Swidden Agriculture:

Ancient Systems in Transition

Sustaining Food Security &

Historic Disturbance Regimes
 Swidden farming, also know as shifting cultivation or milpa in Latin America, is
conventionally defined as “an agricultural system in which temporary clearings are
cropped for fewer years than they are allowed to remain fallow” (Sanchez, 1976). While
certainly correct, this definition reflects a Western or modern emphasis on the relatively
short period when annual food and other crops are grown. Swidden can also be thought
of as forest farming, since the fallow period is typically long, managed and often
cultivated as well, although with perennial species rather than annuals.

Irrespective of the emphasis, swidden is a rotational form of agriculture that applies

natural vegetative processes as a means of replenishing soil fertility and controlling
invasive weeds. The practice evolved independently throughout the world and varies in
response to site-specific ecological, socio-economic and cultural conditions. Swidden
systems have proven to be productive and sustainable adaptations to challenging
environmental conditions that feature high labor productivity at low population densities
(Cairns, 2007). Swidden agriculture, often pejoratively called slash and burn, has had a
poor reputation and been actively suppressed from colonial to contemporary times.

In this powerpoint, I consider swidden practices utilizing the framework developed by

the classic swidden researcher, Dr. Hal Conklin (1957). He differentiated two shifting
cultivation systems: 1) integral, which he described as productive, sustainable, carefully
regulated and managed through social norms, cultural traditions and religious practices
and that incorporated rich traditional ecological knowledge and practice and 2) incipient ,
which are more intensive, destructive and unsustainable practices often used by recent
migrants who lack site-specific TEKP and have little management capacity. I consider
explanations for the breakdown of integral swidden systems, and what contemporary
agriculture, conservation and development efforts might learn from these age-old forest
farming practices.
 clearing

fallow

drying

Swidden Cycle (integral/long fallow)

Cultivation:fallow lengths and specific practices in
integral swidden systems vary with site-specific soil,
climatic and related biophysical factors and the
socioeconomic needs and cultural traditions of farmers.
In the humid tropics where soils are highly weathered
and decomposition rates rapid, 1-2 yrs of cultivation,
followed by 15-20 yrs of fallow are required to maintain
productivity and avoid establishment of invasive weeds.

regrowth

burning

planting
 Key characteristics of integral swidden systems include:
• a short cultivation period followed by a long fallow, 1-2 yrs
cultivation:15-20 yrs fallow is common in the humid tropics
• cultivation:fallow lengths vary with soils, climate & elevation

• in temperate high
elevation Bhutan
a 3:4 yr cycle with
grass & shrub
fallow was used to
cultivate barley,
buckwheat &
vegetables on a
sustainable basis
for centuries

Clearing 10-15 yr old

secondary growth in
fallowed swidden,
San Vicente, Leyte.
In integral swidden systems
farm parcels tend to be small
(0.25 – 1.0 ha) which is about
the same size of natural (i.e.,
wind throw) tree fall gaps in
tropical forests. Secondary
vegetation that has
established over the 15-20
year fallow is cleared by hand
and some trees are retained
due to their large size or
value for fruit, timber and
other uses. Swidden
cultivation and fallow
products may be consumed
directly by households or
marketed for cash income.


Farmer beneath a large Ficus sp.

retained in a swidden field, San
Vicente
 Drying
A primary objective in swidden is to convert
nutrients accumulated in biomass during the fallow
to a form (i.e., ash) that can be taken up by crops.
San Vicente
The first step is to cut the secondary growth and
allow it to dry before the arrival of the rainy season
when crops are planted. The timing of these
activities varies with local climatic conditions and
unique local adaptations abound. For example, in
per-humid environments, such as New Guinea
where there is no dry season, farmers are unable to
burn. Instead they cut and mulch (i.e., compost) to
release nutrients in biomass.
 Burn
The burning practices of integral swidden cultivators are
sophisticated, carefully managed and reflect generations of
accumulated traditional ecological knowledge and practice (TEKP).
Burns are timed to coincide with the anticipated arrival of the wet
season. Decisions of when and how to burn on any given day take
into account humidity, temperature, wind, and other factors. In San
Vicente, swiddens are burned in the late morning when humidity is
low, but before afternoon heat and winds develop. The objectives
are to: 1) prepare a clean planting bed, 2) release nutrients in the
biomass and make them available to crops as ash, 3) reduce insects,
fungi & diseases, and 4) eliminate weeds. A good fire is quick, hot
and consumes all leaves and small branches (where the majority of
nutrients are stored), but is not so hot that it volatilizes nutrients or
burns valuable soil organic matter.

Men are reportedly responsible for

burning in most swidden systems,
but women are capable as well;
San Vicente

Immediate post-burn condition

well-suited for planting; note that
only leaves and small twigs were
consumed
 Soil responses to
burning:

• increase exchangeable
cations (Ca, Mg)
• increase pH
• decrease Al

Duration of effects
vary with:

• soils
• climate
• inputs (fallow)
• cultivation &
management practices

Sanchez (1976)
 Planting
Planting occurs immediately after burning and the arrival of rains. This ensures that nutrients
released from biomass are taken up by crops, rather than being lost to runoff, leaching or uptake by
regrowing secondary vegetation. Crop selection and management practices are as varied as the
world’s cultures and environments and reflect household needs, preferences and labor availability;
cultural and religious traditions; economic opportunities; local environmental conditions and many
other factors. In Central America farmers have cultivated maize, beans & squash (the “3 sisters” )
since at least the time of the classic Maya. Intercropping these three annuals optimizes the use of
space and light (beans are supported by maize, squash makes a complete ground), reduces erosion
and runoff risks, fixes nitrogen, and produces foods that are nutritious and a complete source of
protein. A wide variety of vegetables and perennial crops may be incorporated at the time of planting
or later during cultivation and fallow periods.

Planting in swidden systems is

done with the use of a dibble
stick (a heavy wooden pole).
Holes are punched in the
ground, seeds deposited, and
the soil sealed with one’s foot.
The absence of plowing
maintains an intact and
functional soil organic mat,
minimizes erosion and runoff,
and facilitates secondary
vegetation regrowth.

young corn, San Vicente;

note extensive roots & stump
which will coppice/sprout and
the intact root mat
 Management
Swidden management practices,
including the location and size of fields, the
duration and compositioni of fallows, and
many other factors, were historically
managed and regulated by community
norms and village elders, and informed by
TEKP. Integral swidden systems are
“integrated” with local social, cultural and
religious traditions. They also reflect
household needs, interests, available labor;
economic and market opportunities; land
availability; government policies; and many
other factors.

At the most basic level, the objectives of

swidden cultivators are to: 1) maintain a
productive and sustainable agricultural
system through managing soils and
vegetation, 2) meet household food and
income needs, and 3) minimize the risk of
crop failures by planting a diversity of
annual and perennial crops in space and
time.

Absolam weeding invasive Imperata

cylindrica grass, San Vicente
 Weed management
Weeds rarely establish or adversely affect crop yields in integral, long fallow swidden systems. A short
cultivation : long fallow prevents establishment of grasses, composites and other weed species. Fields
are fallowed when yields begin to decline and weeding requirements increase. If cultivation periods are
lengthened or fallows shortened, disturbance associated invasive species can quickly establish.

Throughout Southeast Asia, excessive cultivation, shortened fallows, logging and other disturbances
have led to widespread establishment of exotic invasive weeds. One of the most problematic species is
Imperata cylindrica, a grass of African origin. Why might a grass from Africa be particularly well adapted
to anthropogenic disturbances?

Siebert (1987)
 Crops
Swidden farmers typically plant a wide
variety of crop species and varieties, including
annuals and perennials. This may include
rattan, fruit, timber & other tree species. High
species/varietal diversity reduces the risk of
crop failure due to insects, diseases or fungi,
and yields products that meet a variety of
domestic and market needs. For example,
farmers in Southeast Asia cultivate many
different rice varieties due to their variable
drought, insect and disease tolerances and
desirability for specific uses, including brewing
alcohol (arak).

Plants are intensively and sequentially

intercropped to provide multiple and
continuous yields during cultivation and
fallow periods. Rattan (Calamus caesius) was
formerly cultivated as a swidden fallow crop in
Indonesian Borneo. It provided a lucrative
cash crop when fields were next ready for
cultivation or the parcel could be retained as a
rattan garden for decades, depending on
household needs and cane market prices.

swidden 1 yr after planting

(sweet potato, banana, sugar
cane, beans), San Vicente
 Crops
Swidden farmers cultivate crops for direct household consumption and for
market/cash income.

bananas,
San Vicente

cinnamon relay
intercrop, Kerinci
 Labor
Labor inputs in swidden systems vary with gender, age, experience, crops
cultivated, and cultural practices and traditions. Land clearing, planting and
and other farming practices can be performed individualy or collectively. In
general, the labor required in long fallow swidden systems is low in
comparison to incipient shifting cultivation or permanent farming systems
because little time or effort is required in weeding.

women’s work group planting corn, San Vicente

 Swidden fallow vegetation includes:

natural secondary succession intensively cultivated parcels

species composition varies highly variable, reflecting
with cultivation intensity, household needs, interests,
previous disturbance, labor availability, market
presence of species, and access and opportunities,
many other ecological factors knowledge, and many other
factors

2 yr old secondary forest, Sulawesi rattan seedlings to swidden fallow, Borneo

 Soil responses to cultivation:

• vary with cultivation and fallow

lengths and burn intensities

General effects over time include:

• < pH, nutrients & organic matter

• > weeds in San Vicente swiddens

 yields decline

 land fallowed

 vegetation regrowth

 nutrient accumulate
in biomass, weeds
suppressed Siebert (1987)
 Summary attributes of integral swidden systems
• adapted to nutrient limited sites (esp. acid, infertile tropical soils)

• wide climatic adaptability (seasonally dry  perhumid)

• vegetation includes:
- crops – highly variable, site-specific, production for hh & market
- fallow – bush (3-5 yr)  forest (15-20 yr), site & climate dependent
- weeds – minimal if long fallow

• native flora, ecosystem processes & regeneration paths maintained

• natural/biological control of insects & disease pathogens

• high biodiversity conservation value (habitat & connectivity)

• use & management:

- relatively low capital & labor
- knowledge & experience intensive (TEKP)
- regulated via social norms, cultural traditions & religious practices
 Incipient slash and burn farming
Integral long fallow swidden systems are now largely a memory. Inhabitants of a few remote
areas in Amazonia and Southeast Asia may still practice integral swidden, but elsewhere these
systems have disappeared as a result of cultural change, lack of available land, emerging market
opportunities, destructive logging practices, establishment of large plantations, government policies,
and competition with recent migrants who lack the requisite TEKP. Integral swidden practices have
been replaced by what Conklin called incipient shifting cultivators, or what others refer to as slash
and burn.

Incipient slash and burn

farming is characterized by:

• a lack of knowledge and

experience (TEKP),
• continuous and/or more
intensive cultivation,
• large clearings with few/no
trees retained,
• no or short fallows, and
• repeated burning

Incipient slash and burn is

unsustainable, results in
widespread establishment of
invasive weeds and often
creates a wave or front of
forest conversion.

Belize
 Summary attributes of incipient slash & burn:
• destructive & unsustainable, leads to extensive forest conversion
• facilitates establishment of exotic invasive species (e.g., Imperata cylindrica)
• widespread/global (tropical) phenomena

Slash & burn

frontier, Sulawesi
 Integral swidden vs. Incipient slash & burn
• long-term residents • recent migrants
• rooted in culture, religion, traditions • not rooted in culture
• extensive TEKP • little/no TEKP
• self regulated/managed • largely unregulated
• long fallow • short/no fallow
• sustainable • unsustainable
• land extensive • land intensive

San Vicente

Sulawesi
 The many different factors and underyling forces responsible for tropical
forest conversion and degradation have been debated for decades. Literally
hundreds of books and articles have been written on the subject. In my opinion,
Geist & Lambin (2002) provide one of the most thoughtful and useful analyses.
Based on an analysis of 152 empirical studies, they suggest that it is important
to differential between proximate causes (e.g., specific activities one observes in
the field) and underlying driving forces (i.e., the socioeconomic, political and
other factors that allow or facilitate actions observed in the field).

Geist and Lambin (2002) conclude that:

• no universal cause:effect relationships explain forest conversion/degradation
• causes & driving forces are highly variable, site specific and diverse
• key proximate causes include:
- agricultural expansion
- logging
- infrastructure development (e.g., roads, dams, etc.)
• key underlying driving forces include:
- economic opportunities
- national & global policies
• population growth & swidden cultivation have been overemphasized as a
cause of tropical forest conversion and degradation
 Underlying driving forces of incipient shifting cultivation

• lack of access to land, resources, or

alternative/preferred livelihoods

• state & international development

policies:
- frontier development (e.g., Amazon)
- transmigration (e.g., Indonesia)
 displace resident populations,
migrant practices inappropriate
& unsustainable due to lack TEKP

• unintended consequence of
government failure to address
socioeconomic problems elsewhere
(e.g., land tenure inequity in Brazil)

Javanense transmigrant,
Sulawesi
 Integral swidden systems can be thought of ecologically as historic
anthropogenic disturbances whose specific attributes are reflected in and may
be important to retaining contemporary forest species composition, structure
and ecosystem processes. Ecological disturbance attributes can be described
in terms of their (modified from Uhl, 1990):
• Type – e.g., small gaps (tree falls) or light burn (integral),
• Size – impacts biophysical conditions (e.g., regeneration & microclimate)
• Intensity/duration – e.g., fire temperature, years of cultivation, etc.
• Frequency – return interval (sustainable: 15-20 yrs), if shorter degradation
• Distance - from undisturbed vegetation

Differences between integral and incipient swidden practices can be compared

by describing their specific disturbance attributes and associated effects.

Integral Incipient
 Comparing
natural &
anthropogenic
disturbances
• type
• size/scale
• intensity
• duration
• frequency

• effects are
interactive,
cumulative and
uncertain due to
natural &
unpredictable
environmental (e.g.,
climate) & social
(e.g., economic)
changes Uhl (1990)
 Regeneration of biomass following disturbance

Integral swidden
with 15 yr
fallow   Incipient slash and burn

Uhl (1990)
Regeneration in integral and incipient swidden systems

Integral long fallow

swidden systems

Incipient
short fallow
systems

Uhl (1990)
 Integral swidden practices have been opposed and suppressed by both
colonial and post-independent governments around the world. Colonial and
nation states directly and indirectly suppressed integral swidden systems by:

- ignoring traditional land & resource rights in legal documents & cadastral
surveys
- granting concessions for logging & export cash crop plantations on
ancestral lands of swidden cultivators which eliminates the viability of
land extensive long fallow swidden practices
- encouraging migration to avoid socioeconomic problems & land tenure
inequities elsewhere (e.g., Brazil) or to provide plantation labor or
pursue national development policies (e.g., transmigration in Indonesia)

State opposition to integral swidden agriculture reflects:

- ignorance, particularly re. its productivity, sustainability and resilience

- bias towards ‘modern’ industrial, agriculture
- cultural/racial/development bias - many swidden societies are minorities
- desire to control populations for purposes of taxation and for cultivation
export cash crops
 The breakdown of integral swidden systems, many of which have
proven to be productive and sustainable for centuries, results in
profound social, economic and cultural change. Some of the more
significant changes include:

• increased labor (due to weeding)

• reduced crop yields (due to declining soil fertility and weeds)
• increased risk of crop losses

Declining agricultural productivity and sustainability can lead to:

• reduced household food & livelihood security

• increased poverty
• need for income/alternative livelihoods, often as wage laborers
where plantations have displaced swiddens
• increased conflict over declining forest/land resources, particularly
where recent migrants compete with indigenous peoples
• migration to new forest sites where available or to urban slums
• breakdown of cultural traditions & community governance
 Comparison of integral & incipient swidden cultivation in terms of
social & ecological resilience (Berkes, et al., 2003)
The breakdown of natural & social adaptive cycles in incipient systems results in:
- loss of capital: nutrients, productivity, knowledge, management capacity
- loss of ecological and social/cultural diversity, memory and redundancy

The cumulative effect is reduced capacity (ecologically and socially) to adapt to

unpredictable, but inevitable ecological and social change. System reorganization after
disturbance/change has reduced capital, diversity, memory and redundancy upon which
to rebuild. As a integral swidden systems – maintain resilience
consequence, system
resilience and productivity
are decline and a
downward degradation
spiral may ensue.

incipient slash & burn 

- low resilience & reduced
adaptive capacity due to
loss of nutrients, TEKP, etc.
 Historical legacies of swidden agriculture
• ancient & pervasive – throughout much of tropics
• example of co-evolution of natural & social systems
• major influence on contemporary biodiversity, species composition,
distribution, structure and on ecosystem functions & processes
• increases landscape heterogeneity &
proportion early successional vegetation
• integral systems are rich source of
TEKP for developing productive &
sustainable agricultural practices

successional vegetation mosaic, Sulawesi Maya landscape, Belize

Discussion topics and questions:

1) Sustainability (ecological)
a) what constrains agricultural production in the tropics?
b) how do swidden systems sustain crop yields?
c) how do swidden practices vary under different soil and
climatic conditions?
d) in recent decades long fallow swidden systems have
changed/broken down; what effect has this had on soils,
flora, fauna, landscapes and ecosystems functions?

2) Relationship to biodiversity
a) what direct and indirect effects do integral and incipient
swidden systems have on flora & fauna?
b) what has been the effect of eliminating/curtailing historic
swidden practices on biodiversity?

See: Conklin (1957), Dove (1985), Kerkhoff & Sharma (2006),

Namgyel et al. (2008), Nye & Greenland (1960), Sanchez (1976),
Siebert (1987), Uhl (1990)
3) Sustainability (social/cultural)
a) what social, cultural and religious mechanisms/institutions
sustain swidden systems?
b) why have swidden systems broken down?
c) what social & economic effects have resulted from the
breakdown of integral swidden systems?

See: Dove (1983), Fox (2009), Geist & Lambin (2002), Hecht et al. (1988),
Kunstadter et al. (1978), Mertz et al. (2009), Siebert & Belsky (2002)

4) What role do land/resource tenure/property rights play in

sustaining swidden systems?
a) how are property rights defined & by whom?
b) how can property rights be enforced?

See: Peluso & Vandergeest (2001)

5) Swidden and the future
a) where and under what circumstance might swidden practices
be relevant in the future?
b) consider tradeoffs between sustainability, productivity, stability
and resilience in swidden vs. “modern”, intensive agriculture

See: Colfer (1997), Kerkhof & Sharma (2006), Knoke et al. (2009),
Peluso & Vandergeest (2001)

6) What alternatives exist to historic swidden systems and how

might their productivity & sustainability be enhanced?
a) improved fallow management
b) expanded market access and incorporation of cash crops
c) agricultural research/development & extension assistance
d) REDD+ and other payments for environmental services
e) learning from the past (e.g., Amazonian dark earths)

See: Cairns (2007), Campbell (2009), Denevan (2004), Milder et al.

(2010), Perfecto et al. (1996), Phelps et al. (2010)
7) Other issues:
a) compare the role and importance of social and ecological
resilience in swidden vs. modern agriculture practices

See: Berkes et al. (2003)

b) compare household food/livelihood security in swidden vs.

modern agricultural systems

See: Belsky (1993)

Recommended readings:

Belsky, J. 1993. Household food security, farm trees and agroforestry: A comparative
study in Indonesia and the Philippines. Human Organization 52:130-141.
Berkes, F., J. Colding, C. Folke (eds). 2003. Navigating Social-Ecological Systems.
Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge
Cairns, M. (ed). 2007. Voices from the Forest. RFF Press, Washington, D.C.
Campbell, B. 2009. Beyond Copenhagen: REDD+, agriculture, adaptation strategies and
poverty. Global Environmental Change 19:397-399.
Colfer, C. 1997. Beyond Slash and Burn. Advances in Economic Botany Vol II, NY
Botanical Garden, NY.
Conklin, H.C. 1957. Hanunoo Agriculture: A report on an integral system of shifting
cultivation in the Philippines. FAO, Rome.
Denevan, W. 2004. Semi-intensive pre-European cultivation and the origins of
anthropogenic dark earth in Amazonia. In: Glaser, B and W. Woods (ed).
Amazonian Dark Earths: Explorations in Space and Time. Springer, NY. pp. 135-143.
Dove, M. 1985. Swidden Agriculture in Indonesia: The Subsistence Strategies of the
Kalimantan Kantu'. Mouton, Berlin.
Dove, M. 1983. Theories of swidden agriculture and the political economy of ignorance.
Agroforestry Systems 1:85-99.
Fox, J., et al. 2009. Policies, political-economy, and swidden in Southeast Asia. Human
Ecology 37:306-322 (entire issue related to swidden).
Geist, H. and E. Lambin. 2002. Proximate causes and underlying driving forces of
tropical deforestation. BioScience 52:143-150.
Hecht, S., A. Anderson, P. May. 1988. The subsidy from nature: shifting cultivation,
successional palm forests, and rural development. Human Organization 47:25-35.
Kerkhoff, E. and E. Sharma (eds). 2006. Debating Shifting Cultivation in the Eastern
Himalayas. ICIMOD, Kathmandu.
Knoke, T. et al. 2009. Can tropical farmers reconcile subsistence needs with forest
conservation? Front Ecol Environ 7:548-554.
Kunstadter, P. et al. (eds) 1978. Farmers in the Forest. Univ. of Hawaii Press, Honolulu.
Mertz, O., et al. 2009. Swidden change in Southeast Asia: understanding causes and
consequences. Human Ecology 37:259-264.
Milder, J. et al. 2010 Trends and future potential of payment for ecosystem services to
alleviate rural poverty in developing countries. Ecology and Society 15(2):4.
Namgyel, U., S. Siebert, S. Wang. 2008. Shifting cultivation and biodiversity conservation in Bhutan.
Conservation Biology 22:1349-1351.
Nye, P.H. and D.J. Greenland. 1960. The Soil Under Shifting Cultivation. Tech. Comm. 51,
Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau, Harpenden, England.
Peluso, N & P. Vendergeest. 2001, Genealogies of the political forest and customary
rights in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand The Journal of Asian Studies 60:761-812.
Perfecto, I. et al. 1996. Shade coffee: a disappearing refuge for biodiversity. BioScience
46:598-608.
Phelps, J. et al. 2010. Does REDD+ threaten to recentralize forest governance. Science
328:312-131.
Sanchez, P. 1976. Properties and Management of Soils in the Tropics. John Wiley &
Sons, NY. (chapter
Siebert, S.F. 1987. Land use intensification in tropical uplands: Effects on vegetation,
soil fertility and erosion. Forest Ecology and Management 21:37-56.
Siebert, S.F. and J.M. Belsky. 2002. Livelihood security and protected area management.
International Journal of Wilderness 8(2):38-42.
Spencer, J.E. 1966. Shifting Cultivation in Southeastern Asia. Univ. of California Publ.
Geogr. #19, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Uhl, C., et al. 1990. Studies of ecosystem response to natural and anthropogenic
disturbances provide guidelines for designing sustainable land-use systems in
Amazonia. In: A. Anderson (ed). Alternatives to Deforestation. Columbia Univ. Press,
NY. pp. 24-42.