still debate about how many
people experience difficulties stopping—it could affect one in
four users—with some, like Deborah, withdrawal symptoms can
be so severe they are unable to stop at all.19 With millions of
people taking Paxil worldwide, even if just a small proportion
experience serious problems that’s an awful lot of people.
It wasn’t just that comprehensive and accurate material about
the drug’s side effects were left out of the award-winning Cohn
& Wolfe campaign. Material from the PR firm also missed out
important information about the condition, only telling part of
the story. The widely recognised name for this condition is not
social anxiety disorder at all, but rather social phobia. Social
phobia has long been considered a rare psychiatric condition
that causes a very small proportion of people to avoid social
situations. It was first described in modern times by French
researchers at the end of the nineteenth century.20 Try looking
for a condition called social anxiety disorder in many current
textbooks of psychiatry and you won’t find it.
The international manual of mental illnesses simply does not
list a condition called social anxiety disorder.21 In the bible of
US psychiatry the name is only mentioned in brackets after the
official title—Social Phobia (Social Anxiety Disorder). The US
psychiatry manual’s authorised list of symptoms describing the
condition still appears under the heading ‘Social Phobia’,22 and

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the accompanying guidebook appears to make no mention of

any condition called social anxiety disorder.
Trying to find out exactly how GSK came to choose the name
social anxiety disorder to create those 1.1 billion ‘impressions’ in
the media is not easy, because neither Cohn & Wolfe nor GSK
will answer questions. It seems certain, though, that marketing
considerations were part of the company’s motivation in select-
ing one name over another. According to psychiatrists who
specialise in this field, the two different condition names suggest
two quite different views of the underlying problem and how it
might best be treated.
To put it simply, an anxiety disorder is seen as being more
able to be treated with drug therapy. Something called a phobia is
considered to be a condition more amenable to the idea of
talking therapies. ‘Industry could, by preferring the term social
anxiety disorder, give the impression that this disorder necessar-
ily requires drug treatment,’ says British psychiatrist Dr David
Baldwin, who has worked on company-funded trials of the anti-
depressants but like many of his colleagues still strongly prefers
the term ‘social phobia’.23
The other important difference is that a lot more people can
be categorised as being ill if you apply the definition of an
anxiety disorder rather than a phobia. This is because with the
definition of social phobia, which still holds weight in much of
the world outside North America, there is an emphasis on the
patient having to avoid situations that cause fear, in order to be
diagnosed with this condition and defined as being sick.24 With
the definition of social anxiety disorder being pushed in the
United States a person doesn’t necessarily have to avoid the social
situation to attract the label, it is enough that they fear it and
that that fear causes them anxiety and distress.25 In other words

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the threshold for diagnosis is lower with an anxiety disorder, and

the potential pool of patients much bigger.
The marketing guru Vince Parry didn’t work on this GSK
campaign, but he sees it nevertheless as a good example of
branding a condition. ‘I’d say that the area that has been most
ripe for condition branding has been anxiety and mood dis-
orders,’ said Parry, explaining that for these disorders there is no
blood test a person could take—so the diagnosis is made with a
checklist of symptoms.26 In the past we had ‘jitters, stage fright,
inability to feel comfortable in a crowd. These were normally
called shyness or extreme shyness,’ he says. But now we have a
medical condition called social anxiety disorder, which is a
‘general feeling of sort of uneasiness among other individuals
that might limit your ability to participate’. Importantly, Parry’s
vague description of the symptoms of this new condition—
experienced by vast swathes of the entire population—reinforces
the arguments of critics who suggest we are witnessing a blurring
of the boundaries between normal life and treatable illness.27 For
Parry, who earns his living helping drug companies design and
promote new disorders, or spruce up old ones, this blurring is
not unhealthy. On the contrary, he suggested cheerfully, it makes
people feel better about themselves. ‘When people can identify
and see themselves as these individuals [with this condition],
they don’t judge themselves as harshly. They know they can go
and get help and as a result they can pursue their career dreams,
or their relationship options without feeling like there’s some-
thing really, really wrong with them.’28 It seems that before
becoming healthy we must all recognise we are sick.
Not all attempts at branding conditions are as successful as
the Cohn & Wolfe campaign. When another drug company tried
to promote social phobia a few years earlier it failed miserably.

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Some of the action took place in Australia, where a less expe-

rienced PR firm was hired to cultivate the social phobia
market—on behalf of Swiss giant Roche, at the time keen to
promote its antidepressant drug Aurorix for the condition. One
of the classic press releases from that effort claimed that a
million Australians were suffering from a little-known but soul-
destroying psychiatric disorder called social phobia.29 But this
key ‘fact’ was an extremely shaky foundation for the campaign,
because among the population of 18 million or so there was
nothing like a million Australians suffering with this disorder.
Official government estimates at the time suggested a third of
that number, and even that was probably an overestimate.30 As it
turned out, Roche couldn’t even find the small number of social
phobia patients needed to enrol in clinical trials of the company’s
drug, and the clumsy PR campaign was quietly abandoned.
Roche’s plain-talking managing director in Australia, Fred
Nadjarian, would later claim to have been ‘taken in’ by estimates
given to him by his marketing staff of how widespread the
condition was supposed to be. ‘I thought there might be a big
market,’ says Nadjarian, ‘but when we tried to recruit [for the
trials] we just weren’t able to.’ Warning that behind every statistic
there is a vested interest—whether it be a professional society, a
self-interested researcher or a drug company—Nadjarian urged
that more healthy scepticism was needed all round. ‘A lot of
disease estimates are blown out of all proportion,’ he said. ‘The
marketing people always beat these things up.’31
With this particular condition—whether it’s called social
phobia or social anxiety disorder—the estimates of how many
people legitimately suffer it range from less than 1 per cent to
16 per cent.32 As with many other conditions, the bigger the
supposed prevalence, the easier for drug companies to claim that

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there is massive underdiagnosis and that millions are suffering in

silence without needed treatment—and to use that claim as the
key justification for massive PR campaigns like the one run by
Cohn & Wolfe.
In Europe the estimates of how many people have medical
conditions are often lower than in the US, which is certainly the
case with this condition. Yet even in the US there is a remarkable
variety of estimates—and some rapid changes in those estimates
have taken place in recent years. Just two decades ago, senior
American psychiatrists cited evidence suggesting social phobia
may affect roughly 2 per cent of the population in any given
6 month period.33 By 1998, around 13 per cent—or one in
eight—Americans suffered from social anxiety disorder, accord-
ing to an estimate in drug company advertising material. So
what’s happened?
First the list of symptoms that define social phobia (social
anxiety disorder) has steadily expanded in key revisions of the
psychiatrist’s manual, the DSM, essentially widening the pool of
those defined as sick. Second, those new broadened definitions
have been used in high-profile surveys of the population that
have come up with dramatically higher estimates of how many
people have serious mental disorders, including social phobia/
social anxiety disorder. Third, a drug company trying to push its
product took some of the highest estimates and used them as
part of a massive PR campaign.
As with other conditions like ADD, recent revisions of the
DSM have widened the definition—expanding the number of
social situations a person can fear to qualify for the disorder, and
removing the need for avoidance of those situations as a strict
criterion. One major survey based on those expanded definitions,
the one conducted by Harvard Professor Ron Kessler, estimated

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that 13.3 per cent of people suffered this disorder at some point
in their life—the source of the one-in-eight claim by the Paxil
manufacturer.34
Social anxiety disorder is a lot more common than you may think . . .
1 out of every 8 Americans suffers from social anxiety disorder.
The good news is that it is treatable.
Company patient brochure35

When researchers led by Dr William Narrow revised those

inflated estimates downwards, the biggest drop for any single
condition occurred with social phobia (this survey did not use
the term social anxiety disorder). Narrow’s revised estimates
suggested that in any given year the figure would be under 4 per
cent—and possibly significantly lower.36 Based on their reading
of all the scientific literature, some leading psychiatrists suggest
the true proportion of the population suffering social phobia is
less than 1 per cent.37
Asked about the selling of social anxiety disorder, Narrow
said that in his view some of the Paxil TV commercials had
accurately described the intense fears experienced by people
paralysed in social situations, but he worried that the aggressive
marketing campaign could potentially make common shyness
seem like a mental illness. Using figures like ‘one in eight’ is
counterproductive, he said, because ‘unrealistic numbers really
trivialise the disorder’.38 In its marketing the company has since
used lower estimates, with some commercials suggesting that
more than 10 million people have the disorder, rather than the
30 million or more implied by the one-in-eight figure.
GSK’s social anxiety disorder campaign appears to be another
case where those with mild illness, or sometimes none at all, are
being told they may have a serious psychiatric disorder. As

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we saw with attempts to paint menopause as a condition of

hormone deficiency requiring treatment, part of the selling
strategy here has involved the calculated use of celebrities,
including in this case the US football phenomenon, running
back Ricky Williams. Despite his success on the field, Williams
is apparently a very shy person. Like Deborah Olguin in her
trailer park in California, he only realised he had the mental
illness after watching a TV commercial.39
In the summer of 2002, a blaze of publicity revealed that
Williams—who played for the Miami Dolphins—was suffering
from social anxiety disorder. Stories appeared in the New York
Times and the Los Angeles Times, and there was a segment on the
Oprah show, one of television’s most sought-after venues. The
celebrity sports hero told the national network NBC, ‘I’ve always
been a shy person.’ What some of the media stories disclosed, but
others somehow failed to mention, was that at the time Williams
was being paid by GSK to help raise public awareness about
social anxiety disorder.40 He was also taking Paxil. The celebrity
media appearances, rather than the result of any intelligent
journalism, were simply the latest wave of a now three-year-
old PR campaign to change perceptions about a condition.
Coincidentally that same year Paxil itself would become a major
celebrity, pushing briefly past both Prozac and Zoloft to become
the world’s top-selling antidepressant.41
Asked at the time whether the football star’s comments about
being shy were part of a deliberate attempt to medicalise shyness,
a GSK spokesperson said, ‘It’s an important point, but I don’t
think so.’ He added that there was a big difference between
shyness and social anxiety disorder, which he described as an
underdiagnosed and undertreated condition. ‘We’re very pleased
to be working with Ricky. He’s got an important message, he’s

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got an inspirational story, encouraging others who might have

the symptoms of social anxiety disorder to seek treatment.’42
With symptoms that include sweating, blushing or a pounding
heart, clearly a lot of people may be driven to ‘seek treatment’—
in this case a polite euphemism for seeking Paxil.
The point here is not to play down the genuine suffering of
those who are extremely fearful of public speaking and other
social situations. Rather, the aim is to expose the way drug
marketing, masquerading as education or awareness-raising,
attempts to so profoundly reshape our views about what consti-
tutes treatable illness, and at the same time channel people
towards the latest pill.
The day after that Williams television interview on NBC, the
same network broadcast a segment billed as providing tips for
shy people. During the show an expert told the vast viewing
audience that for ‘social anxiety disorders or even a public
speaking problem, medication may be helpful’. Though the
GSK spokesperson said the football star was ‘not hired to sell
product’, an increase in Paxil sales may not have been an entirely
unexpected outcome of Williams’s media appearances and the
follow-up stories they provoked.43 Curiously, given he was not
hired to sell product, he did offer a very fulsome endorsement to
Paxil just over a year later in a company press release about a new
formulation of the drug. ‘As someone who has suffered from
social anxiety disorder, I am so happy that new treatment
options, like Paxil CR, are available today to help people with
the condition.’44
While the celebrity Ricky Williams might be happy with his
Paxil, and presumably happy also about his deal with GSK, thou-
sands of others like Deborah Olguin are taking legal action
against the company, alleging they were not warned of the drug’s

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potential to cause withdrawal and dependence. The tall, tanned

and tenacious Karen Barth Menzies is the lead attorney from
the Los Angeles law firm Baum Hedlund coordinating the legal
action. ‘We’ve had 10 000 people call us now, and all of them for
the same things,’ she said. ‘I started taking this drug, I had no
idea that I could become addicted to it, and now I’m addicted.’45
While GSK concedes some people experience problems when
they abruptly stop the drug, it rejects the notion that Paxil causes
dependence and people get hooked. It is strongly defending the
action. But the problem of withdrawal is not the only one facing
Paxil and GSK.
One of the key expert advisers to the LA law firm is the high-
profile psychiatrist Professor David Healy, from the University
of Wales. While he sees value in the antidepressants, including
Paxil, Healy has argued that too much ordinary life is being
transformed into medical illness—and that the promotion of
social anxiety disorder is a classic example of the problem. ‘We’re
changing the experience of what it means to be human,’ he said.46
‘If you’ve got a very severe problem and I treat you with a pill like
Paxil, I may save your life, I may save your marriage, I may save
your career. But if you don’t have that, if you’ve got a very mild
problem, then making you a psychiatric patient and putting you
on a pill may pose more risks than leaving you untreated.’47
Over the past decade Healy has become increasingly angered
by the mismatch between the marketing of the antidepressants
and the scientific reality—particularly in relation to the question
of suicidal behaviour. As a result of his work with the legal case
Healy got special access to the GSK corporate archives, where he
claims to have seen evidence of Paxil’s withdrawal problems in
the company’s own scientific data. What’s more, he says that the
trials of Paxil in depressed children showed that the drug caused

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a slight increase in the risk of suicidal thinking and behaviour.

Healy’s discoveries helped fuel global alarm, and growing
consumer and media activism that ultimately forced health
authorities in Britain, the United States and elsewhere to open
investigations into the safety of the whole class of new anti-
depressants, with some extraordinary outcomes, as we saw in
chapter 2.
After a close examination of the GSK-funded trials of Paxil
in children and adolescents with depression, the regulators in the
UK and the US finally uncovered the fact that potentially impor-
tant behaviours had been mislabelled in those company trials
under the term ‘emotional lability’. Forced to go back and relook
at the data from their own trials, GSK then reported that there
was in fact a higher incidence of suicidal thinking and suicide
attempts among the children taking Paxil compared to the
children taking a placebo or dummy pill.48 When authorities
broadened their investigations to look at several of the other
similar antidepressants, they found similar dangers.
At the same time as looking at side effects, the regulators
also decided to investigate the supposed benefits of the
antidepressants. To their shock they found that when all of
the company-funded trials in children with depression were
reviewed and summarised, there was no good evidence that the
antidepressants were any better than a placebo.49 Yet prescrip-
tions to the young had been skyrocketing.50 In the US alone,
5 million prescriptions a year were being written for Paxil and
Zoloft for people under eighteen.51 Against the backdrop of an
exploding scandal, and claims of fundamental weaknesses in
drug regulation, the authorities finally reacted. In 2003, with the
exception of Prozac, the British authorities recommended
against using these drugs for children. In 2004 in the US, in the

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heat of a presidential race, the FDA finally required ‘Black Box’

warnings on the labels of all antidepressants, including Prozac,
a move likely to slow rates of prescriptions at home and else-
where in the world.
In mid-2004, the New York Attorney-General, Elliot Spitzer,
launched his own legal action against GSK, very publicly
accusing the company of fraud. He alleged the drug company
concealed data about both the dangers of Paxil and the lack of
evidence of benefit in depressed children, and it had therefore
misled doctors and the public.52 Within three months GSK had
settled the case. While it rejected the charges as unfounded, it did
agree to pay $2.5 million to avoid the cost of protracted legal
action with the state of New York.53
In court documents the company argued that because Paxil
was not officially approved for use in children (it was being
prescribed by doctors off-label), GSK had therefore been legally
restricted from distributing all the information from its clinical
trials.54 Yet, according to press reports, an internal GSK memo
sent to its drug detailers in 2003 specifically advises the com-
pany’s sales representatives not to discuss the potential link with
suicidal behaviour with prescribing doctors.55
Around the same time as the New York Attorney-General’s
allegations, GSK announced the creation of a new register of its
trials, to allow more public scrutiny of the results whether they
are favourable or not. The GSK register is one part of a world-
wide move towards a global register of all trials, an initiative
pushed by reformers for decades that may bring a long overdue
transparency to industry-funded medical science.56 While some
observers hope these developments will herald a new era of
openness and accountability within the drug industry, it is far
too early to make that call yet.

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Creating a publicly accessible register of trials will make it

harder for companies or researchers to conceal unfavourable
study results, but it will do nothing to control the marketing
campaigns designed to change the way we think about medical
conditions. Cohn & Wolfe, the subsidiary of the giant WPP
communications group, exquisitely executed GSK’s social anxiety
disorder campaign, generated a billion media impressions, sent
sales of Paxil through the roof, and picked up an industry award
for its efforts. Unless the regulatory environment changes, the
PR world will be emboldened by this successful model, Cohn
& Wolfe will do so again, and most likely so will the firm’s
competitors, who will help to foster the creation of conditions
not even yet imagined by Vince Parry. One of those competitors,
the Manhattan firm Manning Selvage and Lee (MS&L), had
this to say in a recent advertisement pitched at pharmaceutical
company executives:
At MS&L, we have a new and higher purpose.
We don’t just change perceptions,
because perceptions can be fleeting.
What we do—in every sense of the word—is this:
Change Minds57

As we saw with depression, part of the ‘awareness-raising’

about social anxiety disorder was designed to narrowly portray
the condition as being caused by a ‘chemical imbalance’ in the
brain, to be fixed with chemical solutions like Paxil.58 Company
suggestions that one in eight people have a psychiatric condition
that ‘may be related to an imbalance of a chemical’ are as absurd
as they are false. A more rational public discussion of the causes
of social unease—one truly seeking to educate people rather
than propagate sales—would take a very different approach.

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A recent textbook about social anxiety suggests an analysis

of its causes might fruitfully begin ‘not with the reasons why
particular individuals are shy or anxious, but with investigation
of cultural influences on patterns of social interaction’.59 The
editors of the book, which collates the work of different
researchers from around the world, suggest a first step towards
understanding is asking, ‘What is the nature of a society that
produces widespread social unease among its members?’ A
question, according to the book’s editors, that provokes specula-
tion and research about cultural phenomena like competition, our
definitions of success, and changing patterns of how we relate to
one another—rather than chemical imbalances in the brain.
The push to suggest that the ‘cause’ of this condition lies
within the individual, whether for biological or psychological
reasons, clearly distracts all of us from a broader understanding
of the complex sources of social anxiety—whether it is defined
as a mental disorder or not. While this is not the only condition
where this is the case, it serves as a strong example of a much
wider problem. The messages coming from the pharmaceutical
industry’s marketing machinery try to keep the public focus on a
narrow range of chemical solutions to health problems. But they
also keep the focus on a narrow range of causes.
There is a growing body of scientific evidence that suggests
the health of individuals and populations is determined by many
more factors than their serotonin levels and how many medicines
they consume.60 Factors that relate to education, environment,
the economy, and inequality have big influences on health. To
keep pushing the attention of the public, and their decision-
makers in government, towards such narrowly defined chemical
causes and pharmaceutical solutions is to potentially miss out as
a community on much safer, cheaper and far more effective ways

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to reduce the burden of genuine illness and help make more

people healthier and happier. Perhaps one of the best examples
of the public debate being skewed in this way is the current
obsession for testing bone density in order to prevent fractures.

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Osteoporosis

t was a bright winter morning in Edmonton, the capital of the

I Canadian province of Alberta. The ground was coated with a
fresh blanket of snow that had fallen overnight. With no bird
tracks yet tracing the tops of the snowdrifts the world looked so
smooth, so beautiful, so uncomplicated. Or so thought Wendy
Armstrong, a former nurse turned health advocate as she looked
out her kitchen window and picked up the phone.
There was only one message left overnight on the Alberta
Consumers’ Association’s answering machine. An Edmonton
woman in alarmed tones asked: ‘What the heck is going on?’ She
was talking about something she’d heard on the radio. It sounded
like an advertisement but she wasn’t sure. A popular sports
announcer on a local radio station was hectoring his listeners as
if he was calling a hockey game. ‘C’mon, are you worried about
that dreaded disease called osteoporosis that’s sweeping the
nation? Then get down to Saint Mike’s and get your bone density
test today. And Alberta Health will even pay for it.’1

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This hectoring by the local sports announcer was in fact the

start of a global decade-long campaign to drive women into
clinics to get their bone density tested. The campaign was
enthusiastically supported by the drug companies, who make
money selling the drugs for the condition, and the specialist
doctors called radiologists, who make money doing the tests.
Using a raft of sophisticated public relations techniques, this
informal alliance has tried to convince a generation of healthy
women that they are at risk of breaking a bone at any moment
and that their very lives are in peril, stalked constantly by the
‘silent thief ’ of osteoporosis.
What the campaign propaganda usually leaves out is that the
value of these bone density tests is highly controversial, the drugs
are often of modest benefit yet carry serious side effects, and
whether this is a disease at all is open to question. The loss of
bone density is something that occurs in many people as they
age—it is a natural, normal process, except in very rare cases.
Having bones with particularly low mineral density does increase
a person’s chances of a future fracture, but it is just one among a
series of factors that do—including whether or not there are
loose mats in your house and whether you might need better
glasses. When a group of independent Canadian researchers and
doctors based at the University of British Columbia examined all
of the scientific data about osteoporosis a few years ago, they
concluded that the widespread promotion of bone density tests
to women was a classic case of ‘the marketing of fear’.2
Hip fractures due to falls are a huge public health issue affect-
ing millions of elderly people around the world every year.3
A hip fracture can be devastating to an individual, and costly to
a health system. They usually don’t happen until someone is
quite elderly, and are often associated with the closing chapter of

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life. There are many ways to try to prevent hip and other
fractures, including changes in lifestyle, diet, and household
arrangements, but in recent years there has been a narrowing
focus on the measurements of bone density, coinciding with the
release of new blockbuster drugs that slow its loss. Like ice
covered by a snow drift, falls—one of the main reasons people
break their hips—have stayed buried under mounds of enthusi-
asm from those pushing the testing and the drugs. In 2003
Americans spent $1.7 billion on just one osteoporosis drug to
slow the loss of bone density—Fosamax—yet it’s highly likely
the nation only spent a tiny fraction of that on public awareness
campaigns to try to prevent elderly people falling.4
Because osteoporosis essentially has no symptoms, drug
companies have had to work hard to convince women to take the
condition seriously. The key to selling has been to instil enough
fear to drive people into clinics to get tested for the ‘disease’ and
then to get them into treatment. Central to the industry’s
campaigns have been marketing specialists like Kym White. A
PR professional with the New York office of Ogilvy Public
Relations, the confident White has spent nearly twenty years
advising the world’s major health care, pharmaceutical and
biotechnology companies on PR, including how to mount
successful ‘disease awareness’ campaigns.
Kym White recalls early market research on osteoporosis that
uncovered a major problem for the pharmaceutical industry:
basically the average person in the street wasn’t really all that
worried about it. In fact, in the early 1990s, few people had
even heard about osteoporosis and if they had, it was largely
dismissed as something that hunched-over little old ladies had.
This signalled to the PR world that osteoporosis needed a
makeover. She explains: ‘What needed to be done in the field of

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osteoporosis—for all the companies that had a stake in that

disease—was we needed to convince women who were much
closer to the age of 50 that osteoporosis was something that they
needed to be thinking about then, because there were steps they
could be taking in their fifties and in their sixties, to make sure
that they didn’t end up being that little old woman that they saw
on the street.’5
One of the companies with a big stake in osteoporosis was
Merck, which launched a drug called Fosamax in 1995, the first
‘blockbuster’ in a new generation of osteoporosis drugs. Even
before its drug hit the streets in the US, Merck was subsidising
the distribution of the bone density testing machines needed to
ensure that women would get the diagnosis for which Merck’s
drug would be prescribed—a brilliant strategy that earned the
company accolades for its business acumen.6 One analyst noted
simply: ‘The more physicians who are capable of reliably diag-
nosing osteoporosis, the more prescriptions for Fosamax are
likely to be written.’7
Coincidentally, just a year or so before Fosamax’s launch, a
new definition of the condition called osteoporosis had been
written by a study group of the World Health Organization.8
That group decided that ‘normal’ bone density was the bone
density of a young woman (a 30-year-old)—a definition that
automatically made the bones of many older women ‘abnormal’.
In an extraordinary moment of candour the authors admitted
that the decision about where to draw the line defining osteo-
porosis is ‘somewhat arbitrary’. They then proceeded to write a
definition that automatically defined 30 per cent of all post-
menopausal women as having a disease. Under these rules an
X-ray would be used to scan bone density. If a woman had a
little bit of bone loss compared to the bones of a young woman,

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then that would constitute ‘pre-osteoporosis’—or osteopenia. A

little bit more bone loss, and a woman would be diagnosed and
labelled as having a ‘disease’ called osteoporosis.
While this definition is now widely accepted within medi-
cine, it has also generated strong criticism from those like the
independent group of researchers at Canada’s University of
British Columbia, who see it as another example of turning an
aspect of ordinary life into a medical condition. Helping fuel
that criticism is the fact that two other drug companies funded
WHO study groups’ deliberations, sponsoring the key meeting
where the definition was finalised.9 With the imprimatur of the
WHO, this definition established an international benchmark,
which has gone on to spawn the mainstream measures of the
diagnosis and treatment of osteoporosis around the world, from
Alberta to New South Wales.
Based on the WHO definition, groups like the National
Osteoporosis Foundation in the US tell us that this ‘debilitat-
ing disease’ is a ‘major public health threat for an estimated
44 million Americans’, or more than half of the entire pop-
ulation over 50 years old. That 44 million figure includes
10 million who qualify for the diagnosis of the ‘disease’ ‘osteo-
porosis’ and another 34 million estimated to have low bone mass
or osteopenia, putting them ‘at risk’ of osteoporosis.10 Like many
other ostensibly independent groups, this osteoporosis foun-
dation has received support from drug companies.
For independent-minded health researchers like Australian
Professor David Henry, this corporate-sponsored approach to
understanding the problem of bone loss and fractures is simply
wrong. The head of a multidisciplinary team of public health
scientists and medical doctors based at the University of
Newcastle in Australia, Henry is appalled by the attempt to

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turn so many healthy women into patients. He believes the

use of figures like 44 million promote fear rather than under-
standing and positive action. When people define osteoporosis
as a ‘disease’ that needs to be treated, rather than seeing frac-
tures primarily as a public health problem that might benefit
from changes in lifestyle and diet, says Henry bluntly, ‘that is
disease-mongering’.11
While the grossly inflated figures may draw sharp criticism
from some, they unquestionably help the pharmaceutical indus-
try to claim that this ‘disease’ is widely underdiagnosed and
undertreated. Which is exactly what Merck has done. In its
communications to shareholders, the company has emphasised
the treatment gap, saying that ‘fewer than 25 percent of women
with osteoporosis in seven major markets have been diagnosed
and treated’.12
Back in Edmonton, Wendy Armstrong witnessed first hand
how the whole osteoporosis machine kicked into gear around the
time of those hectoring radio announcements. In 1994 in
Alberta, a province of almost 3 million people, there were just
over 2500 bone density tests done. By the time Merck’s Fosamax
had hit the Canadian market two years later, that number had
increased more than fivefold, to over 13 000.13 The climb in bone
density testing helped bring on the explosion in sales of osteo-
porosis drugs,14 creating a global market for the pharmaceutical
industry currently worth $5 billion annually, but predicted by
some to reach over $10 billion in a few short years.15
While the tests were certainly building drug sales, some of
the scientists were becoming more and more uncertain that this
strategy of focusing on testing and drugs was the best way for
individuals or communities to prevent fractures. A landmark
1997 report from the British Columbia Office of Health

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Technology Assessment based in Vancouver examined the entire

body of evidence for bone density testing to try to find out what
the scientific data was showing. The authors, those same inde-
pendent researchers from the University of British Columbia,
concluded: ‘Research evidence does not support either whole
population or selective bone mineral density testing of well
women at or near menopause as a means to predict future
fractures.’16
The conclusion strongly contradicts the marketing messages
urging widespread testing, and it is well backed up by other
scientific evidence, and similar conclusions from other resear-
chers elsewhere around the world. A large Dutch study, published
in the British Medical Journal the same year, found that a person’s
loss of bone density actually only contributes about one-sixth of
their overall risk of a future hip fracture, and that several other
factors such as the strength of muscles and likelihood of falling
have a big influence.17 In other words bone density is only a rela-
tively minor component of a person’s chances of future fracture.
The Dutch researchers concluded that slowing the loss of bone
density with drugs can help reduce the risk of a hip fracture, but
it is just one factor and it only makes a ‘limited contribution’.
In 1999, again in the British Medical Journal, Professor Terence
Wilkin from the University of Plymouth argued strongly that
based on his reading of the scientific evidence, the widely used
tests were not good predictors of future fractures.18 Rather than
manage osteoporosis by numbers, Wilkin wrote, there should
be more focus on other strategies like preventing falls among
the elderly. Most disturbingly, he presented evidence suggesting
that other changes in the bones—relating to their architecture
rather than their density—may have a much bigger impact on a
person’s chances of a future fracture. He concluded there was no

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benefit in widespread testing for bone mineral density, and

suggested that while there was a role for drugs to prevent frac-
tures, their benefits may be just as great if women started taking
them much later in life than many of them currently do—in
other words much closer to the time when fractures are more
likely to occur.
In a short piece criticising Wilkin’s article, Professor Richard
Eastell from the University of Sheffield said he believed it was
‘reasonable’ to use a test for bone mineral density to assess
someone’s risk of future fracture, and to make decisions about
whether to recommend drugs. Yet his endorsement of widespread
testing was lukewarm to say the least, conceding that the narrow
focus on bone density ‘ignores the importance of other determi-
nants of bone strength and of factors that increase the risk of
falls’—including things like low body weight and smoking. While
Eastell’s links with the pharmaceutical industry were not specified
in the British Medical Journal, they were disclosed elsewhere at the
time: he was an adviser to four drug companies.19
Yet despite the uncertainty and debate about how reliably the
bone density tests can predict whether a person goes on to have
a fracture, their uptake has continued to expand dramatically.
In Vancouver, British Columbia, at the Women’s and Children’s
Health Centre, one of the early Canadian champions of testing,
Dr Brian Lentle, runs the hospital’s quality program for bone
density testing. As a radiologist he has had a front-row seat
watching the massive growth of this testing industry in the very
Canadian province that produced some of the harshest scientific
criticism of its use.
Lentle disagrees strongly with the conclusions of the
landmark 1997 report by the University of British Columbia
researchers, and says that bone density testing is an important

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service people need access to because of its ability to help

diagnose osteoporosis. But he adds that over the years, the en-
thusiasm behind the marketing of the tests has gone too far, and
that ‘a lot of the tests that are being done shouldn’t be done’.20
Dr Ken Bassett, a medical doctor, researcher and anthropolo-
gist and one of the co-authors of the 1997 report, recalls the
immense controversy that ensued in Canada when it came out.
Even though he and his colleagues were attacked in the medical
and popular press, largely by those with a stake in promoting
bone density testing and osteoporosis drugs, the science behind
their report has never been refuted. While many company-
sponsored websites urge women to get their bones tested,
whenever independent scientists look at the evidence behind the
tests they tend to find the same thing: the tests are not good
predictors of future fractures.21
Even seven years later, authors of new Canadian guidelines on
osteoporosis concluded ‘there is no direct [in original] evidence
that screening reduces fractures’, merely indirect evidence that
testing helps identify women with the condition, and that treat-
ment for the condition can reduce the risk of future fracture.22
On the basis of their reading of the evidence, the authors of the
latest guidelines recommended that routine screening should not
start until age 65.23
Some public health departments in Canadian provinces tried
to stem the tide of the invasion of bone density machines.
Similarly, some were initially reluctant to reimburse the X-rays
with public funds, precisely because of the lack of evidence of
the benefits of testing, as pointed out in the 1997 British
Columbia Office of Health Technology Assessment report and
by others.24 Yet that didn’t stop the rapid uptake of bone density
testing: champions ignored the uncertainty and controversy

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surrounding the evidence and worked with patient groups, drug

companies, private radiology and menopause clinics to plant the
seeds of fear far and wide.
Some of the strategies for the campaign drew on the expertise
of those with a specialty in changing minds, like the PR profes-
sional Kym White. She explains the importance of the work done
at the grassroots level, which is often organised with the help of
public relations agencies. Those ‘grassroots’ activities include
providing speaker’s kits to women’s health groups, promoting
book signings at stores like Barnes & Noble, and educational
events raising awareness about the value of bone density testing.
For White, while company sponsorship often plays a role in these
activities, companies also have a ‘shared agenda’ with the other
players about the main messages that need to be communicated.
Yet independent health advocates like the Alberta Consumers’
Association, and independent researchers like those at the
University of British Columbia, do not share the same ‘agenda’ or
agree at all with White as to what are the ‘main messages’.
Importantly, public relations companies also helped orches-
trate what’s called ‘third-party’ groups to lobby governments so
women have access to affordable bone mass measurement. The
use of ‘third-party’ organisations that appear to be independent
is a well-established PR technique for trying to put corporate
messages into other mouths. The ‘legislative component’ of these
campaigns targeted government and health insurance plan
decision-makers who needed to be convinced to fund bone
density tests. The rationale was simple, according to Kym White:
‘If the test wasn’t paid for, there were a lot of women who, even if
their awareness was heightened, weren’t going to seek that test.’25
One of the vehicles used to put bone density measurement
higher on the legislative agenda around the world was the

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‘Osteobus’ funded by drug companies and local osteoporosis

societies. Over the past decade or so these mobile bone density
testing buses travelled across Europe, North America and the
Middle East, disseminating ‘comprehensive information about
osteoporosis’ and ‘empowering people to take responsibility for
their own health’.26 It came with ‘videos, posters and medical
experts on-hand to answer questions’ and it rolled into com-
munities that may have never heard about osteoporosis, offering
citizens the sponsors’ version of this disease. The bus got itself
on the agenda of political decision-makers in some cases by liter-
ally driving into their parking lots.
The Osteobus appeared at Israel’s Knesset, home of the
Israeli parliament, parked itself across from the headquarters of
the World Health Organization in Geneva, visited Brussels,
headquarters of the European Parliament and educated members
of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario, Canada’s largest pro-
vince. Getting politicians on board for bone density tests is not
only a unique way to sell the merits of the technology, but it
gave those tests traction in the minds of key health decision-
makers. In Poland, the Osteobus won an important PR award
from the International Public Relations Association.27
According to White, it is all of these sorts of promotional
activities that really paid off: ‘I think what we’ve succeeded in
doing, certainly, was really putting osteoporosis higher on
the agenda, certainly for public funding.’ So high in fact that the
number of bone density tests done in the province of Alberta went
from around 13 000 in 1996 to over 90 000 by the year 2000.28
While that dramatic increase may be of concern to health
advocates like Wendy Armstrong at the Alberta Consumers’
Association—well-schooled in the scientific uncertainty surround-
ing the test’s value—there seems to be no stopping the juggernaut.

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If you think you are healthy, you just haven’t had enough tests.
Dr Bob Rangno

As it has rolled on, the PR campaign appears to be targeting

younger women. A recent issue of the magazine Health featured a
front-cover headline: ‘Brittle Bones at 30: It could happen to
you.’ The story profiled a group of women who ‘discover’ that
their bodies are already wracked by the ‘silent thief ’ and are
thankful that they are learning about their risk of future fracture.
As is typical in such profiles, this story came with a sidebar mini-
questionnaire where anyone answering with ‘yes’ at least twice is
encouraged to consult their physician. In the same issue of this
magazine was a three-page ad for Merck’s Fosamax, now available
in a new ‘once weekly’ formula, which marketed the drug by
marketing the test: ‘Ask your doctor if a Bone Density Test is
right for you.’29
These types of ads beg the question: how well do the drugs
actually work? How much prevention is packed into these kinds
of pills for women who have been told their bone density isn’t
what it should be? As it turns out, the actual risk of a major hip
fracture, and the genuine benefits of these drugs, are both much
smaller than you might think if you listen to all the frightening
statistics. As with other conditions like high cholesterol, it is
those at very high risk of a future illness who can benefit most
from drugs that reduce those risks. For most relatively healthy
people at low risk, taking a powerful drug over the long term
could do more harm than good.
One of the key studies of Fosamax that attracted a lot of
attention at the time the drug was hitting the market was a
Merck-funded study called the Fracture Intervention Trial.30 It
compared the drug to a placebo over four years. According to

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many advertisements, widely read newspaper reports and much-

watched TV broadcasts, that study found that the drug reduced
the risk of hip fracture by 50 per cent—an extremely impressive
figure for women, their doctors, and Merck’s potential investors.
But taking a closer look at the study reveals a very different
picture. Firstly, it was only women at ‘high risk’ of a future fracture
who were included in the published study—in other words, older
women who had already experienced at least one fracture. This is
a much smaller group than the tens of millions of healthy women
targeted by the promotion of bone density tests.
Among the women in the study taking the placebo, two out
of a hundred, or 2 per cent, had a hip fracture during the trial.
Among the women taking the drug, 1 per cent had a hip fracture.
In relative terms the drug reduced the risk of a hip fracture by
50 per cent—from two to one. In absolute terms it is a 1 per cent
reduction. Yet most media coverage never supplies these much
less impressive absolute numbers. A study of five years’ worth of
media coverage of Fosamax found that among the newspaper
and television stories that featured statistics about this drug,
more than 80 per cent of stories only used the much more
impressive relative numbers—‘the drug cut the risk by 50 per
cent’—without giving people any indication of just how small
this benefit was in absolute terms.31 While that Fosamax study
was only in ‘high risk’ women, the results of a much larger
government-run trial show that for most healthy women the
long-term benefits of drug therapy are minuscule in terms of
reducing the risks of hip fractures.
Before Fosamax, it was hormone replacement therapy that
was sold to women as the panacea for fighting osteoporosis and
preventing fractures. In 2002, when the giant publicly funded
Women’s Health Initiative study reported its results on HRT, the

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actual benefits of taking long-term HRT were finally out in the

open for the world to see. Among the women taking a placebo,
roughly twelve in a thousand had a hip fracture over the seven
years of the study. Taking HRT reduced that risk from twelve in
a thousand to about eight in a thousand: in relative terms an
impressive 33 per cent reduction; in absolute terms a 0.4 per cent
reduction.32
With such modest benefits, the costs and risks of drugs
become much more important. We now know HRT came with
the risks of increased heart attacks, strokes, blood clots and
breast cancer. The side effects of Fosamax are not so serious, but
can still be very troubling. Due to its potentially corrosive nature
it is linked to severe damage to the oesophagus and stomach. Its
other known adverse effects include diarrhoea, flatulence, rashes,
headaches and muscular pain.33 In 1996, the first full year it was
on the market, there were more than 6000 formal adverse drug
reactions reported to the US government, the most reports made
about any single drug that year.34 Since that time Merck has re-
released Fosamax in a once-weekly formulation, rather than as a
daily tablet—for ‘convenience’, according to the company.35
Luckily, there are several safer ways of preventing fractures in
the elderly than taking long-term potentially troublesome pills.
What seem to be most successful are programs that try to
prevent the traumatic event that usually precedes a hip fracture:
a fall. Fall prevention programs, weaning the elderly off large
multiple-medication regimes, fixing footpaths and improving
eyewear are all ways to try and reduce hip fractures.36
One of the disturbing concerns raised about the mass
promotion of both the tests and the drugs is that labelling
people as having osteoporosis may actually cause them to stop
taking the preventive measures that may help reduce their future

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risk of fractures. For example, people who are told they have
diseased and brittle bones may stop exercising for fear of frac-
tures, even though exercise is proven to help develop muscle and
balance and works as a key foil to falling and fracturing a hip. So
the rush to measure, label and treat a woman’s ‘risk’ factors may,
for some women, be causing more problems than it is solving.
Until large long-term studies of bone density testing and the
osteoporosis drugs are done, many of these nagging questions
will remain.
Somehow, though, the non-drug approaches can’t seem to
compete with the continued zeal for bone density measurement
and drug treatment. Even Brian Lentle, now the President of the
Radiological Society of North America, representing the very
specialists who have done so well from the testing explosion,
believes some doctors are too enthusiastic about the tests he says
should be reserved for women at high risk.
One independent scientist who continues to question the
value of the whole screening and testing approach to conditions
like osteoporosis is Dr Ken Bassett. As a physician, he describes
how wearying it is in the actual practice of medicine to know the
scientific evidence about bone density and fractures, and to then
spend a lot of time rebuffing patients who ask for what he
considers to be mostly useless tests. With deep frown lines,
Bassett says he uses a lot of his energy as a doctor ‘trying to resist
the pressure to have a routine cholesterol test on a young, healthy
woman or man, trying to resist having bone density tests, when
I know that it will for the most part lead to a misleading
labelling of a person37 . . . What I think is the problem, and the
one where I think we’ve failed as a society . . . is in this whole area
of how many healthy people are now having tests, labelling
themselves at risk, altering their behaviour, and using up limited

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social resources to use medicines that we are blandly assuming

are doing more good than harm.’38
Health advocate Wendy Armstrong agrees with Bassett that
too many healthy people are being labelled as patients, but rejects
as a ‘modern urban myth’ the argument that consumers are to
blame for the rising use of drugs and tests of dubious value. Her
anger rises steadily as she says that the one thing that she can be
sure of after spending fifteen years researching and writing reports
on the impact of medical technologies on consumers is that
‘most—but not all—of the demand for new medical technologies
is driven by opportunistic investors seeking new products and
profits—not patients seeking new diagnosis and treatments’.39
Whatever is driving demand, there are plenty more osteo-
porosis products in the pipeline and plenty more tests to help
sell people the idea that they are sick enough to want to take
those products. There are no less than four new osteoporosis
drugs in the pipeline, and as each comes to market it will likely
be accompanied by a renewed marketing effort to get as many
people tested as possible.40 And with the advent of gene tech-
nology, and the possibility of screening newborns for all their
future diseases, a whole new world of testing awaits us all.41
The UK health advocacy group GeneWatch has already
raised concern that the biotech and pharmaceutical industry
may be gearing up to promote widespread genetic testing for
common diseases ‘because it allows them to expand the market
for both genetic tests and preventive medication’. This group’s
worry is that mass gene screening may spark a new level of
inappropriate medicalisation, as we have already seen with osteo-
porosis. ‘Because the predictive value of most genetic tests is very
low, many children could end up taking medicines that they do
not need,’ says the report.

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Back in Alberta, Canada, Wendy Armstrong’s concerns about

bone density testing have only grown in the decade or so since
she first got that worried call one snowy morning. She argues
today that wasting money on needless tests and therapies may
actually be threatening the future of publicly funded health care
systems.
There wouldn’t be waiting lists if the public system and doctors
spent more time and money on the things that needed to be
done and quit wasting money and valuable specialists’ time on
tests and procedures done on the wrong person, at the wrong
time, in the wrong place, for all the wrong reasons.42
Part of the challenge for those seeking a more rational debate
about the use of drugs for osteoporosis—or any other con-
dition—is that some of the key public agencies in health care are
themselves now under the influence of the drug companies.
Perhaps the best, but saddest example is the US FDA, once
considered a fearless watchdog but now seen by some as making
the decisions of a tamed pup.

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Taming the watchdogs

Irritable bowel syndrome

he sweltering days of summer were just starting to hit

T Washington, DC when Paul Stolley took up his job as a
senior consultant at the US Food and Drug Administration,
headquartered just outside the capital’s border. Inside the giant
grey complex of concrete and glass, the FDA’s mission is to make
sure medicines are safe and effective for the almost 300 million
Americans it serves. Its deliberations determine which drugs get
approved for sale into the massive US market, and which don’t,
and it influences the actions of drug regulators and health care
watchdogs around the world. As a result, the decisions made
behind closed doors here have a profound effect on the bottom
lines of some of the world’s most profitable corporations.
Dr Stolley was joining the watchdog with an impeccable
record. A distinguished professor of medicine at several leading
universities and a member of the National Academy of Science,
he was pleased to be embarking on a new challenge. A long-time
expert in drug safety, he was immediately asked by his superiors

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to look into a new medication that had just come on to the

market. The drug was called Lotronex and it had been recently
approved for women with irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), a
condition not widely known, characterised by stomach pains and
difficulties with constipation and diarrhoea.1
A few months earlier in London, The Lancet had published the
positive results of a study of Lotronex, helping to secure its
approval by the FDA. In the article a group of scientists wrote
that the drug was a safe and effective treatment for people with
IBS, describing their findings as ‘important’.2 In the world of
medical science, a positive study in The Lancet is worth gold,
which was good news for the drug’s manufacturer GSK.3
Company executives were banking on another billion-dollar
blockbuster, because despite being poorly understood, IBS was
said to be a disease affecting up to one in every five people in the
western world—nearly 45 million in the US alone.4
Before his first summer at the agency was even over, Paul
Stolley was suggesting to his FDA superiors that they consider
pulling the new drug from the market because of serious
concerns about its safety. Prior to his arrival, reports of severe
side effects had already started turning up at the agency. As the
promotion of the drug heated up and prescriptions flowed as a
result, those worrying reports were now coming thick and fast,
sometimes on a daily basis. Called ‘adverse event reports’, they
are sent into the FDA by drug company officials or practising
physicians, and they describe the complications people experi-
ence. In the case of Lotronex, two side effects in particular
emerged as the most serious: severe constipation; and something
called ‘ischaemic colitis’. Both were potentially fatal.5
For some of those who experienced severe constipation after
taking the drug, their faeces would become so impacted within

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their bowel that the bowel wall perforated, leading to poten-

tially fatal infections inside the body.6 The other side effect,
ischaemic colitis, is like a heart attack happening in the bowel,
and the blood simply stops flowing to it. Sometimes it fixes
itself, sometimes the bowel tissues dies, and in rare cases so too
does the patient.
Reading the reports arriving at the FDA, and rigorously scru-
tinising all the scientific data from the drug’s original clinical
trials, Stolley was coming to a disturbing conclusion: the drug’s
meaningful benefits were on average non-existent or modest at
best, yet its side effects were, in rare cases, potentially deadly.
By the beginning of the fall of 2000, just six months since its
launch, the first reports of deaths from Lotronex were starting
to arrive at the agency. Stolley’s level of unease was rising sharply
as it was becoming clear that for some people, this cure was
proving far worse than the condition.
As a long-time academic physician, seeing patients and
working in scientific research, Stolley knew that for a small
proportion of people irritable bowel syndrome could be severe
and debilitating, but for most people its symptoms were mild
and temporary.7 He and other safety experts inside the FDA were
coming to the conclusion that some of those taking the drug
were suffering life-threatening side effects far worse than the
symptoms the drug was supposed to be treating. But because
the FDA had officially approved the drug for sale, this po-
tentially deadly medicine could be aggressively promoted to
millions of essentially healthy people.
As Stolley would soon learn to his horror, Lotronex was just
the latest in a series of heavily promoted ‘blockbuster’ drugs that
had been approved by the FDA, but later found to cause serious
harm, including in rare cases death. He would also learn that in

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the years before his arrival, the source of funding for the regu-
lator had fundamentally shifted. More than 50 per cent of the
FDA’s work checking the safety and effectiveness of drugs was
now paid for by the companies whose products were being
reviewed. In many European nations the situation is similar.
In Australia, also through a user-pays system, companies foot
100 per cent of the public regulator’s bills.8 Despite the dedi-
cation and commitment of staff like Stolley, critics everywhere
are raising concerns about this fundamental conflict of interests
at the heart of health care regulation. In Canada a former
regulatory official summed up a growing sentiment about the
watchdogs, saying of her ex-employer, ‘This dog won’t hunt.’9
In the US, the FDA’s entanglement with the pharmaceutical
industry would explode into the centre of public debate during
congressional hearings four years later. Long-time FDA safety
expert turned whistleblower Dr David Graham would then
famously tell an astonished world that ‘the FDA, as currently
configured, is incapable of protecting America . . .’.10 The
agency’s behaviour during the debacle over Lotronex would
contribute to a growing sense of alarm inside and outside the
FDA, ultimately precipitating a major crisis of legitimacy for one
of the world’s highest profile health regulators.
Outside the FDA, back in 2000 others studying the scien-
tific data on the irritable bowel syndrome drug Lotronex were
reaching similar conclusions to Paul Stolley. Physicians at the
fiercely independent US consumer group Public Citizen had
used freedom of information laws to get access to internal FDA
documents about the original scientific studies. This data
seemed to contradict the rosy picture painted in the Lancet
publication, and the Public Citizen team argued the article exag-
gerated the drug’s benefits.11 They also pointed out that five of

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the six authors who wrote the influential paper were drug
company employees, as had been disclosed in the article. Based
on their examination of the internal FDA material, the con-
sumer group concluded that the drug was only slightly more
effective than a placebo—or dummy pill—at helping treat
people’s symptoms. Yet for some, it was causing horrendous side
effects. Like Stolley, the group pushed the FDA to immediately
withdraw it from the market.
The FDA rejected calls for a ban as too drastic and instead
opted for cosmetic changes to the way the drug was being
marketed, introducing an educational ‘medication guide’, a
brochure designed to inform people about risks but thought to
have little meaningful impact in the marketplace. But as concern
about Lotronex grew and the number of reported deaths
increased, pressure for tougher action mounted. On 13 Novem-
ber 2000, GSK officials met with FDA staff to discuss the drug.
Significantly, the scientists tracking the reports of Lotronex’s
side effects were not able to present their data at the meeting,
apparently because of time constraints.
Three days later, Stolley and three other colleagues felt it was
time to get serious, so they penned a powerful internal memo
arguing that the rising toll of deaths, hospitalisations and
complications had never before been seen by physicians treating
irritable bowel syndrome.12 The memo claimed that the measures
being taken to inform people, and solutions being suggested by
the company to manage the risks, were inadequate to stop the
mounting casualties. As the scientists pointed out, there was no
real way of knowing who might be at risk of a life-threatening
complication from this drug. The clear implication was that
anyone taking it was at risk, and that it should therefore come off
the market immediately.

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At a meeting two weeks later GSK officials aggressively

attacked that memo, while senior FDA management sat by and
listened, failing to defend their own staff ’s work. Stolley had by
then formed the opinion that the regulator’s slowness to act
against Lotronex was directly related to a desire among some
senior FDA officers not to offend the pharmaceutical industry,
which was after all paying for half the agency’s budget for its
drug review work. For him that meeting sent a powerful signal to
the young FDA scientists present, and it was symptomatic of a
much bigger malaise. He felt it was sending the message that ‘we
don’t argue with drug companies; we listen to their distortions
and omissions of evidence and we do nothing about it’.13 One of
the senior officers at the meeting, Dr Janet Woodcock, directly
rejected Stolley’s view. ‘The FDA wanted to determine a course
forward, not to argue the details,’ she said.14
Faced with the mounting evidence of dangerous side effects,
negative media coverage and a regulator apparently unable to
‘determine a course forward’, the company decided to voluntar-
ily withdraw the drug from the US market after that bitter
November meeting. But like Lazarus rising from the dead,
Lotronex would be re-approved eighteen months later, despite its
modest benefits and potentially deadly side effects.
In January, just two months after the initial withdrawal,
Stolley felt he had been frozen out of the discussions about the
drug’s future, until he got a call from Woodcock asking him to
come and see her. He thought at first there might have been a
change of heart within the FDA leadership. Instead Woodcock
lectured him: Lotronex was a good drug and the FDA should
work hard to bring it back on to the market. Moreover, the
senior scientist was reprimanded for ‘browbeating’ colleagues
about its risks. The message was being sent loud and clear to all

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those within the FDA: help get this drug back on the market.
One of the most senior experts on drug safety in the agency—
also alarmed at the drug’s obvious dangers—was told explicitly
by his superiors that he was not to work on Lotronex.15
Meanwhile patient groups, including at least one funded
by GSK, wrote letters to the FDA demanding the drug be re-
approved. At the same time company officials were in close
contact with the regulator’s staff, including Woodcock, causing
critics to suggest the relationships were unhealthy—an interpre-
tation both the company and the regulator firmly reject. ‘The
FDA had to work with the company in order to facilitate the
drug’s availability,’ said Woodcock.16
As the campaign to bring the drug back intensified, the
focus of attention for all the key players shifted to a forth-
coming meeting of the FDA’s advisory committee. These advisory
committees are central to the FDA processes of drug regulation.
The panels comprise a group of outside researchers who meet,
usually to consider the merits of allowing a drug on to the
market, what sort of warnings might be appropriate, or what sort
of restrictions on prescribing might be desirable. At public
hearings the advisers listen to different speakers, discuss the
evidence and ultimately make recommendations back to the FDA.
Usually the agency follows the committee’s advice. Internal FDA
emails that surfaced publicly some time later suggest that in this
case GSK officials and FDA staff were working closely to try to
ensure beforehand that the advisory committee was going to give
the advice that the company and the senior FDA staff wanted.17
The advisory committee finally met to reconsider Lotronex’s
future in the northern spring of 2002. By then, even though the
drug had been on the market for around one year and then off
the market for eighteen months, there were over 200 reports of

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serious complications and seven reports of deaths, deemed by

FDA scientists as probably linked to the drug. Given that only a
tiny proportion of serious complications are ever reported to the
FDA, it was possible that anywhere between 2000 and 20 000
women had been made seriously ill, and perhaps scores had died
due to complications associated with a drug whose benefits were
the subject of serious scientific doubt.18
But after listening to a public hearing that mainly featured
stories from patients praising the drug, and after assessing the
evidence about risks and benefits, the advisory committee went
ahead and voted to re-approve Lotronex, with the caveat that
there should be tough restrictions on the way it was to be
prescribed. A key condition of recommending approval was that
physicians would have to be trained and certified to use the drug
before they could prescribe it. In their discussions committee
members explicitly rejected a weaker company proposal to allow
prescribing doctors to simply vouch for their own abilities, rather
than have to undergo training and certification.
Six weeks later the FDA announced the re-approval of
Lotronex—but amazingly, rejected the advisory committee’s
recommendations for the tough restrictions, and opted instead
for the weaker company plan. A number of the advisory
committee members were furious. One member said the
company-backed proposal adopted by the FDA might have made
commercial sense to the company, but not public health sense.
‘The risk-benefit ratio is not worth it, unless the use can be
restricted to those who really need it and who are likely to benefit
from it—which is a very, very small group.’19
Another member also had concerns but praised the FDA
staff ’s handling of the drug’s regulation, saying that the commit-
tee’s recommendations may have been too idealistic.20 Asked

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why the FDA took the unusual step of rejecting the advisers’
recommendations, and accepting the company proposal, Janet
Woodcock explained that ‘we had to address risk without placing
an unnecessary burden on everyone’. The medication quietly
returned to the US market just before Christmas 2002.
The real reasons why the FDA was so keen to bring this drug
back are not clear, and there are very different explanations
depending on the perspective of those you talk to. Janet Wood-
cock argues that the patient lobbying campaign that began
immediately after the withdrawal clearly demonstrated the value
of the drug, and that its re-approval was a victory for patients’
rights. Others at senior levels within the medical establishment
around the world would see the FDA’s handling of Lotronex as
an example of an emerging pattern of industry influence seri-
ously undermining the public watchdog’s independence.21
For the critics, the re-approval of Lotronex signalled a
growing crisis of legitimacy at the FDA, in light of its depend-
ence on corporate funding. Since 1992 in the US, drug
companies have been required to pay fees to have their new drugs
assessed. In return they have received quicker reviews and more
communication with the regulator—demonstrated here by the
interactions between GSK and the FDA. Because public funding
has not kept pace with the agency’s expanded responsibilities,
a decade later we have a situation where drug companies are
providing more than half of the budget for what the FDA
spends reviewing drugs.22
Working out what to do with a drug like Lotronex is not easy.
While the trial data suggests average benefits that are modest at
best, testimony from patients suggests that for some people the
drug may be valuable in reducing the debilitating symptoms of
severe IBS. The difficulty for health authorities is to try to make

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the drug available to those for whom the benefits will outweigh
the risks—without putting large numbers of essentially healthy
people at risk of serious harm. This was the basis of the strategy
suggested by the FDA advisers, but rejected by the FDA’s senior
officers in favour of a weaker company-backed plan.
Yet the apparent timidity of the FDA is not just due to its
closeness with industry. The regulatory bodies that approve
drugs in the US and elsewhere are unable or unwilling to play a
bigger role in how those drugs are actually prescribed in practice
by doctors, because of the tremendous political power of the
medical profession and its constantly restated right to clinical
freedom. As nations wrestle with exploding drug use and esca-
lating drug costs, it may be time to look for new regulatory
mechanisms to influence the way drugs are actually being
prescribed in doctors’ offices. Banning drugs that might be
valuable to a few who are genuinely ill certainly seems an unat-
tractive option. But approving drugs likely to harm many healthy
people is surely also undesirable. Whether the established
regulators like the FDA, with its recent history of close com-
munication with drug companies, are the appropriate bodies
to be forging this new role, is highly questionable. Certainly
the Lotronex case is by no means the only example of this cosy
relationship.
Following a lengthy investigation by the Los Angeles Times, jour-
nalist David Willman wrote a landmark article in 2000 that
painted a devastating picture of industry influence at the FDA.
He portrayed an agency rushing too quickly and too enthusias-
tically to approve powerful new pills. The story focused on seven
drugs, including Lotronex, that eventually had to be removed
from the market because they were found to be unsafe. The story
was called, ‘How a new policy led to seven deadly drugs’. Despite

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strong denials of unhealthy influence at the FDA, the piece won

a Pulitzer Prize, one of the most coveted journalism awards in
the US.23
In a stinging editorial in 2001 the editor of The Lancet
suggested the FDA was now a place where dissenting scientific
opinion was suppressed, and it had become a ‘servant of
industry’.24 The Lancet described a ‘fatal erosion of integrity’ at the
FDA, and accused the agency of sidelining its own scientists and
conducting private back-channel communications with company
staff to help bring the drug back to market. The journal, and
other media outlets, published damning internal FDA emails
revealing details of some of those communications. In one
email about the forthcoming advisory committee meeting Janet
Woodcock explained to a colleague that the company was having
some ‘reservations’ about the planned meeting because ‘the
advisors may disagree with what we have negotiated and put us
back at square 1’. She went on to add that she agreed with the
company executive that this was a ‘real liability’.25
In 2002 the front cover of a British Medical Journal issue featured
a photograph of the regulator’s headquarters, with the caption
beneath: ‘Who owns the FDA? The drug industry or the people?’
The opening editorial concluded that by allowing the on-going
marketing of Lotronex, a drug that poses such serious risks for
people, the FDA had failed in its mission to protect public
health.26
Who owns the FDA? The drug industry or the people?
British Medical Journal, cover story, 2002

That issue of the British Medical Journal also included a long

article about the Lotronex debacle, and the first comprehensive
interview with Paul Stolley, who had decided to speak publicly

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and candidly about his experiences. Cleary bruised by his treat-

ment, he described the FDA as a place where dissenting voices are
intimidated and ostracised and where scientific debate is repressed.
He said the agency was ‘confused and frightened’ because it was
getting money from industry and was too often afraid to offend
its sponsors. He had by then left the FDA in disgust at what had
happened, and joined the staff of Public Citizen. Janet Woodcock
refuted his claims about industry influence, but did not comment
directly on Stolley apart from saying, ‘It’s our responsibility to be
dispassionate and not develop emotionally based positions.’ As it
turned out, two years after making those comments Woodcock
would find herself at a special Congressional hearings on the
FDA, in front of Senators from both sides of the aisle asking
tough questions about alleged drug company influence.27 Like
Woodcock, GSK strongly rejects the idea there was collusion
between the company and the regulator, arguing that Lotronex
was re-introduced because of overwhelming patient demand.28
Stolley’s opinions were in fact in keeping with the findings of
two surveys of FDA staff. The first, run by Public Citizen from
outside the agency, had found that many officers felt under
pressure to approve new drugs, received inappropriate phone
calls from drug companies, and too often FDA senior officials
intervened on a company’s behalf in drug approval.29 The second
survey was conducted within the FDA itself, by agency staff.
Summarising the responses of more than 130 officers, that
survey found that people reviewing drugs reported feeling pres-
sure to ‘favor the desires of sponsors over science and the public
health’.30 One-third reported that they did not feel comfortable
expressing their differing scientific opinion. The write-up of the
survey recommended encouraging more ‘freedom of expression
of scientific opinion’.

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Whatever the concerns about industry influence and freedom

of expression, one of the great strengths of the FDA is that
it makes a lot of material publicly available. Some of the rich-
est sources of information about the Lotronex story are
the thousand pages of transcripts of three separate advisory
committee meetings that the FDA had convened to review the
safety and effectiveness of the drug. As with all committee
meetings, the full transcripts are freely available on the web.
Reading them offers a series of invaluable insights into the
modern processes of drug regulation, the way scientific evidence
can sometimes be distorted by those with vested interests, and
the timidity of a tamed watchdog apparently too eager to please
its sponsors.
What is particularly striking in this case is the mismatch
between the hard scientific data about the drug, and the claims
being made by GSK spokespeople when addressing the advisory
committee meetings. At all three meetings, company staff
consistently played up the drug’s benefits and played down its
potentially deadly side effects. FDA staff who addressed the
meetings were by contrast much more sober in their assessments
of benefits, and more straightforward about the risks, but their
attitudes and approaches to the company’s claims were almost
always deferential. While GSK officers would claim the drug was
‘highly’ effective, FDA staff would point out that only a small
number of patients would benefit from it, and that many women
taking the drug would receive no benefit at all yet were putting
themselves at grave risk.31
What also emerged from the transcripts was the way GSK
officials and patient groups portrayed the condition known as
irritable bowel syndrome. In a now familiar pattern, the highest
estimates of how many people suffer the condition were quoted,

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and the condition was described in its most severe form.

Company officials called IBS a ‘significant disease with a large
burden of illness for the individual patient’ affecting up to
20 per cent of the entire population. That same figure is used in
marketing materials from other companies also promoting drugs
for this condition.32 While it is clear that for some people IBS
can be severe and debilitating, other estimates suggest less than
5 per cent of the population have symptoms that meet the
standard classification.33
The FDA has suggested that only a tiny fraction of those
who meet the classification for having IBS have a severe form,
and that the vast majority have mild symptoms.34 In other words,
nothing like 20 per cent of people have a ‘significant disease’
called IBS. But, as we’ve seen with so many other disorders and
diseases, the facts are relatively unimportant: what is important
are the marketing messages that infuse multi-layered pro-
motional campaigns involving company-sponsored medical
foundations, celebrities, thought-leaders and consumer groups.
The image of a severe, widespread disease is strongly backed
by one of the leading patient advocacy groups in this field,
the International Foundation for Functional Gastrointestinal
Disorders. Its president, Nancy Norton, spoke at all three FDA
advisory meetings and as the transcripts show she never revealed
that her foundation receives significant amounts of money from
pharmaceutical companies, including GSK. At the time of her
appearances, that industry funding was reportedly in the order of
$600 000 a year.35 Asked for an interview about this failure to
disclose, Norton declined the invitation, but said in a statement
that she was not specifically asked to disclose at the FDA
meetings, and that these financial ties were disclosed on her
foundation’s website.

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When the Frasier sitcom star Kelsey Grammer and his wife
appeared on chat shows like The Today Show, raising the profile
of the little-known syndrome, it was supposedly on behalf of
Norton’s foundation.36 Yet behind the scenes and unknown to
many of the viewing public, GSK funded the celebrity campaign
(designed to engender positive public attitudes towards GSK’s
controversial drug).37 Coincidentally, the involvement of the
Frasier star was organised with the help of Amy Doner Schachtel,
the highly sought-after celebrity broker. With her company,
Premier Entertainment, Schachtel puts drug companies in touch
with the right sort of star.
Companies originally wanted the biggest names, the biggest
stars. Now it is finding the celebrity with the right fit—
someone who has genuine connections, through suffering the
condition themselves or having a family member or friend with
the condition.38
At the same time as sitcom celebrities were educating the
public about IBS in the US, the Lotronex manufacturer was
working with a marketing firm planning to educate doctors and
their patients about the condition in Australia. A small firm was
developing a three-year ‘educational program’, a draft of which
was leaked to the media. With aggressive language sometimes
verging on the comic, the confidential document emphasised
that IBS ‘must be established in the minds of doctors’ as a signif-
icant disease state.39 Likewise, according to the document,
patients had to be ‘convinced’ that IBS is a common and recog-
nised medical disorder. Most importantly both doctors and
patients were to be persuaded that Lotronex was an effective
treatment for IBS, a drug that had been ‘proven’ to improve
quality of life. In the fantasy-land of marketing dressed up as

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education, the drug was a ‘proven’ and ‘effective’ treatment. In the

real world of medicine, the medication barely worked for many
people and was considered by FDA staff, in rare cases, to be
implicated in causing deaths.
While this particular educational program was not imple-
mented in this form, the leaked document provides a fantastic
insight into how drug company-funded ‘education’ is actually
organised. The target audiences for the three-year campaign
included specialists, general practitioners, pharmacists, nurses
and, importantly, patients as well. Echoing the PR firm Cohn &
Wolfe’s strategy of ‘cultivating the market’, this proposal talked
about the ‘pre-launch’ period being important to ‘establish the
market’ for the sponsor’s drug. Most valuable to this process were
the senior medical specialists referred to in the document as
‘Key Opinion Leaders’—or thought-leaders—who would be
recruited to help ‘shape’ the opinions of their colleagues and
other doctors. ‘Advertorials’ would be written for placement
in magazines and journals and even a special newsletter would
be created to help build the market in the lead-up to the
planned product launch. The draft plan stressed that all edu-
cational materials would have to be pre-approved by the GSK
marketing department.40
The extent of the pharmaceutical industry’s influence over
the health system is simply Orwellian. The doctors, the drug
reps, the medical education, the ads, the patient groups, the
guidelines, the celebrities, the conferences, the public aware-
ness campaigns, the thought-leaders, and even the regulator’s
advisers—at every level there is money from drug companies
lubricating what many believe is an unhealthy flow of influence.
Industry does not crudely buy influence with individuals
and organisations—rather its largesse is handed out to those

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considered to be most commercially helpful. The industry’s

sponsorship is strategic, systematic, and systemic. It is designed
primarily to engender the most favourable view of the latest and
most expensive products. But it is also used to maximise the size
of the markets for those products, by portraying conditions like
IBS as widespread, severe and, above all, treatable with drugs.
And who is supposed to be fearlessly regulating this mess? The
public agencies who themselves rely on the very same industry
for much of their funding.
While the mass marketing of Lotronex was ultimately wound
back and its recommended dose halved as part of its re-approval,
other drugs subsequently approved for IBS have not faced such
limitations. Switzerland’s Novartis, the makers of a drug called
Zelnorm, has launched a major promotional assault in recent years,
marketing both its drug and the condition. Advertisements have
appeared in mainstream US newspapers and prime-time TV
ads, and some have featured sexy young women baring naked
stomachs.41 And just as the GSK-funded campaign featured Kelsey
Grammer and his wife, Novartis ads starred TV’s Wonder Woman,
Lynda Carter, to help sell the message that if you experience
common stomach problems you could have a ‘real medical con-
dition’ called IBS, and that you should see your doctor.42
Abdominal discomfort or pain?
Bloating? Constipation?
It’s time to talk to your doctor about IBS.
Novartis ad, 2002

In the opinion of those who’ve taken a closer look, the

Zelnorm marketing paints a misleading picture of both the con-
dition and the drug. Before it was even approved in the US, the
team from Public Citizen sent a ten-page petition to the FDA

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that included a rigorous analysis of the scientific studies of

the drug. On the basis of its assessment it claimed the drug
had ‘highly questionable’ benefits and serious safety concerns.
Furthermore it accused the company of ‘data manipulation’ in
order to exaggerate the benefits from the studies. ‘These minor
benefits for a few must be weighed against the significant dangers
of the drug and the ill-defined and non-life threatening nature
of IBS’, said the consumer group’s petition.43
Rejecting the call, the FDA went ahead and approved
Zelnorm, but within twelve months the agency sent a letter to
Novartis describing key advertisements as seriously misleading
and asking the company to stop running them.44 The FDA letter
took issue with an ad in the New York Times Magazine featuring a
couple in a swimming pool. The ad did not name the drug, but
rather it described a ‘Novartis treatment’ for IBS, which was
clearly Zelnorm. The letter accuses the company of grossly over-
stating the modest benefits of the drug, widening the range of
people for whom it is supposed to help, and failing to include
information about side effects, a particularly important omission
because the drug has ‘serious safety concerns that pose a consid-
erable risk to public health and safety’—and this from the very
agency that approved the drug in the first place.45
Reading through the Public Citizen petitions about the
dangers of this latest blockbuster, the FDA’s letters, the full-page
advertisements, and the sexy company-sponsored websites, one is
struck yet again by the enormous mismatch between marketing
messages and scientific truths. The gap between the two is often
as wide as it is frightening. The extent to which millions of
people around the world are being misled about the nature
of this condition, and the value of the drugs marketed to treat
it, is simply mind-boggling.

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It is understandable that companies will want to maximise

their markets and portray their products in the best light
possible—particularly given estimates that the global market for
IBS drugs might soon be worth $10 billion.46 What is less
comprehensible is the way the regulators seem to have been so
well and truly tamed. The tough words of the FDA letter to the
drug company might sit better in a script for a farce. Or perhaps
a tragedy. There is a bark, albeit a soft one, but no bite. It is the
appearance of regulation, without the substance. In this instance,
as in so many others, there was no penalty even though the FDA
had determined a violation of the rules on advertising.47
If a serious challenge to the selling of sickness is going to
come from anywhere, it is not going to come any time soon
from behind the grey concrete and glass exterior of the FDA or
other drug regulators dependent on drug company money. But
then again, those challenges are already springing up elsewhere.
Perhaps one of the most creative has been born from the
freshest, clearest example of the corporate-sponsored creation of
disease: female sexual dysfunction.

Note: As this book goes to print the US Congressional inquiries

into the FDA are soon to report, and there are calls for a new US
body to regulate safety, arising from the widespread view the
FDA is failing in its mission.

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10

Subverting the selling

Female sexual dysfunction

aris was abuzz with preparations for the big race. Time trials
P for the Tour de France were soon to start, bringing an extra
edge of excitement for international visitors to the famous capital.
At the grand Palais des Congrés convention centre, with its
commanding views across to the Eiffel Tower, a contest of another
sort was already under way: the race to define a new disease that
could create billion-dollar markets for those selling cures.
A huge international meeting on sexual dysfunctions had
attracted hundreds of leading researchers, therapists and phys-
icians from around the globe. They’d come for four days of
scientific sessions, cocktail parties and exquisite French cuisine.1
A similar gathering, held in Paris a few years earlier, had focused
almost exclusively on erectile dysfunction in men. But now a new
malaise had entered the medical marketplace: female sexual
dysfunction or FSD, a condition claimed by its proponents to
affect 43 per cent of women.2 Yet while excitement about the
size of the potential new market was running high among

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the drug company sponsors of the Paris meeting, scientific

researchers there were still not exactly clear about how to define
FSD. What’s more, some researchers were rejecting the notion
that there was a medical condition of that name at all, and were
running a campaign to expose what they saw as drug company
involvement in its creation.
On day three of the conference, hundreds of delegates packed
into the congress centre’s ‘Blue Room’ auditorium, to attend
a highly unusual session. There was standing room only. They
had come to hear a debate: ‘Is Female Sexual Dysfunction a
Marketing Construct of the Pharmaceutical Industry?’ On the
stage were two speakers from the ‘yes’ team, two speakers from
the ‘no’ team and in between them a moderator. Somewhat iron-
ically, the two speakers from the ‘no’ team, and the debate’s
moderator, had all worked as paid advisers to Pfizer, the
company that at the time was still hoping Viagra might prove to
be the blockbuster for women that it had been for men. Fittingly,
Pfizer was also a key sponsor of the debate, and of the entire
Paris meeting.3
The Paris debate reflects the much bigger global discussion
about how we define women’s sexual difficulties, and the role
drug companies might be playing in that definition. Corporate-
backed claims that almost half of all women suffer with a
medical disorder called FSD have incensed many researchers and
health advocates, and helped foster an alternative view that is
fast gaining credibility within the health establishment. Those
promoting the 43 per cent figure may have been hoping for a
bonanza, but have instead sparked a backlash.
The first speaker for the ‘yes’ case—the proposition that drug
companies are helping to construct a new condition called
FSD—was psychologist Dr Leonore Tiefer, a clinical associate

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professor at New York University School of Medicine, and

founder of the global campaign that is challenging the current
medicalisation of women’s sexual difficulties. Combining the
wit of a stand-up comic with the rigour of a scientist, Tiefer is
tackling head-on what she describes as the corporate-sponsored
creation of a disease, and she and her colleagues have inspired
something of a small movement.4 For starters, she has meticu-
lously documented the fact that for almost every key meeting
where this new condition is being defined, the funding has come
directly from pharmaceutical companies.
While it is not clear whether her team is winning, she’s having
a lot of fun playing the game. At a recent conference in Florida,
while picking up an important scientific award from her peers,
Tiefer delivered a paper called ‘Not tonight dear, the dog ate my
testosterone patch’. Her colourful campaign could well become a
guide for others looking to expose and combat corporate attempts
to inappropriately widen the boundaries of human illness.
Squarely on the other side of this debate about FSD is the
debonair Dr Irwin Goldstein, an organiser of the Paris meetings,
and a chief architect of what he sees as a whole new discipline of
sexual medicine. While he was not sitting on the stage formally
debating the motion that Monday lunchtime in Paris, his spirit
was indeed with the ‘no’ team. Goldstein embraces industry
sponsorship of scientific activities, but aggressively rejects claims
that drug company marketing strategies are helping to construct
and create a new condition. He is a key target of Tiefer’s criti-
cism, and in turn a strong critic of her views.
Goldstein started out in engineering, but switched early in his
career to medicine and specialised in urology. Urology is the
specialty long associated with diseases of the urinary tract, but
increasingly known for dealing with men’s sexual difficulties.

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Based in the medical school at Boston University, he is now

professor of urology and gynaecology. Within these specialties
the charismatic physician has moved from a focus on male
erectile dysfunction to researching, writing and speaking about
female sexual dysfunction. A consultant and lecturer for almost
every pharmaceutical company, Goldstein is passionate about
bringing help to a whole new pool of patients because ‘there is
such joy in treating these people successfully’.5
While Goldstein disputes the drug industry’s role in con-
structing this condition, there is little doubt how close observers
of the industry’s marketing see things. ‘The ability to create
new disease markets, as is currently happening in the area of
female sexual dysfunction, will cause the overall lifestyle market
to expand in a step-wise fashion over the next two decades’
proclaims the executive summary of a recent Reuters Business
Insight report from an experienced pharmaceutical market
analyst.6 The report was about what it calls ‘lifestyle’ drugs that
are designed to improve lifestyles as much as treat serious illness.
Running to over 200 pages, the report was not written for
public consumption, which explains its candour about ‘creating’
new markets. Rather it was produced primarily for drug
company marketing executives who run the industry’s highly
influential promotional campaigns, and for potential investors
who want to back them.
The Reuters Business Insight report is essentially an insider’s
intelligence assessment. Its chapters cover several of the
conditions where huge growth is expected in the sales of ‘life-
style’ drugs in the coming years: depression, obesity, smoking
cessation, hair loss, skin ageing, oral contraception and sexual
dysfunction. The report estimates that the market for drugs to
treat female sexual dysfunction, including the testosterone patch,

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could approach $1 billion by 2008. In the frankest of terms the

report describes the selling of sickness: the analyst outlines how
companies are ‘expanding the patient pool’ by using marketing
campaigns to change public perceptions about what used to be
considered normal life. ‘The medicalization of many natural
processes’, says the report, ‘is creating markets for lifestyle drugs
for those who want to “optimize quality of life”’.7
. . . pharmaceutical companies are searching for new disorders,
based on extensive analysis of unexploited market oppor-
tunities (whether recognized today or promoted as such
tomorrow). The coming years will bear greater witness to the
corporate sponsored creation of disease.8
While the business report might describe FSD as the classic
example of the ‘corporate sponsored creation of disease’,
back at the Paris debate that wasn’t the way the doctors and
researchers saw it. Even though there was no formal process for
choosing a winner, Leonore Tiefer and her debating partner lost
their debate, with the audience, via a show of hands, largely
rejecting the notion that FSD was being constructed by drug
company marketing.
Tiefer’s team was beaten by the combined efforts of an arti-
culate English heart specialist and a passionate Italian physician,
who together had laid out the case that many women suffering
with sexual difficulties were being helped by having their
problems labelled and treated, medically. The heart specialist,
Dr Graham Jackson, has said it is nonsense to claim FSD does
not exist, or that it is a condition manufactured by the drug
industry. He has pointed out that the condition has been
recognised for many years, long before current drug treatments
like Pfizer’s Viagra were even being marketed. What’s more,

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it is insulting to suggest scientists attending company-funded

meetings are incapable of independent thought.9
In contrast, Tiefer’s view is that the constant presence of a
cashed-up industry—in clinical research, at scientific meetings,
in medical education, doctors’ offices and media advertise-
ments—brings an unhealthy narrowing of the focus in the
debate about sexual difficulties. She is not opposed to the devel-
opment and appropriate marketing of proven medications for
women in genuine need of them, or to the availability of sex aids
for the public. Her concern is that the complexity of female
sexual problems, which she agrees are widespread, will be swept
away in the marketing hurricane promoting both the medical
condition and the drugs, and the subsequent rush to diagnose,
label and prescribe.
While it may well be the case that doctors attending
company-sponsored meetings are capable of independent
thought, it is worth laying out in full public view the extra-
ordinary extent of pharmaceutical industry involvement in the
meetings where the definitions of this new ‘disease’ FSD have
been hammered out.
In the spring of 1997, clinicians, researchers, and drug
company representatives were scheduled to meet for two days at
Cape Cod, on the New England coast not far from Boston,
‘to discuss the future direction of clinical trials’ in this area.
Importantly, the gathering was set against a backdrop of a wide-
spread lack of agreement about the definition of female sexual
dysfunction, according to those organising it. In other words,
while the idea of a condition called FSD had been around for
several years already, in 1997 senior figures in the field were still
unclear about exactly how to define it. While this lack of agree-
ment within the medical profession about how to diagnose and

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treat might have been creating obstacles for women suffering

serious problems and seeking help, it was also creating obstacles
for companies keen to test their products. If there was no agree-
ment on how to define or measure female sexual dysfunction,
how on earth could a company show in a clinical trial that its
drug had helped fix the dysfunction? If you can’t measure it, how
can you market a pill to fix it?
With erection problems in men it was relatively easy to
demonstrate that a drug could deliver more frequent, and/
or harder erections. The complexity of female sexuality was
proving a more difficult challenge. The meeting at Cape Cod
would be critical to developing the definition and measurement
of FSD, and potentially influence the way the scientific estab-
lishment, and the world, would think about FSD for a long time
into the future.
In response to an email inquiry from Leonore Tiefer in the
lead-up to that Cape Cod meeting, the co-chairperson wrote
back to her. ‘The meeting is completely supported by pharma-
ceutical companies, and approximately half of the audience will
be pharmaceutical representatives.’ As the email makes clear,
drug company sponsorship is not simply a silent force. As in the
world of political donations, money buys access. The email
continued: ‘The goal is to foster active and positive collabora-
tion between the two groups. Only investigators who have
experience with, or special interest in working collaboratively
with the drug industry have been invited.’ Nine drug companies
sponsored that Cape Cod meeting. Tiefer—a leading thinker in
the field with a global reputation but with no ties to drug
companies—didn’t attend.
Eighteen months later, what was billed as the first ‘inter-
national’ consensus conference on female sexual dysfunction

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took place in Boston. The plan was to actually write a new defi-
nition of the condition, though this was not a public meeting,
and the deliberations took place within ‘closed sessions’.
Participants were hand-picked by a group from the American
Foundation for Urologic Disease on the basis of their expertise
and their positions as thought-leaders in the field. That organis-
ation, like many similar medical organisations, relies heavily on
money from drug companies.10
Working with early definitions that existed at the time,
including a definition from the psychiatrists’ manual, the
DSM, the nineteen hand-picked participants at this Boston
meeting produced a new definition and classification of FSD,
featuring sub-disorders of desire, arousal, orgasm, and pain.
FSD, they wrote, affected between 20–50 per cent of all
women, and their new definition was to be used in ‘medical and
mental health settings’. Eight drug companies sponsored this
meeting. Eighteen of the nineteen authors of the new defini-
tion had financial ties or other relationships with a total of
22 drug companies.
The following year sixteen companies supported another
FSD conference, again in Boston, where a show of hands at one
session revealed around half of the participants were connected
to the drug industry. In both 2000 and 2001, the newly formed
Female Sexual Function Forum hosted annual conferences,
supported each time by more than twenty companies, with Pfizer
as a key sponsor.
The chair of most of the company-sponsored Boston
meetings was Tiefer’s nemesis, Dr Irwin Goldstein. He des-
cribes industry’s role in helping build the science of this new
condition as ‘paramount’, and dismisses suggestions that close-
ness between companies and researchers is inappropriate. The

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industry takes a similar position. Interviewed about their

ongoing sponsorship of these important medical meetings
where definitions of FSD were evolving, Pfizer’s Urology
Group leader, Dr Michael Sweeney, said the company only
played a passive role in sponsoring a series of discussions about
the disorder, simply providing unrestricted grants in response to
requests from physicians.
Pfizer was not only ‘passively’ underwriting scientific confer-
ences, but has also been sponsoring some of the continuing
medical education where doctors learn about the latest sexual
disorders. At one medical education event on male and female
sexual dysfunction in New York, which was fully accredited and
attended by perhaps 200 practising clinicians, Pfizer was the
chief sponsor, Pfizer’s Viagra was much discussed, and Pfizer-
friendly speakers including Goldstein were the stars of the
show. The venue for this medical education event? The Pfizer
Foundation Hall for Humanism in Medicine at New York
University Medical School.
At one point during this ‘educational’ event, in the segment
about male erectile dysfunction, Goldstein told the audience
that he was a ‘strong believer’ in taking Viagra on a daily basis
to ‘prevent impotence’, a major change in the way the drug
is currently used that would clearly expand Pfizer’s market many
times.11 ‘If you would like to be sexually active in five years’ time,
take a quarter of a pill a night,’ he told the stunned audience.
‘We have data to show that will facilitate and prolong nocturnal
erections.’
His extraordinary recommendations of daily Viagra use
caused alarm among other researchers because of potential safety
problems, and even seemed to catch the folks at Pfizer offguard.
In response, Pfizer’s Sweeney said he had not seen convincing

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data to recommend the drug’s daily use and that Goldstein was
known as one of the most ‘enthusiastic’ members of his specialty.
Asked about his financial ties to sponsors including Pfizer, and
his positive endorsements of their products, Goldstein dismissed
any inappropriate influence, explaining that he had also made
some negative comments about Viagra at that same medical
education meeting. ‘I’m allowed to say what I want,’ he snapped
coldly in response to questioning, the charm quickly evaporating.
‘No one tells me what to say.’12
Coincidentally, the Reuters Business Insight report on the ‘life-
style’ drug market echoed Dr Goldstein’s enthusiasm for using
erectile dysfunction drugs more regularly. The report argues that
because of the emergence of several competitors to Viagra, drug
companies active in the male sexual dysfunction market would
have to focus on ‘shifting patients from sporadic to chronic treat-
ment’ if they were to maintain market share and protect their
franchises.13 In other words, companies would have to try to
move people from taking an irregular occasional pill towards
regular, long-term use of these drugs, as is the case with other
heavily promoted conditions like high cholesterol, high blood
pressure and osteoporosis. If all went according to plan, the
report estimated the industry could build a massive $5 billion
erectile dysfunction market by 2008.
When it came to female sexual dysfunction, Goldstein had
told participants at the New York medical education event just
before Christmas 2002 that the science was less well developed
than for men. He referred to animal experiments that had been
done to help discover more about the role of poor blood flow
to the female genitals and other physiological problems. Based
on studies in rabbits, he and other colleagues have in fact devel-
oped theories about what they describe as ‘vaginal engorgement

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insufficiency and clitoral erectile insufficiency’. Flowing on

from this research, doctors and clinics attempting to diagnose
FSD are now measuring a whole set of physiological indicators
including blood flow to the clitoris and vagina, vaginal pH
(acidity) and the levels of different hormones, as well as doing
routine physical and psychological exams.
While stressing that it was still early days in this research
focused on women, and that a mind–body approach was neces-
sary, Goldstein nevertheless gave a very strong backing to the role
of drugs in treating female sexual dysfunction. Acknowledging
there was not good evidence yet to support the widespread use
of Viagra in women, he recommended trying androgens, a group
of hormonal steroids that includes testosterone.14 As it turns
out, one of the other sponsors of the medical education meeting
was Watson, a company developing a testosterone patch with
the giant Proctor & Gamble that could well be one of the first
pharmaceuticals approved in the US for the treatment of the
condition called FSD.15
Sitting in the back rows of the Pfizer Foundation Hall for
Humanism in Medicine, while Irwin Goldstein was still on stage
below, was Leonore Tiefer, taking copious notes together with
one of her academic protégés, learning the trade first hand. As
she tends to do at such gatherings, during the coffee break Tiefer
distributed colourful flyers that drew connections between the
latest research on FSD and the marketing strategies of drug
companies. Her flyer criticised the narrow focus on genitalia in
discussions about women’s sexuality, and pointed out the
problem of side effects with treatments like testosterone.
Women’s sexual problems and satisfactions have far more to do with
relationship difficulties, life stresses, and cultural expectations than
with clitoral blood flow or testosterone levels.

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Don’t be misled by drug company-funded marketing masquer-

ading as science or education.
New View leaflet16

The flyer also referred readers to the New View campaign,

which offers an alternative view of women’s sexual problems.
This view has been promoted by a group of academics, clin-
icians, researchers and activists in books, articles, conferences and
the media since 2000. Unlike the corporate-backed meetings
and conferences this campaign is run on a shoestring, but its
impact on the public debate, particularly in terms of media
coverage, has arguably been considerable.
The ‘New View’ acknowledges that for many women the
causes of their sexual difficulties may be physical, but in most
cases there are a host of other factors at play. There are similari-
ties between this definition and the one being developed at drug
company-sponsored meetings—both make clear, for example,
that female sexual difficulties are multidimensional, combining
biological, psychological and interpersonal elements. But there
are also very important differences between the two definitions.
Rather than put all these sexual difficulties under the umbrella of
one medical condition, or dysfunction, the New View campaign
prefers to talk more broadly about sexual ‘problems’. Tiefer and
her colleagues argue they have a more ‘woman-centered’ defi-
nition, which includes ‘discontent or dissatisfaction with any
emotional, physical, or relational aspect of sexual experience’.17
Most importantly, the ‘New View’ offers a definition that
avoids stating what is normal sexual functioning and what isn’t.
While the medical profession and medicines can play a role in
helping some women, proponents of this alternative view argue
there are real dangers in seeing sexual difficulties primarily
as medical problems to be treated by doctors. The world of

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medicine likes to set ‘norms’, but sex is not like that. ‘Sex is like
dancing,’ says Tiefer. ‘If you break an ankle while you’re dancing
you go to a doctor. But your doctor doesn’t take a dance history
and wouldn’t advise you whether your dancing is normal. The
medical model is about defining what’s healthy and what’s sick—
but sex isn’t like that.’ She is particularly critical of the focus on
testing all those physiological measures like clitoral or vaginal
blood flow for every women who walks through the door of a
clinic, in part because she claims there is no good science estab-
lishing what a normal blood flow might be.18
This alternative definition also outlines four separate cate-
gories of causes of sexual distress, again distinguishing it from
the drug company-sponsored view. The first and most important
category is described as cultural/economic/political. The other
three categories are relationship-related; psychological; and
medical. For Tiefer, a practising sex therapist, understanding the
causes of an individual woman’s sexual difficulties requires an
understanding of the history of sexuality within that woman’s
culture and of the culture as a whole, as well as the unique
history of that person in the context of their relationships and
community. She strongly believes Irwin Goldstein, the medical
model, and the drug company marketing strategies are wrong,
and are taking the whole field in the wrong direction.19 She fears
that as drugs are approved to treat FSD, it will start to shift
people’s ideas about how they have to prepare themselves to be
sexual. ‘Your body isn’t good enough. You aren’t good enough.
You plus products,’ she says with a mix of humour, anger and
sadness, ‘now maybe then you’re good enough.’20
Just like the proponents of the New View, Goldstein also
argues he is motivated by a strong desire to help women who
are genuinely suffering, but he angrily rejects suggestions that

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doctors are not best equipped to deal with sexual problems.

‘Who’s best equipped to deal with it? The horticulturalists? It’s
a form of medicine. I think physicians are most appropriate,’ says
Goldstein, who practises as part of a multidisciplinary team
including psychologists and nurses.
Tiefer and her campaigning colleagues are not the only
researchers interested in pruning back the current efforts to
medicalise women’s sexual problems. The former director of the
Kinsey Institute at Indiana University, Dr John Bancroft, believes
the actual term ‘female sexual dysfunction’ is misleading. A
researcher specialising in sexual difficulties over many years, who
has on occasions worked with drug companies, Bancroft argues
that an inhibition of sexual desire is in many situations a healthy
and functional response for women faced with stress, tiredness,
or threatening patterns of behaviour from their partners. ‘The
danger of portraying sexual difficulties as a dysfunction is that it
is likely to encourage doctors to prescribe drugs to change sexual
function—when the attention should be paid to other aspects of
the woman’s life. It’s also likely to make women think they have a
malfunction when they do not.’
Just a few hours north of Bancroft’s former workplace is
Chicago, the site of the first of a national chain of sex clinics for
women run by Dr Laura Berman—one half of the beautiful
Berman sisters, who also host their own TV show. At the Chicago
clinic’s auspicious opening, Berman explained to the assembled
cameras that medications and hormones would be offered along-
side the sex therapy and the yoga: the approach would be to treat
the ‘whole woman’. A sense of entrepreneurial excitement was in
the air as, after all, 43 per cent of women were said to suffer
female sexual dysfunction—a figure cited more than once by
clinic staff in media interviews on the day of the launch.21

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According to Berman the clinic boasted the ‘latest and greatest’

in medical technology, with all kinds of fancy machinery that will
measure everything from genital blood flow to testosterone levels.
What is still unclear is whether the clinic has adequately deter-
mined what is normal in terms of blood flow, lubrication or
testosterone levels. And more importantly, how often will women
be inappropriatey diagnosed as being abnormal in order to try
to sell them a medical or pharmaceutical solution? But those
awkward questions didn’t interrupt the clinic’s launch, where the
new sexual entrepreneurs boldly proclaimed their wish to make
Chicago women ‘the most sexually healthy in the country’.22
Coincidentally it was a University of Chicago sociology
professor who first made the 43 per cent figure famous, when he
published it in an article in JAMA in 1999.23 The figure has been
used constantly in marketing materials and media stories to
suggest almost half of all women suffer with a medical con-
dition, a ‘dysfunction’ or a disease, called FSD. In actual fact the
paper in JAMA suggested nothing of the sort. The 43 per cent
figure will likely go down in history as one of the most abused
medical statistics of our time.
Sociologist Ed Laumann and colleagues arrived at that figure
by re-analysing data from a big survey done years earlier. In that
survey roughly 1500 women were asked to answer yes or no to
whether they had experienced any of seven common problems,
for a few months or more in the previous year. Those problems
included things like a lack of desire for sex, anxiety about sexual
performance, and difficulties with lubrication. If a woman said
yes to having experienced just one of the seven problems, she was
included in the group said to have sexual dysfunction.
Clearly it is absurd to suggest that a person experiencing a lack
of desire for sex has a medical condition called FSD. And indeed,

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Laumann and his colleagues never intended to suggest that. Their

article clearly states that their findings were ‘not equivalent to
clinical diagnosis’. In other words they were not suggesting 43 per
cent of women have a medical condition called FSD, yet this is
how the figure has been used over and over again. Laumann rejects
criticisms that ‘dysfunction’ was the wrong word to have used, but
he agrees that many of the women among the 43 per cent are
‘perfectly normal’. And he agrees too that a lot of their sexual
difficulties or dissatisfactions ‘arise out of perfectly reasonable
responses of the human organism to challenge and stress’.
It may well turn out that the misuse of the 43 per cent figure
could backfire on those promoting it for their own commercial
or professional ends. While some reporters will simply regurgi-
tate estimates given to them in company press releases, it seems
that a healthy scepticism about inflated figures may be growing
amongst the fourth estate.
When medical reporter Carla Johnson received a faxed press
release claiming 43 per cent of women had a new condition
called FSD she immediately smelt a rat (or should that be
rabbit?). The release had been sent to her office at the Spokesman-
Review in Spokane in Washington state by an investment firm
in New York—demonstrating the close connection between
medicine and the marketplace where ‘diseases’ are seen as invest-
ment opportunities.
The press release was advertising a new product called Alista,
an experimental cream to be rubbed on the genitals that offered
new hope for ‘sexual healing’ in women.24 But it was not just the
unbelievable 43 per cent figure that tweaked this reporter’s
interest. It seemed to Johnson that the press release was trying
to subtly blur the boundaries between a medical condition
and ordinary life. While the pharmaceutical cream was being

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presented in one breath as a potentially effective therapy for

women with a serious medical problem, it was simultaneously
being sold as something for every woman: to ‘revolutionize how
women can enhance their sexual well being’.
One of the people Carla Johnson called was Leonore Tiefer
on the other side of the continent in New York, who she’d heard
was running some sort of activist campaign. ‘Women are being
sold a disease that the companies have a treatment for,’ Tiefer
told Johnson. The story would soon run prominently on the
paper’s front page.
They’re being told this is a great breakthrough for them. But if
you sit women down for two minutes, how many of them
would really think the type of problems they’re telling their
friends about could be solved by a cream you smear on your
genitalia right before you have sex? They’d laugh.25
The Spokesman-Review doesn’t have the biggest circulation in the
world, but Johnson’s front-page piece was another sign that
Tiefer was succeeding in generating a debate about the role of
drug companies in defining this new disorder. And as it turned
out, Johnson’s article also inspired others, including one in the
British Medical Journal that would attract worldwide attention. The
BMJ piece drew heavily on Tiefer’s research, and featured inter-
views with Irwin Goldstein, Laura Berman, Ed Laumann, and
John Bancroft. The piece provoked an immense response, both
positive and negative, on the BMJ website, within the wider
health care community and in the media in several nations. It
also provoked an immediate reaction from another quarter.
Within just two weeks of the BMJ piece appearing, a little-
known London-based PR company called HCC De Facto was
quietly sending emails to women’s groups around the world,

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confidentially seeking their help to join a campaign to ‘counter’

the BMJ article about FSD. The debate about this condition was
now an international controversy. The PR firm’s senior account
manager said in the email that the article had questioned whether
the condition in fact exists. She wrote:
I know many support organisations have been incensed about
these claims, and we think it’s important to counter them and
get another voice on the record. I was wondering whether you
or someone from your organisation may be willing to work with
us to generate articles . . . countering the point of view raised in
the BMJ. This would involve speaking with select reporters
about FSD, its causes and treatments.26
The author, the PR company’s Michelle Lerner, when asked about
her email initially denied being involved in any campaign against
the BMJ article, but later conceded she had sent a confidential
message to advocacy groups in Canada and Australia. But despite
repeated questions about which drug company was behind the
campaign, she refused to say. Not long after her valiant stone-
walling, journalists in Canada were able to establish that Lerner
and her PR outfit were in fact working for Pfizer. When the drug
giant was questioned about its public relations company’s secretive
global attempts to ‘counter’ the BMJ article, a Pfizer spokesperson
described the activities as ‘customary and unremarkable’. It was
simply part of a plan to ‘establish appropriate platforms to
increase patient awareness and recruit for study subjects’.27 Pfizer
was at the time still testing Viagra in women.
In some strange way, these clandestine yet clumsy activities
seem only to make Tiefer’s campaign stronger. On the streets of
New York a year later, she is involved in yet another passionate
discussion about the unhealthy selling of FSD, this time with an

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advertising executive friend of hers, as they volunteer together at

one of the local homeless shelters on East 35th Street. She
doesn’t miss a chance to spread the word, even giving a sermon
at her local mid-town church entitled ‘Biotechnology and the
pursuit of sexual happiness’.
Yet as the New View campaign moves forward, so too does the
drug industry’s selling. Pfizer may have dropped its pursuit of
Viagra for FSD because the drug could do little better than
a placebo—or dummy pill—at improving women’s sex lives,
but it is likely that it and other drug makers will remain more
determined than ever to exploit what they see as the next big mega-
market. Just as Tiefer’s sermon was being delivered, the business
pages of the press were reporting another story in the making—
that a company developing a testosterone patch might spend
$100 million in the first year of its advertising campaign—a
campaign likely to promote the ‘disease’ as much as the drug.28
While the testosterone patch was initially rejected in late 2004 by
an FDA advisory panel because of potential long-term side effects,
Proctor & Gamble is continuing to seek approval.29
The testosterone patch may well provide the perfect example
of the perverse impacts of excessive and virtually uncontrolled
drug company marketing. For a small group of women, whose
genuine physiological problems contribute to difficulties with
sexual functioning, the patch may indeed help, though the hype
was well under way before the key trials were even published in
peer-reviewed journals—and before any independent assessment
of the drug’s actual risks and benefits.30 But without doubt, if
the patch is ultimately approved, the marketing will soon move
from the small group of the genuinely sick to the much bigger
market of the unhappy healthy—just as we have seen with the
promotion of Viagra to men.31

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One danger here, as foreshadowed by John Bancroft, is that

many women may mistakenly see their sexual difficulties as due
to a highly advertised medical condition. But perhaps the bigger
danger comes from the now familiar blurring of boundaries that
characterises so much modern pharmaceutical marketing. If drug
companies want to market their products as sexual aids to
enhance the lifestyles of the healthy, they should do exactly
that—though this would of course create real difficulties
convincing health insurers to help pay for them. Instead the
marketing strategies will use the cover of a medical condition.
Yet surely, to try to rely on the fiction that half the female popu-
lation is diseased, dysfunctional or suffering something called
FSD is simply a sick joke. A related concern is that people in
genuine need of drugs may miss out because those who fund the
system refuse to subsidise them for fear of unsustainable cost
escalations, as occurred in Australia when the national system
declined to subsidise Viagra.32
The problem with this picture is by now a familiar one.
Billions of dollars and euros will likely be spent attempting to
treat sexual difficulties that can never be fixed with testosterone
or any other drug. And they are billions that could arguably be
much better spent preventing or treating the world’s abundance
of genuine illness, cleaning up water supplies, building bike or
walking paths or funding women’s shelters or adolescent’s sex
education, boosting employment levels in depressed neighbour-
hoods.33 How to radically change the priorities in our health care
spending is a question that needs a lot more attention.
Down in Orlando, Florida, Leonore Tiefer has just received
a prestigious award for ‘Distinguished Scientific Achievement’
from her academic peers.34 By way of acceptance, she delivered
her ‘Not tonight dear, the dog ate my testosterone patch’ speech.

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The night before she’d appeared at a small local theatre, where

her colleagues had organised a fund-raiser for the coming New
View conference in Canada where she plans to close the five-
year campaign. Confident that scepticism towards the selling of
female sexual dysfunction has risen considerably over that time,
Tiefer will proudly be declaring victory.

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Epilogue

What can we do?

nion Station in Washington, DC was somehow the perfect

U place to launch the world’s first new major medical journal
in 70 years. Just a stroll down the hill from the US Congress, the
station’s grand architecture and quiet palatial rooms conjure a
sense of stately history, and high hopes. At the time it was built,
in 1908, this train station was one of the largest in the world.1
The journal launched here in the fall of 2004, PloS Medicine,
also has big aspirations, as it plans to ‘challenge the status quo’ by
providing free web access to all of its scientific articles. What’s
more, unlike virtually every other leading medical journal in the
world today, this journal will not accept any drug company adver-
tisements. Nor will it publish company-funded studies that are
considered to be marketing dressed up as science. The aim, say its
editors, is to break ‘the cycle of dependency’ that has formed
between medical journals and the pharmaceutical industry.2
Run by the San Francisco based not-for-profit Public Library
of Science, the new journal’s editorial board boasts some of the

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Epilogue What can we do?

biggest names in global health care. By challenging the status

quo, disentangling from drug company influence, and promot-
ing more independent medical information, this journal is
helping show the way forward for all of us.
Challenging and questioning the status quo is the first step
for anyone concerned about the selling of sickness. Working out
where the boundaries lie between health and disease is not easy,
and as we’ve seen there are huge promotional forces at work
trying to blur them. With many conditions, like high cholesterol
or ADD, those boundaries just keep getting wider. These days
when a doctor diagnoses a condition and gives it a medical label,
that diagnosis may no longer be able to be taken at face value.
Though it might seem like commonsense, there can be great
value talking with family and friends about the appropriateness
of a particular medical label, and debating whether the problem
at hand is really a sign of disease or simply one of the ups and
downs of ordinary life.
Sometimes, of course, diseases are real, painful and deadly,
and treatment with the latest and most expensive drug or other
medical technology or procedure is highly desirable. Yet there are
many cases where a person’s health problems are so mild or
temporary that doing nothing is the best option. Irritable bowel
syndrome, for example, will only be severe and disabling for a
tiny fraction of the 20 per cent of the entire population said to
be afflicted by it. The value of a healthy scepticism towards the
hype about the latest disorders, and the numbers allegedly
affected by them, cannot be overstated.
The obvious problem for all of us right now is finding good
sources of information about human illness that are truly inde-
pendent of drug company influence. Many doctors still see drug
representatives; many patient groups and medical societies still

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accept generous grants; and most medical journals still rely

heavily on the industry’s advertising and its sponsored studies.
Finding quality materials about the risks and benefits of drugs
and other therapies is becoming easier,3 but finding good acces-
sible, up-to-date and independent information about disease is,
as yet, near impossible.
New ways of defining diseases, and educating people about
the options for dealing with them, are urgently needed.
To continue to rely on drug company-funded thought-leaders
to write the definitions, and drug company-funded marketing to
educate us about them, is dangerous, and really rather absurd.
A major renovation of how we understand sickness needs fresh
ideas and radical experiments, but there are existing models that
may be helpful. Around the world there are many public insti-
tutions, and some private bodies, that have found ways to
rigorously review all of the available scientific studies about a
particular treatment, and come up with an unbiased summary of
how well it works.4 In the United Kingdom the publicly funded
National Institute for Clinical Excellence undertakes such
reviews, as do many groups in the US, including the innovative
private organisation ECRI.5 Sometimes short summaries of this
evidence are made available on the web to doctors and the
public, like those provided by the international Cochrane
Collaboration.6
The hallmark of systematically reviewing and summarising
the evidence about treatments is that it is carried out by organis-
ations and individuals who don’t profit from selling those
treatments. It is now time for similar reviews of the evidence
about diseases and disorders that will produce unbiased and
easy-to-read information for ordinary people. Rather than
simplistic marketing messages that play on fear and use grossly

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Epilogue What can we do?

inflated figures to try to scare people into drug therapy, such

information would spell out the uncertainty and controversy that
surrounds many disease definitions. Without such complete
information about the pros and cons of accepting a medical
label, informed choice is impossible.
Yet, more than being independent, the new bodies that will
help to draw the line between health and disease must be more
inclusive than the current panels, many of which are dominated
by medical doctors. There is an old saying that when you give
someone a hammer, everything looks like a nail. Sometimes it is
a nail and hammering it helps get the house built. On other oc-
casions a carpenter’s skills may not be the only ones called for.
Changing city planning laws to encourage more physical activity
may do more to prevent disease than prescribing increasing doses
of drugs. Somehow a much broader group of people, both lay
and professional, must be involved in defining diseases and dis-
orders, and producing unbiased information about the risks and
benefits of various options for treating and preventing them.
Health advocacy groups, university departments, and public
institutions with reputations for independence, good science and
healthy scepticism are obvious places to start that ball rolling.
In the meantime most people are left with little choice but to
‘talk to your doctor’, as the slick advertisements and the well-
paid celebrities keep telling us to do. But as we’ve seen, many of
our doctors, no matter how committed and hardworking, are
still prescribing under the influence of marketing campaigns
designed to sell us sickness in order to sell us pills. However, it
may be that a fundamental change is coming.
With a membership of 50 000, the American Medical
Student Association is literally the face of tomorrow’s physician.
As part of its charter the association takes no sponsorship from

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the pharmaceutical industry. Its ‘PharmFree’ campaign urges

medical students to simply say no to the free lunches, the gifts,
the paid speaking engagements and the lucrative consultancies.
As it happens, their association’s national president, Brian
Palmer, was there at the historic launch of the new pharm-free
medical journal at Union Station in the US capital, beaming
broadly as he joked with the journal’s smart young editors, all of
them with wide smiles, firmly fixed on a future more about
promoting health than selling sickness.

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Notes

Abbreviations
ACOG American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists; ADAA
Anxiety Disorders Association of America; AFR Australian Financial Review;
APA American Psychiatric Association; BMJ British Medical Journal; BMS
Bristol-Myers Squibb; CDER Center for Drug Evaluation and Research;
CMAJ Canadian Medical Association Journal; CSPI Center for Science in the
Public Interest; DEA Drug Enforcement Administration; FDA Food and
Drug Administration; FFF Freedom From Fear; HRG Health Research
Group; IBS Irritable Bowel Syndrome; IJCP International Journal of Clinical
Practice; IMS Intercontinental Marketing Services; JAMA Journal of the American
Medical Association; MM&M Medical Marketing and Media; NIH National
Institutes of Health; SPC Summary of Product Characteristics; TGA
Therapeutic Goods Administration; WHI Women’s Health Initiative;
WHO World Health Organization.

Prologue
11 W. Robertson, Fortune, March 1976. All figures in this book are in US$
unless otherwise noted.
12 ‘Worried well into worried sick’ is a borrowed phrase, although there is
uncertainty as to who originally coined it.
13 For US proportion of global market see http://open.imshealth.com/
webshop2/IMSinclude/i_article_20040317.asp (accessed 15 Jan. 2005).

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14 Selling Sickness, the documentary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004.

15 http://www.nihcm.org/FinalText3.PDF p. 23 (accessed 18 Nov.
2004).
16 W. Hall, A. Mant, P. Mitchell, V. Rendle, I. Hickie and P. McManus,
‘Association between antidepressant prescribing and suicide in Australia,
1991–2000: trend analysis’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1008.
17 http://www.imshealthcanada.com/htmen/3_1_40.htm (accessed 13 Jan.
2005).
18 V. Parry, ‘The art of branding a condition’, MM&M, May 2003,
pp. 43–9.
19 Vince Parry’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, the docu-
mentary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
10 V. Parry, ‘The art of branding a condition’, op. cit.
11 J. Coe, ‘Healthcare: The lifestyle drugs outlook to 2008, unlocking new
value in well-being’, Reuters Business Insight, Datamonitor, PLC, 2003.
12 J. Coe, ‘The lifestyle drugs outlook to 2008’, op. cit., p. 43.
13 ibid.
14 See J. Abramson, Overdosed America, HarperCollins, New York, 2004; also
see R. Horton, ‘The dawn of McScience’, The New York Review of Books,
vol. LI, 11 March 2004, pp. 7–9; also see R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for
the pizza: Redefining the relationships between doctors and drug
companies. Part 1, Entanglement and Part 2, Disentanglement’, BMJ,
vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1189–96.
15 For antidepressants scandals, see chapters 2 and 7; for the alleged
bribery of the Italian doctors see F. Turone, ‘Italian police investigate
GSK Italy for bribery’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 413; for the alleged
bribery of US doctors see R. Moynihan, ‘Bribes to prescribe’, Good
Weekend, Sydney Morning Herald 31 May 2003, cover story; and for arthri-
tis drugs see FDA paper at http://www.fda.gov/fdac/features/2004/
604_vioxx.html (accessed 15 Jan. 2005).
16 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
17 See chapters 1, 5 and 10.
18 For hormone replacement therapy see chapter 3, for anti-depressants see
chapter 2, for cholesterol-lowering drugs see chapter 1, for irritable
bowel syndrome see chapter 9.
19 I. Illich, Limits to Medicine, Penguin, London, 1976.
20 ibid., p. 127.

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Notes

21 L. Payer, Disease-Mongers: How Doctors, Drug Companies, and Insurers are Making
You Feel Sick, Wiley & Sons, 1992.
22 D. Henry and J. Lexchin, ‘The pharmaceutical industry as a medicines
provider’, The Lancet, vol. 360, 2002, pp. 1590–5.

Chapter 1 Selling to everyone

11 http://open.imshealth.com/webshop2/IMSinclude/i_article_200
40317.asp (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
12 ibid. A company called Datamonitor has a site which gives basic details
about the world’s leading drug companies: http://www.datamonitor.
com/~50701d9bc16c47b99cd554262295c427~/companies/lists/
list/?listid=288ED715-62DE-417A-9787-A59D711272A5
(accessed 15 Jan. 2005).
13 N. Freemantle and S. Hill, ‘Medicalisation, limits to medicine, or never
enough money to go round’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002, pp. 864–5.
14 See FDA note on Baycol (cerivastatin) and deaths at http://www.fda.
gov/cder/reports/rtn/2001/rtn2001-3.htm#Withdrawals (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
15 http://www.citizen.org/pressroom/release.cfm?ID=1737 (accessed
6 Jan. 2005). Crestor’s generic name is rosuvastatin. Mevacor’s generic
name is lovastatin.
16 http://open.imshealth.com/webshop2/IMSinclude/i_article_200403
17.asp (accessed 16 Nov. 2004). Lipitor’s generic name is atorvastatin.
17 2001 guidelines at http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/cholesterol/
atp3xsum.pdf (accessed 16 Nov. 2004). Also see chapter on cholesterol-
guidelines in J. Abramson, Overdosed America, HarperCollins, New York,
2004.
18 ‘Expert Panel on Detection, Evaluation, and Treatment of High Blood
Cholesterol in Adults. Executive Summary of The Third Report of The
National Cholesterol Education Program (Adult Treatment Panel III)’,
JAMA, vol. 285, 2001, pp. 2486–97.
19 ibid.
10 http://www.detnews.com/2004/health/0407/19/health-214907.
htm (accessed 16 Nov. 2004). The story cites James Cleeman saying the
2004 updated guidelines will add 7 million to the 36 million already
encouraged to take pills.

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11 http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/cholesterol/atp3upd04_
disclose.htm (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
12 D. Ricks and R. Rabin, ‘Cholesterol guidelines, drug panelists’ links
under fire’, Newsday, 15 July, 2004, p. A06.
13 http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/cholesterol/atp3upd04_
disclose.htm (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
14 The US government agency responsible for the cholesterol guidelines
dismissed public concerns about the extraordinary ties between eight of
the nine experts and industry, arguing that recognised experts are the
very people industry will seek to hire. See http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/
new/press/04-07-29.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005). Through the NIH
press office, the chair of the 2004 panel declined requests to do an
interview for this book.
15 N. Choudhry, H. Stelfox and A. Detsky, ‘Relationships between authors
of clinical practice guidelines and the pharmaceutical industry’, JAMA,
vol. 287, no. 5, 2002, pp. 612–17.
16 See chapter 6.
17 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza: Redefining the relation-
ships between doctors and drug companies: Part 1, Entanglement and
Part 2, Disentanglement’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1189–96 Part 1:
http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/reprint/326/7400/1189.pdf; Part 2:
http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/reprint/326/7400/1193.pdf
(accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
18 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
19 R. Moynihan, ‘Drug company sponsorship of education could be
replaced at a fraction of its cost’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 1163.
20 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
21 C. Mulrow, J. Williams, M. Trivedi et al., ‘Treatment of depression:
newer pharmacotherapies (evidence report/technology assessment,
number 7)’, Agency for Health Care Policy and Research, March 1999, at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/bv.fcgi?rid=hstat1.chapter.84528
(accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
22 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
23 http://www.citizen.org/publications/release.cfm?ID=7320 (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
24 B. Brewer, ‘Benefit-risk assessment of Rosuvastatin 10-40 milligrams’,
American Journal of Cardiology, vol. 92 (4B), 2003, pp. 23K–29K.

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Notes

25 From evidence before the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House

of Representatives, 2004 (Ref: HIF174.020). Dr Brewer declined a
request for an interview for this book.
26 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
27 ibid.
28 http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/cholesterol/atp3upd04_disclose.
htm (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
29 http://cspinet.org/new/pdf/finalnihltr.pdf (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
30 Letter from NIH Acting Director to CSPI, 22 October 2004 (personal
communication from Merrill Goozner at CSPI).
31 J. Abramson, Overdosed America, HarperCollins, New York, 2004.
32 Ray Moynihan’s interview with John Abramson.
33 J. Abramson, Overdosed America, op. cit.
34 http://www.boomercoalition.org/bc3/campaign.asp (accessed 16 Nov.
2004).
35 ibid.
36 ibid.
37 E. White, ‘Behind the “Boomer Coalition”, a heart message from Pfizer’,
Wall Street Journal (Eastern Edition), New York, 10 March 2004, p. B.1.
The coalition site explains Pfizer is one of two founding partners:
http://www.boomercoalition.org/bc3/partners.asp (accessed 16 Nov.
2004). Pfizer declined to answer questions for this book.
38 http://www.medicalconsumers.org/pages/cholesterol_skeptics.html
(accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
39 ‘Fundraising and the growth of industry involvement’, Health and Social
Campaigner’s News, published by Patient View, April 2004, Issue 6,
www.patient-view.com (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
40 The boomer site says ‘Fighting CVD begins in the doctor’s office. Each
individual’s case is different, and many symptoms of CVD, such as high
blood pressure, are undetectable outside the doctor’s office. Moreover, if
lifestyle changes are not sufficient to lower your CVD risk, your doctor
can prescribe medicine to help you along the way.’ At http://www.
boomercoalition.org/bc3/visit_doctor.asp (accessed 14 Sept. 2004).
41 Lisa Schwartz and Steve Woloshin interviews with Ray Moynihan,
2004. All subsequent quotes, not referenced to an article, are from these
interviews.
42 K. Kerin, L.M. Schwartz, S. Woloshin, H.G. Welch ‘Using C-reative

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protein to guide lipid treatment decisions’, Journal of General Internal

Medicine (abstract in press).
43 J. Walsh and M. Pignone, ‘Drug treatment of hyperlipidemia in women’,
JAMA, vol. 291, 2004, pp. 2243–52. This is a systematic review of all
the clinical trials, a form of evidence that tends to be more reliable that
the results from single trials.
44 ibid.
45 Heart Protection Study Collaborative Group, ‘MRC/BHF heart protec-
tion study of cholesterol lowering with simvastatin in 20,536 high-risk
individuals: a randomised placebo-controlled trial’, The Lancet, vol. 360,
2002, pp. 7–22.
46 M. Vrecer, S. Turk, J. Drinovec and A. Mrhar, ‘Use of statins in primary
and secondary prevention of coronary heart disease and ischemic stroke,
meta-analysis of randomized trials’, International Journal of Clinical
Pharmacology & Therapeutics, vol. 41, 2003, pp. 567–77.
47 J. Quick, H. Hogerzeil, L. Rägo, V. Reggi and K. de Joncheere, ‘Ensuring
ethical drug promotion, whose responsibility?’, The Lancet, vol. 326,
no. 9385, 2003, p. 747, http://www.thelancet.com/journal/vol362/
iss9385/full/llan.362.9385.correspondence.26978.1 (accessed 16 Nov.
2004).
48 R. Evans, M. Barer and T. Marmor (eds), Why Are Some People Healthy and
Others Not?, Aldine De Gruyter, Hawthorne, New York, 1994.
49 ibid.
50 The 2001 guidelines, p. 13, say everyone over twenty should be tested
every five years. http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/cholesterol/
atp3xsum.pdf (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
51 Based on Ray Moynihan and Alan Cassels’ interviews with Dr Iona Heath.
52 http://www.bma.org.uk/ap.nsf/Content/investinggp~AnnexA
(accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
53 Ray Moynihan and Alan Cassels’ interviews with Dr Iona Heath.
54 Ray Moynihan’s interviews with Shah Ebrahim.
55 The statement: ‘Forty eight of the 164 trials of statins and LDL choles-
terol reported the number of participants with one or more symptoms
possibly caused by the drug’ comes from M. Law, N. Wald and A.
Rudnicka, ‘Quantifying effect of statins on low density lipoprotein
cholesterol, ischaemic heart disease, and stroke: systematic review and
meta-analysis’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 1423.

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Notes

56 ‘Pact is reached with insurers on covering Baycol litigation’, Wall Street

Journal, 10 March 2004, p. B3. Also see FDA note on Baycol and deaths
at http://www.fda.gov/cder/reports/rtn/2001/rtn2001-3.htm#
Withdrawals (accessed 6 Jan. 2005). See also D. Graham, J. Staffa and
D. Shatin et al., ‘Incidence of hospitalized rhabdomyolysis in patients
treated with lipid-lowering drugs’, JAMA, vol. 292, 2004, pp. 2585–90.
57 Emailed communication from Bayer to Ray Moynihan, 2004.
58 http://www.citizen.org/pressroom/release.cfm?ID=1737 (accessed
6 Jan. 2005). The organisation is based in Washington DC.
59 Emailed communication from AstraZeneca to Ray Moynihan, 2004.
For news of the death see http://www.guardian.co.uk/medicine/
story/0,11381,1387498,00.html (accessed 12 Jan. 2005).
60 See chapter 9. Also see J. Abraham, D. Bardelay, C. Kopp, et al., ‘Making
regulation responsive to commercial interests: streamlining industry
watchdogs’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002, pp. 1164–9.
61 http://www.citizen.org/publications/release.cfm?ID=7320 (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
62 Letter from Dr Zerhouni to Dr Wolfe, 29 July 2004.
63 Memo from Dr Brewer to Dr Zerhouni, 9 July 2004.
64 D. Willman, ‘Stealth merger: drug companies and government medical
research’, Los Angeles Times, Sunday, 7 Dec. 2003.
65 From evidence before the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House
of Representatives, op. cit.
66 For news of this decision see http://www.nature.com/nbt/journal/
v22/n11/pdf/nbt1104-1331.pdf (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
67 Public Citizen is currently preparing a report for publication on FDA
advisory committees and conflicts of interest. Also see the site of the
Center for Science in the Public Interest www.cspinet.org (accessed
10 Jan. 2005).
68 M. Marchione, ‘Cholesterol guidelines become a morality play about
conflict of interest in medicine’, AP, Sunday 17 Oct. 2004.
69 See T. Moore, Heart Failure, Random House, 1989. Also see Thomas
Moore’s site at http://www.thomasjmoore.com (accessed 6 Jan. 2005)
and http://www.smartmoney.com/barrons/index.cfm?story=20040614
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005). This story starts: ‘Statin drugs should probably
be in the drinking water’.

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Chapter 2 Doughnuts for the doctors

11 Michael Oldani did not want to name his former employer. Paxil’s
generic name is paroxetine.
12 D. Katz, A. Caplan and J. Merz, ‘All gifts large and small: toward an
understanding of the ethics of pharmaceutical industry gift-giving’,
American Journal of Bioethics, vol. 3, 2003, pp. 39–46.
13 Paxil’s generic name is paroxetine. Prozac’s generic name is fluoxetine.
Zoloft’s generic name is sertraline.
14 W. Hall, A. Mant and P. Mitchell, et al., ‘Association between anti-
depressant prescribing and suicide in Australia, 1991–2000: trend
analysis’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1008; IMS data shows global sales
around $20 billion. http://www.ims-global.com/insight/news_story/
0403/news_story_040316.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
15 http://www.imshealth.com/vgn/images/portal/cit_40000873/
40054155RHMod-PressRoom-Spending%20Hits%20Wall-
Sept2002.pdf (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
16 See a good article on relations between doctors and drug companies in
a special supplement of Pharmaceutical Marketing, Practical Guide #6,
Effective Medical Education, pp. 14–22.
17 D. Healy, Let Them Eat Prozac, James Lorimer & Company Ltd, Toronto,
2003.
18 M. Oldani, ‘Thick prescriptions: toward an interpretation of pharma-
ceutical sales practices’, Medical Anthropology Quarter, vol. 18, 2004,
pp. 325–56.
19 D. Katz, A. Caplan and J. Merz, ‘All gifts large and small’, op. cit.
10 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza: Redefining the relationships
between doctors and drug companies. Part 1, Entanglement and Part 2,
Disentanglement’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1189–96.
11 J. Lexchin, ‘Doctors and detailers: therapeutic education or pharma-
ceutical promotion?’, International Journal of Health Services, vol. 19, 1989,
pp. 663–79.
12 A. Wazana, ‘Physicians and the pharmaceutical industry: is a gift ever just
a gift?’, JAMA, vol. 283, 2000, pp. 373–80. Also see D. Griffith,
‘Reasons for not seeing drug representatives’, BMJ, vol. 319, 1999,
pp. 69–70, which contains this quote: ‘Increased costs of prescribing
are likely to be a further consequence of contact with representatives.

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Notes

Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors are just one example where

promotion by drug companies has boosted sales far beyond levels that
might have been expected if non-promotional literature had been
heeded.’
13 J. Jureidini, C. Doecke and P. Mansfield et al., ‘Efficacy and safety of
antidepressants for children and adolescents’, BMJ, vol. 328, 2004,
pp. 879–83. Also see Tom Moore’s pieces on antidepressants at http://
www.thomasjmoore.com (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
14 See Tom Moore’s pieces at http://www.thomasjmoore.com (accessed
6 Jan. 2005). For information about all drugs mentioned in this book,
see the SPC at http://emc.medicines.org.uk/ (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
The site has an easy-to-use search engine. FDA warnings on antidepres-
sants are at http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/news/2004/NEW01124.
html (accessed 6 Jan. 2005) and http://www.fda.gov/cder/drug/
antidepressants/SSRIPHA200410.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
15 D. Healy, ‘Shaping the intimate: influences on the experience of everyday
nerves’, Social Studies of Science, vol. 34, no. 2, 2004, pp. 219–45. There is
also evidence showing this SSRI class was safer in overdose than older
antidepressants.
16 http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/news/2004/NEW01124.html
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005) and http://www.fda.gov/cder/drug/anti
depressants/SSRIPHA200410.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
17 M. Angell, ‘Is academic medicine for sale?’, New England Journal of Medicine,
vol. 342, 2000, pp. 1516–18.
18 S. Vedantam, ‘Industry role in medical meeting decried; symposiums
sponsored by pharmaceutical companies trouble some psychiatrists’
Washington Post, 26 May 2002.
19 An APA spokesperson declined to comment on these charges.
20 T. Tran, S. Sengupta, S. Wolf, R. Goodman, P. Lurie, ‘Violations of
exhibiting rules at the 2002 American Psychiatric Association annual
meeting’, presentation at the 26th annual meeting of the Society of
General Internal Medicine, Vancouver BC, 30 April–3 May 2003.
21 http://www.psych.org/edu/ann_mtgs/am/04/programbk/p4tues
03252004.pdf (accessed 15 Oct. 2004).
22 http://www.psych.org/edu/ann_mtgs/am/04/programbk/p1sat032
42004.pdf (accessed 15 Oct. 2004).
23 ibid.

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24 Typically industry funding for education activities flows through ‘unre-

stricted educational grants’.
25 http://www.moshersoteria.com/resig.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
26 D. Healy, Let Them Eat Prozac, op. cit.
27 Based on David Healy’s interview for the documentary Selling Sickness,
Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
28 ibid.
29 R. Kessler, K. McGonagle and S. Zhao et al., ‘Lifetime and 12-month
prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States.
Results from the National Comorbidity Survey’, Archives of General
Psychiatry, vol. 51, Jan. 1994, pp. 8–19.
30 http://www.in-cites.com/papers/DrRonaldKessler.html (accessed
19 Nov. 2004)
31 Ray Moynihan’s interview with William Narrow.
32 W. Narrow, D. Rae and L. Robins et al., ‘Revised Prevalence estimates
of mental disorders in the United States’, Archives of General Psychiatry,
vol. 59, 2002, pp. 115–23.
33 W. Narrow et al., op. cit.
34 Ray Moynihan’s interview with William Narrow, now based at the
American Psychiatric Association.
35 R.C. Kessler, K.B. Merikangas and P. Berglund et al., ‘Mild disorders
should not be eliminated from the DSM-V’, Archives of General Psychiatry,
vol. 60, 2003, pp. 1117–22. Ray Moynihan’s interview with Ron Kessler.
36 Ray Moynihan’s interview with Ron Kessler.
37 ibid.
38 The WHO Mental Health Survey Consortium, ‘Prevalence, severity,
and unmet need for the treatment of mental disorders in the World
Health Organization world health mental health surveys’, JAMA,
vol. 291, 2004, pp. 2581–90.
39 ibid.
40 William Narrow used this term.
41 Support for the project from Bristol-Myers Squibb was disclosed in tiny
print at the end of ‘Sphere: A national depression project’, a special
supplement of the Medical Journal of Australia, vol. 175, 16 July 2001. The
curriculum was independently run, see http://www.abc.net.au/science/
slab/medicine/trans2.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
42 http://www.abc.net.au/science/slab/medicine/trans2.htm (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).

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Notes

43 W. Hall, A. Mant and P. Mitchell et. al., ‘Association between anti-

depressant prescribing and suicide in Australia’, op. cit. Serzone’s generic
name is nefazodone.
44 ibid.
45 I. Hickie, T. Davenport and D. Hadzi-Pavlovic et al., ‘Development of
a simple screening tool for common mental disorders in general
practice’, Medical Journal of Australia, vol. 175, 2001, Supplement,
pp. S10–S17.
46 D. Clarke and D. McKenzie, ‘An examination of the efficiency of the
12-item SPHERE questionnaire as a screening instrument for common
mental disorders in primary care’, Australian and New Zealand Journal of
Psychiatry, vol. 37, 2003, pp. 236–9.
47 http://www.druginjurylaw.com/serzone-canada.pdf (accessed 6 Jan.
2005). For BMS explanation see http://my.webmd.com/content/
article/87/99492.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
48 For information about all drugs see the SPC on http://emc.medicines.
org.uk/ (accessed 6 Jan. 2005). The site has an easy-to-use search engine.
49 Importantly, the trials do not show any increase in the risk of suicide,
rather suicidal behaviour and thinking. The warnings from the FDA
areat http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/news/2004/NEW01124.html
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005) and http://www.fda.gov/cder/drug/anti
depressants/SSRIPHA200410.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
50 T. Moore, ‘Medical use of antidepressant drugs in children and adults,
drug safety research, special report’, 26 January 2004. This material was
given as evidence at a February 2004 hearing of an FDA advisory panel.
51 R. Moynihan, ‘FDA advisory panel calls for suicide warnings over new
antidepressants’, BMJ, vol. 328, 2004, p. 303.
52 These comments were broadcast in the documentary Selling Sickness, op. cit.
53 Transcripts at http://www.fda.gov/ohrms/dockets/ac/cder04.html#
PsychopharmacologicDrugs (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
54 http://www.fda.gov/cder/drug/antidepressants/SSRIPHA200410.htm
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
55 http://www.mca.gov.uk (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
56 http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/news/2004/NEW01124.html
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005) and http://www.fda.gov/cder/drug/anti
depressants/SSRIPHA200410.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
57 Selling Sickness, documentary, op. cit.

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58 ibid.
59 ibid.
60 Figures on drug use at http://www.ahrp.org/risks/usSSRIuse0604.pdf
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
61 I. Heath, ‘Commentary: there must be limits to the medicalisation of
human distress’, BMJ, vol. 318, 1999, pp. 436–40.
62 D. Antonuccio, W. Danton, and G. DeNelsky et al., ‘Raising questions
about antidepressants’, Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, vol. 68, 1999,
pp. 3–14. Also see D. Antonuccio, W. Danton and G. DeNelsky,
‘Psychotherapy versus medication for depression: challenging the
conventional wisdom with data’, Professional Psychology Research Practice, vol.
26, 1995, pp. 574–85.
63 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
64 Alan Cassels’ interview with Warren Bell.
65 ibid.
66 www.Nofreelunch.org (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
67 R. Moynihan, ‘Who pays for the pizza’, op. cit.
68 http://www.psych.org/edu/ann_mtgs/am/04/programbk/p5Wed
042204.pdf (accessed 16 Jan. 2005).
69 M. Denarie and B. Burk, ‘Evaluate return on investment of promotional
events using patient-centric data’, reprinted from Product Management
Today, August 2002, pp. 23–7.
70 M. Oldani, ‘Thick prescriptions: toward an interpretation of pharma-
ceutical sales practices’, Medical Anthropology Quarter, vol. 18, 2004,
pp. 325–56.

Chapter 3 Working with celebrities

This chapter owes a debt to assistance from the United States National
Women’s Health Network, and Amy Allina and Cindy Pearson in particular.

11 Details of the award come from ‘The top 25 marketers of the year’,
DTC Perspectives, vol. 1, Summer 2002, p. 20. Data about the combined
form of hormone replacement therapy come from Writing Group for
the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, ‘Risks and benefits of
estrogen plus progestin in healthy menopausal women’, JAMA, vol. 288,
pp. 321–33. Data about the effects of estrogen alone come from The

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Notes

Women’s Health Initiative Steering Committee, ‘Effects of conjugated

equine estrogen in postmenopausal women with hysterectomy’, JAMA,
vol. 291, 2004, pp. 1701–12. The chapter is mostly concerned with the
combined form, where the harms are of more concern.
12 ‘The top 25 marketers of the year’, op. cit. In response to questions
from Ray Moynihan, a Wyeth spokesperson described the company’s
relationship with Lauren Hutton like this: ‘Ms Hutton, a women’s health
advocate, participated in general menopause and hormone therapy
advertisements and consumer outreach events supported by Wyeth to
educate women about menopause and hormone therapy and encourage
them to discuss menopause and symptom treatment options with their
physicians. Wyeth compensated Ms Hutton for her work on behalf of
Wyeth educating women about menopause and symptom treatment
options. Ms Hutton participated in menopause and symptom treatment
option education initiatives from 1999 through 2003. She is not
currently under contract with Wyeth.’
13 Interview with Amy Doner Schachtel conducted for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
14 Parade, Sunday 19 March 2000, cover story.
15 http://www.roymorgan.com/index.cfm?0A32A818-50BA-1DC3-
650D-E1800B48F772&moduleID=100000020&morganPoll=10000
0183&docType=3&page=1 (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
16 Personal communication from Wyeth to Ray Moynihan.
17 ‘Top 25 DTC marketers of the year’ at http://www.dtcnational.com/
latestnews.asp?id=127 (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
18 Personal communication from Wyeth to Ray Moynihan.
19 Interview with Amy Doner Schachtel conducted for Selling Sickness,
documentary, op. cit. The interview was not used in the final broadcast
version.
10 ‘Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative’, op. cit. In absolute
terms, over five years, the trial results suggested there was one extra
adverse event—e.g. stroke, heart attack—for every hundred women
taking HRT compared to a placebo.
11 R. Wilson, Feminine Forever, M. Evans and Company Inc., New York
(distributed in association with J.B. Lippincott), 1966.
12 I. Palmlund, ‘The social construction of menopause as risk’, Journal of
Psychosomatic Obstetrics and Gynaecology, vol. 18, 1997, pp. 87–94.

213
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13 The line ‘with estrogen therapy . . .’ comes from p. 51 of R. Wilson,

Feminine Forever, op. cit. The line ‘as a serious . . .’ and ‘indifference’ comes
from p. 17 of that book.
14 Taking Hormones and Women’s Health: Choices, Risks and Benefits, National
Women’s Health Network, Washington DC, 1995, p. 13.
15 ibid.
16 ibid., p. 9.
17 S. Bell, ‘Changing ideas: the medicalization of menopause’, Social Science and
Medicine, vol. 24, 1987, pp. 535–42. Some other researchers trace the
history back further.
18 http://cis.nci.nih.gov/fact/3_4.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
19 I. Palmlund, ‘The social construction of menopause as risk’, op. cit.
20 ibid.
21 S. Ferguson and C. Parry, ‘Rewriting menopause: challenging the
medical paradigm to reflect menopausal women’s experiences’, Frontiers,
vol. 19, 1998, pp. 20–2.
22 ibid.
23 National Women’s Health Network, The Truth About Hormone Replacement
Therapy, Prima Publishing, Roseville, California, 2002.
24 Allina is a co-author of the book The Truth About Hormone Replacement
Therapy, ibid.
25 National Health and Medical Research Council (Australia), booklet for
health professionals, ‘Hormone replacement therapy for peri- and post-
menopausal women’, undated. The booklet was based on consultations
in 1995.
26 8th International Congress on the Menopause, 3–7 November 1996,
Sydney, Australia.
27 E. Price and H. Little, ‘Women need to be fully informed about risks of
hormone replacement therapy’ (letter), BMJ, vol. 312, 1996, p. 1301.
28 S. Hulley, D. Grady and T. Bush et al., ‘Randomized trial of estrogen
plus progestin for secondary prevention of coronary heart disease in
postmenopausal women’, JAMA, vol. 280, 1998, pp. 605–13.
29 This is a simple description. A placebo is not always used in the control
group, and often more than two groups are compared.
30 S. Hulley, D. Grady and T. Bush et al., op. cit.
31 In an observational study, participants are ‘observed’ rather than actively
assigned to two or more different groups to undergo an experiment. To

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Notes

put it simply, in observational studies of HRT, a group of women

taking the drugs were observed to have fewer heart attacks than a similar
group of women not taking the drugs, so it was strongly assumed that
the hormone replacement therapy was providing some sort of protec-
tion against heart disease. But such assumptions are often shaky with
observational studies—there may have been something else different
about the two groups that was causing one group to have fewer heart
attacks. By way of contrast, randomised controlled trials generally
produce more reliable results than observational studies because the two
groups being compared are as identical as practicably possible.
32 This comes from an email exchange between Ray Moynihan and Wyeth.
Ray Moynihan: Have Wyeth-funded celebrities been used to promote
findings of the HERS trial or the WHI data? Can you provide as many
examples of such promotion as possible? Wyeth answered: All Wyeth
menopause education programs and hormone therapy advertisements,
including those with celebrity spokespersons, have always provided
risk and benefit information consistent with Wyeth policy and FDA
regulations.
33 Letter from Philip J. de Vane, Wyeth-Ayerst, April 1998. Wyeth was at
the time also concerned about other classes of drugs eating into the
HRT market.
34 Hill & Knowlton press release, 14 July, 2000.
35 The Sunday Telegraph advertisement, 23 July 2000.
36 R. Moynihan, ‘New doubts over hormone drugs’, AFR, 25 January
2001, p. 24.
37 ‘Understanding Menopause’, The Australasian Menopause Society,
undated.
38 Communication called ‘WHI HRT Update’ from the Women’s Health
Initiative (2000). The results being discussed here relate to that part of
the WHI that was testing combined estrogen and progestin against a
placebo.
39 Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, ‘Risks
and benefits of estrogen plus progestin . . .’, op. cit.
40 ibid.
41 S. Fletcher and G. Colditz, ‘Failure of estrogen plus progestin therapy
for prevention’, JAMA, vol. 288, 2002, pp. 366–8.
42 S. Schumaker, C. Leagault and S. Rapp et al., ‘Estrogen plus progestin

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and the incidence of dementia and mild cognitive impairment in post-

menopausal women’, JAMA, vol. 289, 2003, pp. 2651–62.
43 J. Hays, J. Ockene and R. Brunner et al., ‘Effects of estrogen plus pro-
gestin on health-related quality of life’, New England Journal of Medicine,
vol. 348, 2003, pp. 1839–54.
44 D. Grady, ‘Postmenopausal hormones—therapy for symptoms only’,
New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 348, 2003, pp. 1835–7.
45 ACOG News Release, 25 Feb. 2000. Just before that ACOG recom-
mendation, independent researchers published a review of all the
existing studies of these drugs in The Lancet, which concluded they
offered no benefit in terms of heart disease (E. Hemminki and
K. McPherson, ‘Value of drug licensing documents in studying the
effect of postmenopuasal hormone therapy on cardiovascular disease’,
The Lancet, vol. 355, 2000, pp. 566–9.
46 A. Hersh, M. Stefanick and R. Stafford, ‘National use of post-
menopausal hormone therapy: annual trends and response to recent
evidence’, JAMA, vol. 291, 2004, pp. 47–53.
47 R. Moynihan, ‘Celebrity selling’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002, p. 1342.
48 O. Benshoshan, ‘Celebrity public relations: an alternative to DTC’, DTC
Perspectives, vol. 2, 2003.
49 ibid.
50 The section of the giant WHI study that tested estrogen only versus a
placebo found no overall benefits: an increase in stroke and a decrease in
hip fractures. See The Women’s Health Initiative Steering Committee,
‘Effects of Conjugated Equine Estrogen . . .’, op. cit.
51 R. Moynihan, ‘The intangible magic of celebrity marketing’, PloS
Medicine, vol. 1, 2004 at http://medicine.plosjournals.org/perlserv/
?request=get-document&doi=10.1371/journal.pmed.0010042
(accessed 30 Nov. 2004).

Chapter 4 Partnering with patients

This chapter uses the term ADD and ADHD interchangeably, for the sake of
simplicity. ADHD appears when it is specifically referred to in cited materials.
11 G. LeFever, K. Dawson and A. Morrow, ‘The extent of drug therapy
for attention deficit-hyperactivity disorder among children in public
schools,’ American Journal of Public Health, vol. 89, 1999, pp. 1359–64.

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Notes

12 The figures from this and the preceding sentence come from an article by
Lawrence Diller, see http://www.healthology.com/focus_article.asp?f=
children&b=healthology&c=adhd_controversy (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
13 J. Zito, D. Safer and S. dosReis et al., ‘Trends in the prescribing of
psychotropic medications to preschoolers’, JAMA, vol. 283, 2000,
pp. 1025–30. Drugs mentioned in this chapter include Ritalin, whose
generic name is methylphenidate, Adderall with the generic name
amphetamine-dextro-amphetamine, and Strattera with the generic name
atomoxetine HCI.
14 ‘Fundraising and the growth of industry involvement’, Health and Social
Campaigner’s News published by Patient View, April 2004, issue 6,
www.patient-view.com (accessed 16 Nov. 2004).
15 http://www.chadd.org/pdfs/chaddincomesources2003.pdf (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
16 Johnny Holliday’s interview with Ray Moynihan for BMJ, 2004.
17 S. Timimi, J. Moncrieff and J. Jureidini, ‘A critique of the international
consensus statement on ADHD’, Clinical Child and Family Psychology Revew,
vol. 7, 2004, pp. 59–63; found at http://www.critpsynet.freeuk.com/
Acritiqueofconsensus.htm (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
18 R. Barkley et al., ‘International consensus statement on ADHD’, Clinical
Child and Family Psychology Review, vol. 5, 2002, pp. 89–111.
19 S. Timimi, J. Moncrieff and J. Jureidini, ‘A Critique of the International
Consensus Statement on ADHD’, op. cit.
10 http://consensus.nih.gov/cons/110/110_statement.pdf (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
11 The CHADD site says, ‘There are no definitive answers as yet, however,
research has demonstrated that AD/HD has a very strong neurobiolog-
ical basis’.
12 Shire history at http://www.shire.com/shirepharma/Corporate
Information/history.jsp (accessed 6 Jan. 2005). Shire presentation at
http://www.shire.com/shirepharma/uploads/presentations/MLConf
_030204.pdf. The company declined requests for an interview for this
book.
13 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/medicating/
interviews/antosson.html (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
14 Shire press release 6 May 2004 on survey at http://www.biospace. com/
news_story.cfm?StoryID=16058620&full=1 (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).

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15 Shire press release, ‘Regulatory approval received for ADDERALL

XR™ in Canada, Basingstoke, UK’, 3 February 2004.
16 http://www.chadd.org/webpage.cfm?cat_id=2&subcat_id=1
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
17 ibid.
18 http://www.help4adhd.org/en/about/causes (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
19 The claim about medication is at http://www.help4adhd.org/en/
treatment/medical (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
20 http://www.chadd.org/webpage.cfm?cat_id=7&subcat_id=38
(accessed 31 May 2004).
21 DEA, ‘Methylphenidate’ (a background paper), October 1995, p. 4,
taken from Center for Science in the Public Interest website, http://
www.cspinet.org/integrity/corp_funding.html (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
22 http://www.chadd.org/pdfs/chaddincomesources2003.pdf (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
23 See note 12, slide 10 of presentation.
24 Shire press release on survey dated 6 May 2004 at http://www.
biospace.com/news_story.cfm?StoryID=16058620&full=1 (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
25 Ray Moynihan’s visit to APA Congress, 2004.
26 See note 12, slide 11.
27 http://www.strattera.com/1_5_news/pr072203.pdf (accessed 6 Jan.
2005). For more recent developments in relation to Strattera see
http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/ANSWERS/2004/ANS01335.html
(accessed 2 March 2005).
28 The drug is a selective norepinephrine reuptake inhibitor.
29 Lilly advertisement for Strattera, US News & World Report, 26 April 2004,
p. 65 (two pages after the article).
30 http://www.chadd.org/pdfs/preliminary_program_2004.pdf
(accessed 2 June 2004). The conference chair stressed in her closing
remarks on the site’s opening conference blurb that ADHD is a lifespan
disorder.
31 ibid.
32 ibid.
33 Vince Parry’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documentary,
Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
34 ibid.

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Notes

35 ibid.
36 ‘Living with Adult ADD’, cover story, US News & World Report, 26 April
2004.
37 Stephen Spector, officer with CHADD.
38 ‘The ties that bind’, seminar report, Health Action International, 1999.
See wwww.haiweb.org (accessed 2 March 2005).
39 Teri P. Cox, ‘Forging alliances, advocacy partners’, supplement to
Pharmaceutical Executive, September 2002, p. 8.
40 ‘The ties that bind’, op. cit. One of the consequences of patient groups
accepting drug company funding is that reporters tend to be supplied
with patients who have had positive experiences with a sponsor’s drug,
rather than negative experiences.
41 Teri P. Cox, ‘Forging alliances . . .’, op. cit.
42 Shire explains its altruism during this interview at http://www.pbs.org/
wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/medicating/interviews/antosson.html
(accessed 6 Jan. 2005). The company declined an interview for this
book.
43 Teri P. Cox, ‘Forging alliances . . .’, op. cit.
44 See J. Moncrieff, ‘Is psychiatry for sale?’, Institute of Psychiatry, Kings
College, London, Paper no. 13, Maudsley discussion papers. See also
S. Hills, ‘Drugs and the medicalization of human problems’, Journal of
Drug Education, vol. 7, 1977, pp. 317–22.
45 S. Hills, ibid.
46 www.docdiller.com (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
47 From a Diller article, found at http://www.healthology.com/focus_
article.asp?f=children&b=healthology&c=adhd_controversy (accessed
6 Jan. 2005).
48 http://www.healthology.com/focus_article.asp?f=children&b=healtho
logy&c=adhd_controversy (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
49 Ray Moynihan’s interview with Dr Diller.
50 http://www.healthology.com/focus_article.asp?f=children&b=healtho
logy&c=adhd_controversy (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
51 The CHADD website says: ‘Today, children with AD/HD are eligible for
special education services or accommodations within the regular classroom
when needed, and adults with AD/HD may be eligible for accommoda-
tions in the workplace under the Americans with Disabilities Act.’
52 H. Searight and A. McLaren, ‘Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder:

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the medicalisation of misbehaviour’, Journal of Clinical Psychology in Medical

Settings, vol. 5, 1998, pp. 467–95.
53 ibid.
54 A. Baumgaertel, M. Wolraich and M. Dietrich, ‘Comparison of diag-
nostic criteria for attention deficit disorders in a German elementary
school sample’, Journal of the American Academy of Child Adolescent Psychiatry,
vol. 34, 1995, pp. 629–38.
55 Ray Moynihan’s interview with Judith Rapoport. One of her key articles
was J. Rapoport, M. Buschbaum and T. Zahn et al., ‘Dextro-amphetamine:
its cognitive and behavioural effects in normal prepubertal boys’, Science,
vol. 199, 1978, pp. 560–3.
56 H. Searight and A. McLaren, ‘Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
. . .’, op. cit.
57 http://www.nihcm.org/spending2001.pdf (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
58 http://www.theledger.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20040517/
NEWS/405170381/1039 (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
59 http://www.shire.com/shirepharma/NewsAndMedia/PressReleases/
showShirePress.jsp?ref=343 (accessed 6 Jan. 2005).
60 AMA 23rd Annual Science Reporters Conference, 13–14 October
2004, Washington D.C.
61 J. Moncrieff, ‘Is psychiatry for sale?’ op. cit.
62 ‘Fidgets’ comes from Guidebook for Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, 4th ed. (DSM-IV-TR), American Psychiatric Association,
2000. Also see H. Searight and A. McLaren, ‘Attention-deficit hyper-
activity disorder . . .’, op. cit.

Chapter 5 Making risks into medical conditions

11 www.ti.ubc.ca (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
12 J. Appel, ‘The verdict from ALLHAT—thiazide diuretics are the
preferred initial therapy for hypertension’ (editorial), JAMA, vol. 288,
2002, pp. 3039–42. ‘90 per cent’ comes from A. Chobanian, G. Bakris
and H. Black et al. ‘The Seventh Report of the Joint National
Committee on Prevention, Detection, Evaluation, and Treatment of
High Blood Pressure: the JNC 7 report’, JAMA, vol. 289, 2003,
pp. 2560–72.
13 Stacey L. Bradford, ‘Hearty stock’, Stockwatch column in Smart Money,
28 March 2002. http://yahoo.smartmoney.com/stockwatch/index.

220
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Notes

cfm?story=20020328 (accessed 4 Aug. 2004). Also see IMS Health,

‘The “Boom” of the Baby Boomers’, http://www.ims-global.com/
insight/news_story/ 0101/news_story_010123.htm (accessed 24
Aug. 2004).
14 What follows is an approximation of the standard presentation based
on Alan Cassels’ attendances at many of these presentations, and
repeated discussions with James McCormack and Bob Rangno.
15 This slide is based on data from the following trial: M. Heikki Frick,
O. Elo and K. Haapa et al., ‘Helsinki Heart Study: primary prevention
trial with gemfibrozil in middle-aged men with dyslipidemia, safety of
treatment, changes in risk factors, and incidence of coronary heart
disease’, New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 317, 1987, pp. 1237–45.
16 R. Moynihan, L. Bero and D. Ross-Degnan et al., ‘Coverage by the
news media of the benefits and risks of medications’, New England
Journal of Medicine, vol. 342, 2000, pp. 1645–50. Also see A. Cassels,
M. Hughes and C. Cole et al., ‘Drugs in the news: an analysis of
Canadian newspaper coverage of new prescription drugs’, Canadian
Medical Association Journal, vol. 168, 2003, pp. 1133–7.
17 A. Chobanian, G. Bakris and H. Black et al., ‘The Seventh Report of the
Joint National Committee on Prevention . . .’, op. cit.
18 See Maryanne Napoli from the Center for Medical Consumers group
interview leading hypertension expert Dr Michael Alderman in August
2003 at http://www.medicalconsumers.org/pages/Prehypertension.html.
19 ibid.
10 Interviews by Alan Cassels and Ray Moynihan with Curt Furberg.
11 Alan Cassels’ interview with Curt Furberg, 2004.
12 A. Chobanian, G. Bakris and H. Black et al., ‘The Seventh Report of the
Joint National Committee on Prevention . . .’, op. cit.
13 C. Furberg and B. Psaty, ‘JNC VI: timing is everything’, The Lancet,
vol. 350, 1997, p. 1413.
14 Personal communication from Bruce Psaty to Ray Moynihan.
15 University of Umea, Sweden, 2004, honorary degree.
16 Interviews by Alan Cassels and Ray Moynihan with Curt Furberg.
17 See letter at http://www.uib.no/isf/letter/ (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
Bruntlands’s reply is at http://www.uib.no/isf/letter/reply.htm (accessed
7 Jan. 2005).
18 http://www.imshealthcanada.com/htmen/3_1_5.htm (accessed 7 Jan.
2005).

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19 J. Graves and S. Sheps, ‘Does evidence-based medicine suggest that

physicians should not be measuring blood pressure in the hypertensive
patient?’, American Journal of Hypertension, vol. 17, 2004, pp. 354–60.
20 M. Kendrick, ‘High blood pressure: it’s a symptom, not a disease, stupid!
Why almost everything written about treating blood pressure is wrong’,
http://www.redflagsweekly.com/kendrick/2003_jan16.php (restricted
site), 16 January 2003.
21 http://www.americanheart.org/presenter.jhtml?identifier=4609
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
22 M. Kendrick, 21 May 2004. ‘Suffer the little children’, essay dated
21 May 2004, accessed at http://www.redflagsweekly.com/kendrick/
2004_may21.php (and the next quote is from here too).
23 ibid.
24 See C. Mulrow, E. Chiquette and L. Angel et al., ‘Dieting to reduce body
weight for controlling hypertension in adults’, Cochrane Review From The
Cochrane Library, issue 4, 1998, Chichester, UK; B. Materson, D. Reda
and W. Cushman et al, ‘Single-drug therapy for hypertension in men: a
comparison of six antihypertensive agents with placebo’, New England
Journal of Medicine, vol. 328, 1993, pp. 914–21; The Treatment of Mild
Hypertension Research Group, ‘The treatment of mild hypertension
study: a randomized, placebo-controlled trial of a nutritional-hygienic
regimen along with various drug monotherapies’, Archives of Internal
Medicine, vol. 151, 1991, pp. 1413–23; S. Whelton, A. Chin, X. Xin and
J. Ha, ‘Effect of aerobic exercise on blood pressure: a meta-analysis of
randomized, controlled trials’, Annals of Internal Medicine, vol. 136, 2002,
pp. 493–503.
25 The ALLHAT Officers and Coordinators for the ALLHAT Collabora-
tive Research Group ‘Major outcomes in high-risk hypertensive patients
randomized to angiotensin-converting enzyme inhibitor or calcium
channel blocker vs diuretic’, JAMA, vol. 288, 2002, pp. 2981–97.
26 Curt Furberg, investigator with ALLHAT, 17 December 2002, press
conference remarks, ‘Release of the results of the antihypertensive and
lipid-lowering treatment to prevent heart attack trial: what makes
ALLHAT special?’, accessed online at http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/
health/allhat/furberg.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
27 The ALLHAT Officers and Coordinators for the ALLHAT Collabor-
ative Research Group, op. cit.

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Notes

28 The Therapeutics Initiative newsletter 47 is entitled, ‘The answer:

thiazides first line for hypertension’, January–March 2003. http://
www.ti.ubc.ca/pages/letter47.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005). Norvasc’s
generic name is amlodipine.
29 Curt Furberg’s interview with Alan Cassels. Pfizer declined requests for
an interview for this book.
30 http://www.ims-global.com/insight/news_story/0403/news_story_
040316.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
31 J. Lenzer, ‘Marketing: Spin doctors soft pedal data on antihypertensives’,
BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 170.
32 The Pfizer email memo, 16 March 2000.
Subject: R: PPG ANNOUNCEMENT—EUROPE—ORGANIZ-
ATION CHANGES.
‘I saw . . . here at the ACC this morning at the ALLHAT presentation.
I am sure they will fill you in on the presentation of results. The good
news is that they were quite brilliant in sending their key physicians to
sightsee rather than hear Curt Furberg slam Pfizer once again!’
33 M. Fischer and J. Avorn, ‘Economic implications of evidence-based
prescribing for hypertension: can better care cost less?’, JAMA, vol. 291,
2004, pp. 1850–6.
34 A. Fretheim, M. Aaserud and A. Oxman, ‘The potential savings of using
thiazides as the first choice antihypertensive drug: cost-minimisation
analysis’, BMC Health Serv Res., vol. 3, 2003 p. 18 available at
http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=201005
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
35 M. Nelson, J McNeil and A. Peeters et al., ‘PBS/RPBS cost implications
of trends and guideline recommendations in the pharmacological
management of hypertension in Australia, 1994–1998’, Medical Journal of
Australia, vol. 174, 2001, pp. 565–8.
36 A. Chobanian, G. Bakris and H. Black et al. ‘The Seventh Report of the
Joint National Committee on Prevention . . .’, op. cit.
37 See page 18 of the 32 page pamphlet ‘Working with religious congre-
gations: a guide for health professionals’ by the National Heart, Lung,
and Blood Institute (NHLBI) at http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/health/
prof/heart/other/church.pdf. This guide builds on lessons learned from
church-based demonstration programs supported by NHLB. It provides
information about how to contact and recruit congregation members, train

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volunteer teams within congregations, implement effective CVD preven-

tion programs, sustain momentum for continued activity, and monitor and
evaluate congregation-based programs. NIH Publication Number: 97-
4058. Also see http://hin.nhlbi.nih.gov/nhbpep_kit/hpbs.htm (accessed
13 Jan. 2005).
38 Malcolm Kendrick, ‘The new hypertension guidelines: now we are all to
be officially ill’ (essay), 21 May 2003 at http://www.thincs.org/
Malcolm.htm#hypertens2 (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).

Chapter 6 Advertising disease

The drugs discussed in this chapter have different names in some countries.
For example, Paxil is Aropax in Australia and Seroxat in the UK. Paxil’s
generic name is paroxetine. Prozac’s generic name is fluoxetine. Zoloft’s
generic name is sertraline. The drug name Sarafem is used interchangeably
with Prozac through this chapter, as both are different brand names for the
same drug, fluoxetine.

11 Mentioned in European decision at http://www.emea.eu.int/pdfs/

human/referral/326303en.pdf (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
12 PMDD is listed as a diagnosis requiring further study.
13 Paula Caplan’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documen-
tary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
14 Jean Endicott’s interview with Ray Moynihan.
15 B. Mintzes, ‘Direct to consumer advertising is medicalising normal
human experience (for)’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002, pp. 908–11.
16 Personal communication to Alan Cassels’.
17 S. Wolfe, ‘Direct-to-consumer advertising—education or emotion pro-
motion’, New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 346, 2002, pp. 524–6.
18 http://www.fda.gov/cder/warn/nov2000/dd9523.pdf (accessed
7 Jan. 2005).
19 Sometimes, if the misleading information is too over-the-top, the FDA
will ask for corrections to be published.
10 S. Woloshin, L.M. Schwartz, J. Tremmel and G. Welch, ‘Direct to
consumer advertisements for prescription drugs: what are Americans
being sold?’, The Lancet, vol. 358, 2001, pp. 1141–6.
11 B. Mintzes, ‘Direct to consumer advertising . . .’, op. cit.

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Notes

12 Barbara Mintzes interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, op. cit.
13 Barbara Mintzes interview with Ray Moynihan, 2004.
14 See chapter 2.
15 Barbara Mintzes interview with Cathy Scott, op. cit.
16 Jean Endicott interview with Ray Moynihan, 2004.
17 B. Mintzes, M. Barer and R. Kravitz et al., ‘Influence of direct to
consumer pharmaceutical advertising and patients’ requests on prescrib-
ing decisions: two site cross sectional survey’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002,
pp. 278–9.
18 S. Bonaccorso and J. Sturchio, ‘Direct to consumer advertising
is medicalising normal human experience’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002,
pp. 910–11.
19 O. Schoffski, ‘Diffussion of medicines in Europe’ at http://www.gm.
wiso.uni-erlangen.de/ (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
20 A. Liberati and N. Magrini, ‘Information from drug companies and
opinion leaders’, BMJ , vol. 326, 2003, pp. 1156–7.
21 ‘Providing prescription medicine information to consumers: Is there a
role for direct-to-consumer promotion?’, symposium report, Health
Action International Europe 2002, p. 12. See www.haiweb.org/
campaign/DTCA/2002_symposium_report.pdf (accessed 13 Jan.
2005).
22 Mentioned in EU decision at http://www.emea.eu.int/pdfs/human/
referral/326303en.pdf (accessed 7 Jan. 2005). Also see R. Moynihan,
‘Controversial disease dropped from Prozac product information’, BMJ,
vol. 328, 2004, p. 365.
23 J. Chrisler and P. Caplan, ‘The strange case of Dr Jekyll and Ms Hyde:
how PMS became a cultural phenomenon and a psychiatric disorder’,
Annual Review of Sex Research, vol. 13, 2002, pp. 274–306.
24 R. Spitzer, S. Severino, J. Williams and B. Parry, ‘Late luteal phase
dysphoric disorder and DSM-III-R’, American Journal of Psychiatry,
vol. 146, 1989, pp. 892–7.
25 Robert Spitzer interview with Ray Moynihan.
26 Spitzer wrote that the possibility of such research was a key motivation
for the creation of this new mental disorder: ‘Diagnostic criteria encour-
age research, as can be seen by the burgeoning of research on affective
illness after diagnostic criteria were developed for affective disorders [e.g.

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depression, social anxiety disorder]. It is for all these reasons that the
members of the advisory committee, most of whom are active investi-
gators in this area, were so enthusiastic about developing the diagnostic
criteria for LLPDD that would be in DSM III-R.’ From R. Spitzer,
S. Severino, J. Williams and B. Parry, ‘Late luteal phase dysphoric
disorder . . .’, op. cit.
27 ibid.
28 This paragraph based on Ray Moynihan’s interviews with Sally Severino.
29 ibid.
30 Jean Endicott told Ray Moynihan that Lilly helped fund the meeting,
but the company declined to answer questions about it. Also see
J. Endicott, J. Amsterdam and E. Eriksson et al., ‘Is Premenstrual
Dysphoric Disorder a distinct clinical entity?’, Journal of Women’s Health and
Gender Based Medicine, vol. 8, 1999, pp. 663–79.
31 D. Healy, Let Them Eat Prozac, James Lorimer & Company Ltd, Toronto,
2003.
32 Jean Endicott’s interview with Ray Moynihan.
33 J. Endicott, J. Amsterdam and E. Eriksson et al., ‘Is Premenstrual
Dysphoric Disorder a distinct clinical entity?’, op. cit.
34 V. Parry, ‘The art of branding a condition’, MM&M, May 2003,
pp. 43–9.
35 ibid.
36 Vince Parry’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documentary,
op. cit. The part of this interview immediately before the quote in the
text is: ‘How do you connect with patients? You get the profile of the
patients that you’ve identified and you bring them into research situa-
tions. You bring them into a focus group which is maybe a dozen of
these types of individuals and you expose them to different concepts,
different names for instance, different colours, different packaging
options, different series of messages of how you want to talk about it.
And not just the name itself but the nomenclature that goes under it or
the language that supports that name, the condition name. And as you
go through and examine this with the patient, you find out, they’ll tell
you what they feel most comfortable with, a name that they identify and
why they identify with it. It has a certain kind of personality that they
can see themselves in. So the packaging itself, the name Sarafem has a
very nice feminine name to it. It has a soothing, reassuring quality to it,

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Notes

which is what they were looking for and they dyed the pill purple
because that was the colour that was very appealing to women. Out of
all of the colours they showed them, they thought that was something
unusual and just for them.’ Also, at around the time of Sarafem’s launch
a Lilly marketing associate told the press the company had done its
homework, just as Parry has explained. ‘We asked women and physicians
about the treatment of PMDD, and they told us they wanted a treat-
ment option with its own identity that would differentiate PMDD from
depression . . . They wanted a treatment option with its own identity.’
See this quote at http://www.antidepressantsfacts.com/misleading-
medicine.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
37 http://www.fda.gov/cder/warn/nov2000/dd9523.pdf (accessed
7 Jan. 2005).
38 Barbara Mintzes interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, op. cit.
39 Paula Caplan’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documen-
tary, op. cit.
40 ibid. Also J. Chrisler and P. Caplan, ‘The strange case of Dr Jekyll and
Ms Hyde’, op. cit.
41 http://www.emea.eu.int/pdfs/human/referral/326303en.pdf
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
42 This whole paragraph comes from R. Moynihan, ‘Controversial disease
dropped from Prozac . . .’, op. cit.
43 US General Accounting Office, ‘Prescription drugs: FDA oversight of
direct-to-consumer advertising has limitations’, Pub Number GAO- 03-
177 (Washington GAO, 2002). Also see H. Waxman, ‘Perspective,
health affairs’, 28 April 2004 at http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/
reprint/hlthaff.w4.256v1.pdf (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
44 http://www.paxilcr.com/pmdd/PMDD_Medication.html (accessed
26 May 2004).
45 The fine print of the official Paxil product information now warns
that ‘side effects may result from stopping the medication . . . including
dizziness, sensory disturbances (including electric shock sensations),
abnormal dreams, agitation, anxiety, nausea and sweating’. http://www.
paxilcr.com/pmdd/important_safety_info.html (accessed 26 May,
2004). Other side effects include infection, nausea, diarrhoea, dry
mouth, constipation, decreased appetite, dizziness, sweating, tremor,

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sexual side effects, injury, yawning, asthenia, insomnia, abnormal vision

and sleepiness.

Chapter 7 Shaping public perceptions

General note for this chapter: of the SSRI antidepressants, only Prozac was
approved for children in the US. In Australia the regulator had early warnings
against using Aropax for that group.
11 Deborah Olguin interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004.
12 ibid.
13 The ‘one in eight’ is from the December 1998 pamphlet called
‘Social Anxiety Disorder: it’s more than just shyness’, produced by
SmithKlineBeecham. At the time the company was called SmithKline
Beecham. It would become part of GSK in 2000.
14 http://www.cohnwolfe.com.
15 http://www.cohnwolfe.com/Content.aspx?NodeId=12 (accessed 7 Jan.
2005).
16 http://www.wpp.com/ (accessed 7 Jan. 2005). At the time of writing,
the WPP Group included several other public relations houses that
specialise in health care apart from Cohn & Wolfe, including Hill &
Knowlton, Ogilvy and Burson-Marsteller.
17 This chapter owes a great debt to B. Koerner, ‘Disorders made to order:
pharmaceutical companies have come up with a new strategy to market
their drugs—first go out and find a new mental illness, then push the
pills to cure it’, Mother Jones, vol. 27, 2002.
18 Thanks to the diligent work of several investigative journalists, the
world has learned what that cultivation entailed. Some of the key stories
include B. Koerner, ‘Disorders made to order . . .’, op. cit.; M. Cottle,
‘Selling shyness’, New Republic, 2 August 1999; and S. Vedantam, ‘Drug
ads hyping anxiety make some uneasy’, Washington Post, Monday, 16 July
2001, p. A01. Also, the aims and achievements of the campaign are
available on the web at http://members.fortunecity.com/partnersin
wellness/id23.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
19 http://members.fortunecity.com/partnersinwellness/id23.htm
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
10 This paragraph all comes from B. Koerner, ‘Disorders made to order

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Notes

. . .’, op. cit. According to Koerner’s article the coalition was made up of
the American Psychiatric Association (APA), the Anxiety Disorders
Association of America (ADAA) and another patient advocacy group
called Freedom From Fear (FFF). An FFF spokesperson appeared in
Selling Sickness, the documentary, saying the group relied on company
money, the ADAA has a corporate advisory board including drug
company representatives, and the APA conference relies on industry
sponsorship.
11 http://members.fortunecity.com/partnersinwellness/id23.htm
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
12 http://www.pslgroup.com/dg/fd072.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
13 Murray Stein’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documen-
tary, op. cit.
14 Murray Stein’s personal communication with Ray Moynihan, 2004.
15 ‘Health Academy’, E-News 2001 (Public Relations Society of America).
See http://www.healthacademy.prsa.org/images/Jan%202001%20e
News.pdf (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
16 R. Moynihan, ‘Making medical journalism healthier’, The Lancet , vol. 361,
2003, p. 2097.
17 Deborah Olguin interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, op. cit.
18 www.socialaudiot.org.uk (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
19 See Charles Medawar and Anita Hardon, Medicine Out of Control, Asksant,
Amsterdam, 2004, p. 205.
20 P. du Toit and D. Stein, ‘Social anxiety disorder’, in Anxiety Disorders, (eds)
D. Nutt and J. Ballenger, Blackwell Publishers, Malden, Massachusetts,
2003, p. 107.
21 ICD-10, World Health Organization, Geneva, 1992. This is the inter-
national catalogue of mental disorders produced by the World Health
Organization.
22 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed., text revision
(DSM-IV-TR), American Psychiatric Association, 2000.
23 Ray Moynihan’s interview with David Baldwin.
24 ICD-10, op. cit. The ICD states clearly that for someone to be diag-
nosed with social phobia, ‘Avoidance of the phobic situation must be a
prominent feature’.
25 The December 1998 pamphlet ‘Social Anxiety Disorder’, op. cit., suggests
that SAD is about the ‘fear’, not about avoidance. And p. 456 of the

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DSM-IV-TR, op. cit., states ‘The feared social or performance situations

are avoided or else are endured with intense anxiety or distress’.
26 Vince Parry’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documentary,
op. cit.
27 See the important booklet B. Mintzes, ‘Blurring the boundaries’, pro-
duced by Health Action International, 1998.
28 Vince Parry’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documentary,
op. cit.
29 R. Moynihan, I. Heath and D. Henry, ‘Selling sickness: the pharma-
ceutical industry and disease mongering’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002,
pp. 886–91. Aurorix’s generic name is moclobemide.
30 ibid.
31 ibid. Also see R. Moynihan ‘Drug firms hype disease as sales ploy,
industry chief claims’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002. p. 867.
32 David Healy estimates less than 1 per cent. The 16 per cent is cited in
P. du Toit and D. Stein, ‘Social anxiety disorder’, op. cit.
33 M. Liebowitz, J. Gorman, A. Fyer and D. Klein, ‘Social phobia, review
of a neglected anxiety disorder’, Archives of General Psychiatry, vol. 42,
1985, pp. 729–36.
34 R. Kessler, K. McGonagle and S. Zhao et al., ‘Lifetime and 12-month
prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States:
results from the National Comorbidity Survey’, Archives of General
Psychiatry, vol. 51, 1994 Jan., pp. 8–19.
35 ‘Social Anxiety Disorder . . .’, pamphlet, op. cit.
36 W. Narrow, D. Rae, L. Robins and D. Regier, ‘Revised prevalence
estimates of mental disorders in the United States’, Archives of General
Psychiatry, vol. 59, 2002, pp. 115–23.
37 David Healy’s estimate.
38 William Narrow’s interview with Ray Moynihan.
39 That’s what Ricky told Oprah.
40 R. Moynihan, ‘Celebrity selling 2’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002, p. 286.
41 http://www.ims-global.com/insight/news_story/0302/news_story_
030228.htm (accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
42 R. Moynihan, ‘Celebrity selling 2’, op. cit.
43 ibid.
44 http://quickstart.clari.net/qs_se/webnews/wed/by/W058797.RY5t
_DOH.html (accessed 7 Jan. 2005). If you want to organise an inter-

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Notes

view with Ricky Williams, you could try calling the contact person at
the bottom of the press release at Cohn &Wolfe in New York, 212 798-
9521. Cohn & Wolfe did not respond to requests for an interview for
this book.
45 Karen Barth Menzies interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, docu-
mentary, op. cit.
46 David Healy’s interview with Cathy Scott for Selling Sickness, documentary,
op. cit., and Ray Moynihan’s interveiws with David Healy.
47 ibid.
48 R. Moynihan, ‘FDA advisory panel calls for suicide warnings over new
antidepressants’, BMJ, vol. 328, 2004, p. 303. Also see T. Laughren,
‘Background comments for February 2, 2004 meeting of Psycho-
pharmacological Drugs Advisory Committee (PDAC) and Pediatric
Subcommittee of the Anti-Infective Drugs Advisory Committee (Peds
AC)’, Department of Health and Human Services, Food and Drug
Administration, Center for Drug Evaluation and Research memo.
49 ibid.
50 T. Moore, Medical Use of Antidepressant Drugs in Children and
Adults, Drug Safety Research, Special Report, 26 January 2004. This
material was given as evidence at a February 2004 hearing of an FDA
advisory panel.
51 R. Moynihan, ‘FDA advisory panel calls for suicide warnings . . .’, op. cit.
52 http://www.oag.state.ny.us/press/2004/jun/jun2b_04_attach1.pdf
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
53 www.gsk.com (accessed 7 Jan. 2005). See news releases, 26 August 2004.
54 http://www.oag.state.ny.us/press/2004/aug/aug26a_04_attach1.pdf
(accessed 7 Jan. 2005).
55 E. Silverman, ‘Sales reps told not to divulge Paxil data. Drug maker
memo cited risks to youth’, NJ Star Ledger, Wednesday, 29 September
2004. The paper obtained an internal GlaxoSmithKline memo that was
distributed to the company’s sales representatives. The memo advises
them not to discuss the suicide-related risk of Paxil/Seroxat with
doctors. The subject of the memo: REVISED MEDICAL INFOR-
MATION LETTER ON THE USE OF PAXIL IN PEDIATRIC
PATIENTS.
56 K. Dickersin and D. Rennie, ‘Registering clinical trials’, JAMA, vol. 290,
2003, pp. 516–23.

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57 September 2002, supplement to Pharmaceutical Executive.

58 ‘Social Anxiety Disorder . . .’, pamphlet, op. cit.
59 W. Crozier and L. Alden (eds), International Handbook of Social Anxiety,
Wiley, Chichester, England, 2001, p. 4.
60 R. Evans, M. Barer and T. Marmor (eds), Why Are Some People Healthy and
Others Not?, Aldine De Gruyter, Hawthorne, New York, 1994.

Chapter 8 Testing the markets

11 Alan Cassels’ interview with Wendy Armstrong. The quote is as it was
relayed to Wendy, thus it is an approximation only.
12 A. Kazanjian, C. Green and K. Bassett, ‘Normal bone mass, aging bodies,
marketing of fear: bone mineral density screening of well women’,
British Columbia Office of Health Technology Assessment, University
of British Columbia, presented at the 93rd annual meeting of the
American Sociological Association, held in San Francisco, 21–25
August 1998.
13 See J. Stevens and S. Olson, ‘Reducing falls and resulting hip fractures
among older women’, National Center for Injury Prevention and
Control Division of Unintentional Injury Prevention at http://www.
cdc.gov/mmwr//preview/mmwrhtml/rr4902a2.htm (accessed 8 Jan.
2005). This is one of many publications on the prevention of falls.
14 http://www.drugs.com/top200sales.html (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
Fosamax’s generic name is alendronate.
15 Interview by Alan Cassels for the program Manufacturing Patients aired by
CBC IDEAS on 4 and 11 February 2003. This interview took place in
the New York office of Ogilvy Public Relations in November 2002.
16 G. Freiherr, ‘Strategic alliances: product promotion strategy links
drugs and devices’, Medical Device & Diagnostic Industry, November 1995.
Accessed online at http://www.devicelink.com/mddi/archive/95/
11/004.html (accessed 8 Aug. 2004).
17 ibid.
18 Report of a WHO study group, ‘Assessment of fracture risk and its
application to screening for postmenopausal osteoporosis’, WHO tech-
nical report series 843, Geneva, 1994.
19 ibid.

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Notes

10 These figures come from Fast Fact—National Osteoporosis Foun-

dation website at http://www.nof.org/osteoporosis/diseasefacts.htm
(accessed, 3 March 2005).
11 Based on Ray Moynihan’s interviews with David Henry and material
from R. Moynihan, Too Much Medicine?, ABC Books, Sydney, 1998.
12 Those seven markets were: the United States, Canada, the United
Kingdom, France, Italy, Germany and Spain. This is from Merck’s 2003
annual report. See http://www.merck.com/finance/annualreport/
ar2003/driving_growth/ (accessed 27 Aug. 2004).
13 Figures from Wendy Armstrong.
14 N. Fitt, S. Mitchell and A. Cranney et al., ‘Influence of bone densi-
tometry results on the treatment of osteoporosis’, CMAJ, vol. 164,
2001, pp. 777–81.
15 Lead Discovery article, ‘Osteoporosis: R&D innovations to drive growth
in osteoporosis market’, 4 May 2004, at http://www.leaddiscovery.
co.uk/target-discovery/abstracts/TU%20Osteoporosis%20-
%20R&D%20innovations%20to%20drive%20growth%20in%20ost
eoporosis%20market.html (accessed 27 Aug. 2004).
16 C.J. Green, K. Bassett, V. Foerster and A. Kazanjian, ‘Bone mineral
density testing: does the evidence support its selective use in well
women?’, British Columbia Office of Health Technology Assessment
report no. 97:2T, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, 1997.
17 C. De Laet, B. van Hout, H. Burger, A. Hofman and H. Pols, ‘Bone
density and risk of hip fracture in men and women: cross sectional
analysis’, BMJ, vol. 315, 1997, pp. 221–5.
18 T. Wilkin, ‘Changing perceptions in osteoporosis’, BMJ, vol. 318, 1999,
pp. 862–5. Also see the accompanying commentary critical of this
article: R. Eastell, ‘Bone density can be used to assess fracture risk’, BMJ,
vol. 318, 1999, p. 865.
19 Special item in the New England Journal of Medicine on missed disclosures
at http://content.nejm.org/cgi/content/full/342/8/586 (accessed
8 Jan. 2004). This states that in connection with a 1998 article in New
England Journal of Medicine, Dr Eastell received grants from and served as
an adviser to Eli Lilly and Procter & Gamble and served as an adviser to
Novartis and SmithKline Beecham Pharmaceuticals.
20 Interview by Alan Cassels with Dr Brian Lentle.

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21 C. Green, A. Kazanjian and D. Helmer, ‘Informing, advising, or persuad-

ing? An assessment of bone mineral density testing information from
consumer health websites’, International Journal of Technology Assessment in
Health Care, vol. 20, 2004, pp. 156–66.
22 A. Cheung and J. Feightner, ‘Seeking clarification of osteoporosis guide-
lines’, CMAJ, vol. 171, 2004, pp. 1022–3 at http://www.cmaj.ca/cgi/
content/full/171/9/1022-b?etoc (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
23 A. Cheung, D. Feig and M. Kapral et al., ‘Prevention of osteoporosis and
osteoporotic fractures in postmenopausal women: recommendation
statement from the Canadian Task Force on Preventive Health Care’,
CMAJ, vol. 170, 2004, pp. 1665–7.
24 K. Bassett, ‘On trying to stop the measurement of bone density to sell
drugs: tribute to a friend’, http://www.chspr.ubc.ca/misc/12thHP
conf.pdf (accessed 13 Jan. 2005).
25 Alan Cassels’ interview with Kym White.
26 See http://www.osteofound.org/member_societies/society.php?id=61
(accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
27 ‘On-Board PR’ won an award for taking its ‘Osteoporosis—Know your
Enemy’ campaign around rural Poland. Reported in the Golden World
Awards online at http://www.ipra.org/services/gala/0154%20GWA
%20v1.pdf (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
28 Wendy Armstrong, personal communication with Alan Cassels.
29 Health, June 2003, pp. 88–90, published in Birmingham, Alabama, but
available globally.
30 D. Black, S. Cummings and D. Karpf et al., ‘Randomised trial of effect
of alendronate on risk of fracture in women with existing vertebral frac-
tures’, The Lancet, vol. 348, 1996, pp. 1535–41.
31 R. Moynihan, L. Bero and D. Ross-Degnan et al., ‘Coverage by the news
media of the benefits and risks of medications’, New England Journal of
Medicine, vol. 342, 2000, pp. 1645–50.
32 Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, ‘Risks
and benefits of estrogen plus progestin in healthy menopausal women’,
JAMA, vol. 288, pp. 321–33.
33 http://emc.medicines.org.uk/ (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
34 ‘Postmarket adverse drug experiences: top 10 suspect drugs 1996
(US data)’, Surveillance and Data Processing Branch Division of
Pharmacovigilance and Epidemiology, Office of Epidemiology and

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Notes

Biostatistics Center for Drug Evaluation and Research Food and Drug
Administration, 30 October 1997.
35 Personal communication, Merck spokesperson and Alan Cassels.
36 Some general references in this area include L. Gillespie, W. Gillespie
and M. Robertson et al., ‘Interventions for preventing falls in elderly
people’, The Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, The Cochrane
Library, Issue 4, 2003, Chichester, UK, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd; A.
Friedlander, H. Genant and S. Sadowsky et al., ‘A two-year program of
aerobics and weight training enhances bone mineral density of young
women’, Journal of Bone Mineral Research, vol. 10, 1995, pp. 574–85;
G. Dalsky, K. Stocke and A. Ehsani et al. ‘Weight-bearing exercise
training and lumbar bone mineral content in postmenopausal women’,
Annals of Internal Medicine, vol. 108, 1988, pp. 824–8; M. Nelson,
M. Fiatarone and C. Morganti et al., ‘Effects of high-intensity strength
training on multiple risk factors for osteoporotic fractures’, JAMA,
vol. 272, 1994, pp. 1909–14; E. Gregg, J. Cauley and D. Seeley et al.,
‘Physical activity and osteoporotic fracture risk in older women’, Annals
of Internal Medicine, vol. 129, 1998, pp. 81–8.
37 Alan Cassels’ interview with Ken Bassett.
38 ibid.
39 Alan Cassels’ interview with Wendy Armstrong.
40 http://www.bioportfolio.com/news/datamonitor_63.htm (accessed
8 Jan. 2004).
41 GeneWatch UK, ‘Barcode babies: good for health’, briefing no. 27,
August 2004, at http://www.genewatch.org/Publications/Briefs/brief
27.PDF (accessed 24 Aug. 2004).
42 Wendy Armstrong, lecture notes, ‘Early assessment of health technolo-
gies: do the risks justify the benefits?’. She was representing the
Consumers’ Association of Canada when making this presentation to
the Canadian Coordinating Office for Health Technology Assessment
(CCOHTA) Symposium, October 2000, Ottawa.

Chapter 9 Taming the watchdogs

A lot of this chapter is based on R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron: a case study in
regulatory capture, or a victory for patients’ rights?’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002,
pp. 592–5.

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11 Lotronex’s generic name is alosetron.

12 M. Camilleri, A. Northcutt and S. Kong et al., ‘Efficacy and safety of
alosetron in women with irritable bowel syndrome: a randomised,
placebo-controlled trial’, The Lancet, vol. 355, 2000, pp. 1035–40.
13 The drug company GSK was just forming, through a merger, in 2000.
14 ‘One in five’ figure comes from http://www.prdomain.com/companies/
n/novartis/news_releases/200203mar/pr20020304.htm (accessed
8 Jan. 2005). The ‘45 million’ comes from the International Foundation
for Functional Gastrointestinal Disorders, press release dated 7 Novem-
ber 2002, from Nancy Norton.
15 Lotronex Information from a ‘Dear IBS patient’ letter, CDER at the
Food and Drug Administration, 23 January 2002. The letter talks of
‘fatal’ side effects.
16 The risk material comes from K. Uhi, Z. Li, A. Mackey and P. Stolley,
‘Memorandum from Food & Drug Administration, Subject: NDA
21-107: Lotronex (alosetron) safety & risk management summary’,
16 November 2000 (PID number #DOOO674). Also see
R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
17 See http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/NEWS/2002/NEW00814.html
(accessed 8 Jan. 2005), which says less than 5 per cent of IBS is consid-
ered severe, and R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
18 Personal communication TGA spokesperson to Ray Moynihan, 2004.
For other nations see J. Abraham, D. Bardelay, C. Koop, et al., ‘Making
regulation responsive to commercial interests: streamlining industry
watchdogs’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002, pp. 1164–9.
19 Comments from Dr Michelle Brill-Edwards, who worked for Health
Canada for 15 years.
10 http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/12/07/health/main659529.
shtml (accessed 3 March 2005). The quote continues ‘. . . against
another Vioxx’, which is a reference to the current scandal over the risks
of the COX-II anti-arthritis drugs.
11 E. Barbehenn, P. Lurie and S. Wolfe, ‘Alosetron for Irritable Bowel
Syndrome’, letter, The Lancet, vol. 356, 2000, p. 2009.
12 K. Uhi, Z. Li, A. Mackey and P. Stolley, ‘Memorandum from Food &
Drug Administration . . .’, op. cit. Also see R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’,
op. cit.
13 R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.

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Notes

14 ibid.
15 ibid. Other quotes in this chapter from Stolley and Woodcock come
from this BMJ article, and R. Moynihan, ‘FDA advisers warn of more
deaths if drug is relaunched’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002, p. 561.
16 R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
17 In one email an FDA officer reports on a conversation she had with a
GSK executive about the forthcoming advisory committee meeting. ‘I
told him that we would work w/them on developing the agendas and
questions.’ This comes from D. Willman, ‘FDA moving to revive deadly
drug; agency director works with manufacturer to bring back Lotronex
despite fatalities’, Los Angeles Times, 30 May 2001.
18 R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
19 R. Moynihan, ‘FDA advisers warn . . .’, op. cit.
20 ibid.
21 D. Willman, ‘How a new policy led to seven deadly drugs’, Los Angeles
Times, 20 December 2000, and R. Horton, ‘Lotronex and the FDA: a
fatal erosion of integrity’, The Lancet, vol. 357, 2001, pp. 1544–5.
22 R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
23 D. Willman, ‘How a new policy . . .’, op. cit.
24 R. Horton, ‘Lotronex and the FDA . . .’, op. cit.
25 A longer extract from an email published in The Lancet, vol. 358, 4 August
2001, read:
I just spoke to Tachi Yamada [a senior Glaxo employee]. He wanted
to follow up on our conversation of the other day.
They have talked about the Advisory Committee meeting and
have some reservations: 1. that it would be a media circus, and 2. that
the advisors may disagree with what we have negotiated and put us
back at square 1, and 3 that it would slow things down.
I told him we are used to 1 and that it is ok, we can manage it, and
that it might be better to do it this way than just make an announce-
ment. I said I agree that 2 is a real liability, and we have to consider
the vulnerability vs the benefits. For 3, I said we could do it in a
hurry.
He asked us to consider their concerns and if we still want a
meeting, to call him back. He seemed ok with a meeting, just
worried.
jw

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26 M. Lievre, ‘Alosetron for irritable bowel syndrome’, BMJ, vol. 325, 2002,
pp. 555–6.
27 http://www.antidepressantsfacts.com/2004-09-10-members-
congress-blast-FDA.htm (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
28 GSK’s rapid response to the BMJ piece featuring Stolley at
http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/eletters/325/7364/592#26347
(accessed 15 Jan. 2005).
29 http://www.citizen.org/publications/release.cfm?ID=7104 (accessed
10 Jan. 2005).
30 R. Horton, The Lancet (letter), vol. 358, 4 August 2001.
31 All three FDA advisory committee meetings are footnoted in R.
Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
32 Novartis press release on Zelnorm, 24 July 2002.
33 R. Moynihan, ‘Alosetron . . .’, op. cit.
34 The range of estimates comes from the transcripts, and the 5 per cent
severe comes from an FDA paper at http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/
NEWS/2002/NEW00814.html (accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
35 J. Shapiro, ‘A pill turned bitter: how a quest for a blockbuster drug went
fatally wrong’, US News and World Report, vol. 129, 2000, p. 54.
36 http://www.aboutibs.org/Publications/Zelnormtestimony2000.html
(accessed 8 Jan. 2005).
37 R. Moynihan, ‘Celebrity selling’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002, p. 1342.
38 ibid.
39 R. Moynihan, I. Heath and D. Henry, ‘Selling sickness: the pharma-
ceutical industry and disease mongering’, BMJ, vol. 324, 2002, pp.
886–91.
40 All of this is taken direct from the leaked ‘educational’ program
document.
41 Zelnorm’s generic name is tegaserod maleate, stomach ads are at
http://www.zelnorm.com/index.jsp?checked=y— (accessed 3 March,
2005).
42 Novartis advertisement, New York Times, 23 December 2002, p. A15.
43 Public Citizen, ‘Letter to the FDA urging that it not approve tegaserod
. . .’, HRG Publication, no. 1561, 22 March 2001. Novartis did not
respond to questions about the Public Citizen letter.
44 http://www.fda.gov/cder/warn/2003/11577.pdf (accessed 8 Jan.
2005).

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Notes

45 ibid.
46 http://uk.biz.yahoo.com/040315/241/eomg5.html (accessed 8 Jan.
2005).
47 Information provided to the latest FDA advisory meeting in 2004
on Lotronex is at http://www.fda.gov/ohrms/dockets/ac/04/briefing/
2004-4040B1_20_FDA-Tab-5.pdf. In short it seems the restrictions
on prescribing enacted by the FDA in 2002, may be working in terms
of minimising safety dangers, but according to the available evidence
from the FDA, presented for this meeting in 2004, it is still too early to
say, and loopholes in system could exist.

Chapter 10 Subverting the selling

This chapter draws substantially on material from R. Moynihan, ‘The
making of a disease: female sexual dysfunction’, BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, pp.
45–7. Any quotes or facts not referenced directly in this chapter will have
relied on this article as the source.

11 Second International Consultation on Erectile and Sexual Dysfunctions,

Paris, 28 June–1 July 2003. The first meeting was in Paris in 1999.
12 R. Moynihan, ‘The making of a disease . . .’, op. cit.
13 The debate motion was ‘Is female sexual dysfunction a marketing
construct of the pharmaceutical industry?’ The debate, sponsored
through an unrestricted educational grant from Pfizer to the conference,
was held on Monday 30 June 2003 at the Blue Room, Palais des
Congres, Paris.
14 www.fsd-alert.org (accessed 16 Jan. 2005).
15 R. Moynihan, ‘The making of a disease . . .’, op. cit.
16 J. Coe, ‘The lifestyle drugs outlook to 2008, unlocking new value in
well-being’, Datamonitor, Reuters Business Insight, Healthcare, PLC, 2003, p.
12.
17 ibid., ‘Expanding the patient pool’ is at p. 148 of this report.
18 ibid., pp. 42–3.
19 This comes from G. Jackson, ‘Female sexual dysfunction: the BMJ fails
to educate and fails to debate’, IJCP, vol. 57, 2003, p. 3. Viagra’s generic
name is sildenafil.
10 http://www.afud.org/aboutus/sponsors.asp (accessed 12 Jan. 2005).

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11 R. Moynihan, ‘Urologist recommends daily Viagra to prevent impotence’,

BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 9.
12 ibid.
13 J. Coe, ‘The lifestyle drugs outlook to 2008 . . .’, op. cit.
14 Ray Moynihan’s notes of the meeting.
15 Flyer for this Saturday 7 December 2002 meeting lists Watson
Pharmaceuticals as one of the sponsors.
16 Blue leaflet from ‘New View’ campaign at www.Fsd-alert.org (accessed
12 Jan. 2005).
17 R. Moynihan, ‘The making of a disease . . .’, op. cit.
18 Ray Moynihan’s interviews with Leonore Tiefer.
19 Cathy Scott interview with Leonore Tiefer for Selling Sickness, the docu-
mentary, Paradigm Pictures, 2004. The interview did not appear in the
broadcast version.
20 ibid.
21 Transcripts of interviews for Selling Sickness, the documentary, op. cit.
22 ibid.
23 E. Laumann, A. Paik and R. Rosen, ‘Sexual dysfunction in the United
States, prevalence and predictors’, JAMA, vol. 281, 1999, pp. 537–44.
Soon after, the journal had to publish a small correction to this article,
revealing that two of the authors had financial ties to Pfizer. See
published erratum in JAMA, vol. 281, 1999, p. 1174.
24 ‘Alista—new hope for sexual healing in women’, press release from The
Investor Relations Group, 9 August 2002.
25 C. Johnson, ‘Female disorder disputed’, The Spokesman-Review, 13 October
2002, p. 1.
26 R. Moynihan, ‘Company launches campaign to “counter” BMJ claims’,
BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 120.
27 Email from Pfizer to Ray Moynihan. All of this is in the letters to the
BMJ following up the article ‘The making of a disease: female sexual
dysfunction’ at ‘Letters’ BMJ, vol. 326, 2003, p. 658.
28 http://www.forbes.com/prnewswire/feeds/prnewswire/2004/06/29/
prnewswire200406291030PR_NEWS_B_NET_PH_PHTU018.
html (accessed 12 Jan. 2005).
29 R. Moynihan, ‘The marketing of a disease: female sexual dysfunction’,
BMJ, vol. 330, 2005, pp. 192–4.
30 R. Moynihan, ‘Fix for low sex drive puts reporters in a bad patch’, BMJ,
vol. 329, 2004, pp. 1294.

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Notes

31 M. Loe, The Rise of Viagra, New York University Press, New York, 2004.
32 For more on Viagra and Australia see http://www.cptech.org/ip/
health/firm/Pfizer.html (accessed 12 Jan. 2005).
33 For an innovative non-medical approach to improving health involving
other sectors of the economy and society see the Neighbourhood
Renewal project in Victoria, Australia: H. Klein, ‘Health inequality,
social exclusion and neighbourhood renewal: can place-based renewal
improve the health of disadvantaged communities’, Australian Journal of
Primary Care, vol. 10, 2004, pp. 110–19.
34 Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality.

Epilogue
11 http://www.unionstationdc.com/cdinformation/history.asp (accessed
3 March 2005).
12 The PloS Medicine Editors, ‘Prescription for a healthy journal’ (edito-
rial), PloS Medicine, vol. 1, 2004, e22.
13 Lots of evidence-based centres around the world produce informa-
tion—see R. Moynihan, ‘Evaluating health services: a reporter covers the
science of research synthesis’, Milbank Memorial Fund, Special Report,
New York, 2004 at http://www.milbank.org/reports/2004 Moynihan/
040330Moynihan.html (accessed 3 March 2005).
14 ibid.
15 http:/www.ecri.org (accessed 3 March 2005).
16 http://www.cochrane.org (accessed 3 March 2005).

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Acknowledgements

From Alan: Many people have been incredibly supportive in

helping me see this project through. Dr Malcolm Maclure,
professor at the University of Victoria’s School of Health
Information Science, has inspired and challenged me for over a
decade with the originality of his thinking and his unbridled
enthusiasm for bringing science to the rescue of health policy
making. I would also like to thank Dr Joel Lexchin, who never
fails to share his profound depth of knowledge on a subject he
knows so well. His book, The Real Pushers, introduced me to the
brave new world of pharmaceuticals. Ray Moynihan, whose
groundbreaking analysis of pharmaceutical reporting in the US
inspired me to replicate his work in Canada, has flattered me
greatly by asking me to participate in this book. Many others
have provided advice, support and assistance, including Jim
Wright, James McCormack, Bob Rangno, Ken Bassett, Barbara
Mintzes, Alicia Priest, Jeanne Lenzer, Deb Ireland, and Heather-
Ann Laird, one of the best health librarians around. Kerry
Patriarche is always there with patient and perennially construc-
tive advice. And to the community of ‘Biojesters’ in Canada and
around the world, thank you for your daily inspiration. You don’t

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Acknowledgements

need to be mentioned by name, you know who you are.

Lastly, I would like to thank my wife Lynda, one of the most
patient editors any writer could hope for. For Morgan and
Chase, whose world is still unfolding, I hope that as adults they
will be puzzled by this book and it will read to them as archaic
and antediluvian, evidence of a prehistoric world where irra-
tionality ran amuck.
Alan Cassels, Victoria, British Columbia, March 2005

From Ray: The great privilege of being a journalist is getting

access to some of the best talent in the business. I have been
utterly spoiled. Very special thanks must go to David Henry,
Andy Oxman, Taddy Dickersin, Leonore Tiefer, Steve Woloshin,
Lisa Schwartz, and Lisa Bero for their time, ideas, and enthusi-
asm for awkward truths. For helping spark a deep curiosity about
the world of health and medicine, thanks to Rowan Meadows.
There are many people at the medical journals, magazines
and newspapers around the world who have supported a lot of
the research and investigations that helped form the bedrock of
this book. In particular, Richard Smith—the hilarious, indefati-
gable and inspirational maverick at the center of the medical
mainstream—as well as Jane Smith, Kamran Abbasi, Annabel
Ferriman, Colleen Ryan, Judith Hoare, Glenn Burge, Dan Fox
and Fenella Seuter.
For Pat Fiske and Cathy Scott, the dream team with whom I
made the television documentary Selling Sickness, I have the fondest
feelings. Lynn Payer’s book Disease-Mongers is a seminal work in
this field, and despite its limitations, it should be read by all
self-respecting students of medicine and healthcare everywhere.
Thanks for contributions to all those quoted in Selling Sickness,

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Selling Sickness

and to those who inspired the analysis, threw in ideas or criti-

cised early drafts, including Anne Delaney, Andrew Holtz, Tom
Moore, David Healy, Jo Ellins, Liz Canner, Amy Allina, Curt
Furberg, Bruce Psaty, Peter Mansfield, Sid Wolfe and Peter
Lurie. For Bruce Donald, a key player in making this book
happen, I have thanks and admiration. Thanks too to Chris
Hilton and Meredith Curnow for early enthusiasm. The team
at Allen & Unwin in Sydney have been superb—many warm
thanks to Rebecca Kaiser for her strong and on-going encour-
agement and feedback, and her efficient and fun approach, and
thanks to Marie Baird, Stephanie Whitelock and others for
selling and promoting this book around the world.
I can’t help but feel warmly also towards the un-named
sources within the world of drug marketing, who from the mid-
nineties, sometimes inadvertently, introduced me to the dark
world of disease-mongering, a process which I and many others
have come to see as a threat to human health. Perhaps someday,
some of those people will walk away from their well-paid jobs
and consultancies and bring a few boxes of documents with
them. The Tobacco papers have changed the way we think abut
that industry. The Pharma papers will sooner or later have the
same impact on this industry.
I owe a kind thank you to co-author Alan Cassels for the
drafts of three chapters 2, 5 and 8, for his many ideas and feed-
back on the rest of the manuscript, and for his energy and
humour. For any inadvertent errors or omissions, I accept full
responsibility, and hope you alert the publisher in your country
in order to improve subsequent editions. To my family and
friends who tolerated the long rounds of fact-checking, cheers.
Most of all I want to thank Marian Wilkinson for her enthu-
siastic encouragement through the life of this project, for her

244
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Acknowledgements

careful criticism of early drafts, for her fearlessness, and for her
energetic help cracking through some key conundrums on that
Du Pont rooftop. Without her extraordinary love, support,
humour, and searing intelligence, this book would never have
been planned, written or delivered.
Ray Moynihan, Sydney/Washington DC, March, 2005

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246
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Acknowledgements

247
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Index

Abbott, 4 American Heart Association, 6

Abramson, John, 8 American Medical Association,
Adderall, 65, 79 79–80
adolescents American Medical Students
on antidepressants, 134 Association, 39, 199–200
suicidal thinking and behaviour, American Psychiatric Association,
24–5, 33–4, 104 25, 38–9, 68–9
advertising, of drugs amphetamines, see Adderall; Ritalin
Australia, 53–5, 101, 128 Angell, Marcia, 26
direct-to-consumer, 101–6 antidepressant drugs
misleading, 14–15, 43, 102, dangers and risks, xv, 24, 33–5,
114–15, 117, 125, 104, 124–5, 133–4
172–3 drug trials, 24, 35, 128, 133–4
regulation and deregulation, xvi, marketing campaigns, 22–4,
101–2, 105 25–6, 31–3, 119–24,
see also awareness-raising 127–8, 130–3, 136
campaigns; marketing for PMDD, 100, 104, 111–17
strategies sales, 32
advocacy groups, see patient for social anxiety disorder, 120–1
advocacy groups see also depression; Paxil; Prozac;
Alista, 190–1 Zoloft
Allina, Amy, 49, 58–60 Armstrong, Wendy, 149, 155
ALLTHAT, 94–7 Aropax, see Paxil
Alzheimer’s disease, 43, 53, 55, 57, AstraZeneca, 1–2, 4, 6, 18–20
106 astro-turfing, 9, 55
American College of Obstetricians attention deficit disorder (ADD),
and Gynecologists, 58 61–81

248
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Index

among adults, 68–70, 79–80 bone density testing, 140, 144–50,

causes and nature, 63–6, 76–8 153, 155
as epidemic, 76, 78, 80–1 Boomer Coalition, 8–10
medication and medicalisation, Brewer, Bryan, 6, 19–20
62, 66–7, 76–80 Bristol-Myers Squibb, 4, 32–3
see also Adderall; CHADD; British Columbia Office of Health
Ritalin; Strattera Technology Assessment,
Aurorix, 128 144–5, 147
Australasian Menopause Society,
54–5 cancer, alleged undertreatment, 106
awareness-raising campaigns, x–xii Caplan, Paula, 100, 107
attention-deficit disorder, 61–75 Carter, Lynda, 9, 172
depression, 32 celebrities, in drug marketing, 9,
female sexual dysfunction, 41–5, 59–60, 131–2, 170,
191–2 172
high blood pressure, 97 Center for Medical Consumers,
high cholesterol, 8–10, 14–15 9–10
hormone-replacement therapy, Center for Science in the Public
41–5, 49, 53–6, 59–60 Interest, 8
irritable bowel syndrome, 169–72 CHADD (Children and Adults
osteoporosis, 139–42, 147–50 with Attention-
pre-menstrual dysphoric Deficit/Hyperactivity
disorder, 99–103, Disorder), 61–75
113–14, 117 cholesterol, xiv, 1–3
social anxiety disorder, 119–23, cholesterol-lowering drugs, 1–21
125–7, 130–2, 136 dangers and risks, xv, 2, 17–18
Ayerst Laboratories, 48 efficacy in reducing heart
disease, 12–17
Baldwin, David, 126 ‘high cholesterol’ guidelines,
Bancroft, John, 188, 194 7–8, 10–12, 15
Bassett, Ken, 147, 153 marketing campaigns, 8–10, 12,
Baum Hedlund, 133 14–15
Baycol, 1–2, 18 sales, 3
Bayer, 1–2, 18 Chrisler, Joan, 107
Bell, Susan, 47–8 churches, 97
Bell, Warren, 37–8 Ciba-Geigy, 67, 75
Berman, Laura, 188–9 Cochrane Collaboration, 198
‘black box’ warnings, 35–6 Cohn & Wolfe, 120–5, 136
blood pressure, see high blood conflicts of interest, 3–7, 19–20,
pressure 87–8, 159

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Cox, Teri, 74 drug regulation, see Food and Drug

Crestor, 1–2, 6, 18–20 Administration (FDA)
drug trials
dementia, see Alzheimer’s disease antidepressant drugs, 24, 35,
depression, 22–40 128, 133–4
alleged undertreatment, 106 high blood pressure drugs, 94–7
causes, 27–8, 37 hormone replacement therapy,
prevalence estimates, 29–33 51–2, 55–7
screening levels, 32–3, 36–7 osteoporosis drugs, 150–1
as serotonin deficiency, 23, 27–8 PMDD drugs, 115–16
‘unmet need’, 31–2 public register, 135–6
see also antidepressant drugs drugs
DES, 47–8 unbiased reviews, 196–200
detailers, 5–7, 22–3, 37, 39–40 see also advertising, of drugs;
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of antidepressant drugs;
Mental Disorders (DSM), cholesterol-lowering drugs; drug
108–10, 129 trials; hormone replacement
Diller, Lawrence, 76–7 therapy; prescription drugs,
diseases and disorders sales; side effects, of drugs;
creating new, xi–xiv, 12–13, names of specific drugs
113–14, 121–2, 125–7, DSM, see Diagnostic and Statistical
176–80, 185, 190–1 Manual of Mental Disorders
unbiased information sources, (DSM)
196–200
diuretics, 94–5 Eastell, Richard, 146
doctors Ebrahim, Shah, 2, 17
and drug company ECRI, 198
representatives, 5–7, Emmens, Matthew, 65
22–4, 37, 39–40 Endicott, Jean, 99–101, 104, 111,
drug prescribing by, xiii, 24, 113
165, 199 erectile dysfunction, 183–4
educational programs for, 5, European Agency for the
31–2 Evaluation of Medical
political influence, 165 Products, 115–16
use in marketing campaigns, 7
drug companies, see names of fear, exploitation of, ix, xv, 1, 14,
individual drug companies; 24–5, 42–3, 52–3, 140
pharmaceutical industry female sexual dysfunction, 175–95
Drug Enforcement Administration, drugs and medication for,
67 184–5, 190–1

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Index

as marketing construct, 176–80, Goldstein, Irwin, 177, 182–5,

185, 189–94 187–8
nature and definition, 180–2, Graham, David, 159
184–8 Grammer, Kelsey, 170
prevalence estimates, 175–6, GSK, see GlaxoSmithKline
188–9
Female Sexual Function Forum, 182 HCC De Facto, 191–2
Feminine Forever (Wilson), 45 Health Action International, 74, 89
Ferguson, Susan, 49 health advocacy groups, see patient
fluoxetine, 111, 115–16 advocacy groups
Food and Drug Administration Healthy Scepticism, 102
(FDA) Healy, David, 27, 133
drug company funding and heart disease
influence, 18–20, 36, alleged undertreatment, 106
159–69 campaign by Boomer Coalition,
Lotronex approval, 156–69 8–10
misleading advertising, 43, 102, causes, 2, 14–15
114, 117, 173–4 cholesterol-lowering drugs and,
PMDD, 100–1, 111–17 2, 12–17
social anxiety disorder, 123 educational programs, 82–6,
testosterone patches, 193 89–92
warning labels, 34–5, 135 high blood pressure as risk
Zelnorm approval, 172–3 factor, 82–92, 98
Fosamax, 141–2, 150, 152 HRT and, xv, 52, 55–8
Fracture Intervention Trial, 150 Heath, Iona, 16, 36–7
Furberg, Curt, 94–7 Henry, David, 143–4
Henry, Lesa, 41–4
Gadsden, Henry, ix HERS trial, 51–2, 55–7
genetic testing, 154 high blood pressure, xiv, 82–98
GeneWatch, 154 awareness campaign, 97
GlaxoSmithKline critique of official guidelines,
cholesterol guidelines, 4 82–9
conference and research drug assessment studies, 94–7
sponsorship, 26, 30 official definitions, 86–8
legal action against, 131–2, 135 prehypertension, 86
and Lotronex, 157, 160, 162, prevalence, 83
164, 169 testing, 92–3
marketing social anxiety Hill & Knowlton, 53–4
disorder, 26, 120–3, hip fractures
130–2, 136 causes, 145–7

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hip fractures (continued) ‘lifestyle drugs’, 178–9, 184

drug tests for, 150–1 Lilly
prevention, 152 and PMDD, 99–102, 107,
Holliday, Johnny, 63, 65 111–16
hormone replacement therapy Prozac, 26, 107
(HRT) Strattera, 69–70
assessment of effectiveness, Lipitor, 3
51–2, 55–7, 151–2 lobbying, 148–9
dangers and risks, xv, 41, 45, 50, Lotronex, 157–66
52, 55–7 Lustral, see Zoloft
marketing campaigns, 41–5,
49–56, 59–60 male sexual dysfunction, see erectile
Hudak, Mark, 35 dysfunction
Hutton, Lauren, 41–3, 48–9 Manning Selvage and Lee (MS&L),
hypertension, see high blood 136
pressure Mansfield, 102
marketing strategies
Illich, Ivan, xvii branding new disorders, xi–xii,
International Foundation for 70–3, 99–103, 110–14,
Gastrointestinal Disorders, 119–27, 176–9, 191
169 exploitation of fear, ix, xv, 1, 14,
irritable bowel syndrome, 156–74 24–5, 42–3, 52–3, 140
awareness-raising campaigns, misleading use of statistics,
169–72 84–6, 130, 151, 189–90
FDA approval of Lotronex, targeting the healthy, ix–xiii,
156–69, 172–3 15–17, 83–4, 86, 98,
prevalence estimates, 168–9 99–110, 117, 133,
153–4, 193
Jackson, Graham, 179–80 using celebrities, 41–5, 59–60,
Johnson, Carla, 190–1 131–2, 170, 172
Johnson & Johnson, 10 using doctors, 7
using patient advocacy groups,
Kendrick, Malcolm, 93, 98 8–10, 55, 62–8, 73–5,
Kessler, Ron, 30–1, 129–30 122
using thought-leaders, 6, 38–9,
late luteal phase dysphoric disorder, 65–6, 88, 171
109–10 see also awareness-raising
Laumann, Ed, 189–90 campaigns
Lentle, Brian, 146–7, 153 McCormack, James, 82–6, 89–92
Lerner, Michelle, 192 Medawar, Charles, 125

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medical profession, see doctors; New View, 186

thought-leaders No Free Lunch, 38
medical research, industry funding, Norton, Nancy, 169
xii–xiii, 5–6, 30, 48, 101, 112 Norvasc, 94–6
medicalisation, xvii Novartis, 4, 70, 172–3
of ADD, 76
of menopause, 45–8 Ogilvy Public Relations, 141
of normal bodily processes, Oldani, Michael, 22–4, 39
103–5, 109, 117, Olguin, Deborah, 119–20, 124,
143–5, 179 132–3
of women’s sexual difficulties, opinion leaders, 6
177, 185–7 Osteobus, 149
menopause, 41–60 osteoporosis, 139–55
educational campaigns, 41–5, awareness-raising campaigns,
49–56, 59–60 139–42, 147–50
as estrogen loss, 43, 45–8, 52 Canadian guidelines, 146–7
medicalisation, 47–9 defining, 142–3
as natural process, 48–9, 51 drugs for, 141–2, 150–1, 154
see also hormone replacement prevalence estimates, 143
therapy undertreatment, 144
Menzies, Karen Barth, 133 see also bone density testing; hip
Merck, ix, 4, 105, 142 fractures
Mevacor, 2
Mintzes, Barbara, 103–5 Parade (magazine), 42–3, 49, 60
Monash Medical Centre, 33 Parry, Carla, 49
Moore, Thomas, 21 Parry, Vince, xi–xii, 70–2, 113–14,
Mosher, Lauren, 26–7 127
patient advocacy groups
Nadjarian, Fred, 128 awareness-raising activities, 71–4
Narrow, William, 28–9, 30, 130 Boomer Coalition, 8–10
National Institute for Clinical CHADD, 61–70
Excellence, 198 funding by drug companies,
National Institutes of Health, 56, 63–70, 73–5, 169
64, 97 as industry lobbyists, 162, 164
financial conflicts of interest, media outreach, 122
3–7, 19–20, 88 Paxil, 23, 33, 116–18, 119–20,
National Osteoporosis Foundation, 123–5, 130–1, 133–4
143 Payer, Lynn, xvii
National Women’s Health Pfizer, 3–4, 9–10, 14–15, 25–6,
Network, 46–7, 49, 56 95–6, 176, 183, 192

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pharmaceutical industry official recognition, 100,

code of ethics, 7 108–12
cost impact on health system, use of antidepressant drugs,
xiii, xviii 100, 104, 111–17
creating new diseases, xi–xii, pre-menstrual syndrome, 107–8
12–13, 70–3, 99–103, Premarin, 49–50
110–14, 119–27, Prempro, 50
176–9, 191 prescription drugs, sales, xi, xviii, 1,
cultivating thought-leaders, 6, 3
38–9, 171 Proctor & Gamble, 185, 193
forming third-party lobby Prozac, 23, 26, 33, 104, 107,
groups, 148–9 113–16
funding patient advocacy psychiatry
groups, 61–70, 76–7, ties to pharmaceutical industry,
169 25–8
impact on health system, 171–2 see also Diagnostic and Statistical
influencing doctors, 5, 7, 22–4, Manual of Mental Disorders
32, 37–40, 171 (DSM)
influencing psychiatry, 25–8, Public Citizen, 18–19, 159–60,
30–2 167, 172–3
marketing strategies, ix–xii, Public Library of Science, 196
xv–xviii, 6–7
as medical conference sponsor, randomised controlled trials, 51–2,
6, 25–6, 50–1, 79–80, 55–7
175–84 Rangno, Bob, 82–6, 89–92, 98
as medical education sponsor, Rapoport, Judith, 78–9
5–6, 32 Rennie, Drummond, 106
as medical research sponsor, Ritalin, 62, 67, 70, 75–6
xii–xiii, 5–6, 30, 48, Roche, 128
101, 112
profitability, xviii safety warnings, 35–6
targeting the healthy, ix–xviii Schachtel, Amy Doner, 44, 59, 170
PloS Medicine (journal), 196 Schwartz, Lisa, 10–12, 21, 103
pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder scientific research, see medical
(PMDD), 99–118 research
alleged undertreatment, 105–6 selective serotonin reuptake
awareness-raising advertising, inhibitors, 23, 27–8
99–103 see also antidepressant drugs
history and origins, 107–8 Serafem, 113–14
inadequate drug trials, 115–16 Seroxat, see Paxil

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Serzone, 32–3 suicidal behaviour, 24–5, 33–4,

Severino, Sally, 111 104, 133
sex clinics, 188–9 Sweeney, Michael, 183–4
sexual dysfunctions, see erectile
dysfunction; female sexual testosterone patches, 178, 185, 193
dysfunction Therapeutics Initiative (University
Shepherd, Cybill, 59 of British Columbia), 82–6
Shire, 65–6, 68–9, 79–80 thiazides, 94
side effects, of drugs thought-leaders, 6, 38–9, 65–6,
antidepressants, xv, 25, 33–4, 88, 171
104, 117–18, 124–5, Tiefer, Leonore, 176–7, 179,
133–4 185–6, 192–3, 194–5
cholesterol-lowering drugs, xv, 2,
17–18 undertreatment, 105–6, 144
hormone replacement therapy, ‘unmet need’, 31
xv, 45, 50, 52, 55–7 US National Institutes of Health,
irritable bowel syndrome drugs, see National Institutes of
xv, 156–69 Health
osteoporosis drugs, 152
social anxiety disorder, 119–38 Viagra, 176, 183–4, 193–4
causes, 136–7
defining a condition, 125–7, warning labels, 35–6
129 White, Kym, 141, 148
marketing a condition, 119–23, Wilkin, Terence, 145–7
125–8, 130–2, 136 Williams, Ricky, 131–2
prevalence estimates, 128–30 Willman, David, 165–6
Social Anxiety Disorder Coalition, Wilson, Robert, 45–8
122 Winkler, Henry, 9
Social Audit, 125 Wolfe, Sidney, 19
social phobia, 125–6, 129 Woloshin, Steve, 10–12, 21, 103
Spitzer, Elliot, 135 Women’s Health Initiative, 56–9
Spitzer, Robert, 108–9 women’s organisations, 46–7, 49,
SSRIs, see selective serotonin 56–9
reuptake inhibitors Woodcock, Janet, 161, 164, 166–7
statins, see cholesterol-lowering drugs Woodward, Tom, 34, 36
statistics, misleading, 84–6, 90–1, World Health Organization
130, 151, 189–90 (WHO), 89
Stein, Murray, 122–3 criticism of Pfizer advertising,
Stolley, Paul, 156–62, 166–7 14–15
Strattera, 69, 72–3 defining osteoporosis, 142–3

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WPP Group, 120 Zelnorm, 172–3

Wyeth Zoloft, 23, 25, 33–4, 116–17,
marketing HRT, 41–4, 48, 52–6 121, 123
Premarin and Prempro, 49–50

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