System 29 (2001) 6989

www.elsevier.com/locate/system

Individual dierences in second language

acquisition: attitudes, learner subjectivity, and
L2 pragmatic norms
Virginia LoCastro
Departmento de Lenguas, Universidad de las Americas, Sta. Catarina Martir, 72820 Puebla, Mexico
Received 1 November 1999; received in revised form 5 April 2000; accepted 18 April 2000

Abstract
Anecdotal reports from classroom language teachers suggest that students' professed positive attitudes towards learning English and their language-related behaviors often do not
match. Many claim ``interest'' in the language and, when pushed to explain, the learners tend
to state that ``it is necessary'' to study English for their future careers or for study abroad.
Very few seem to be motivated to acculturate to the target language culture or norms of
communication. These reports motivated my decision to look into the attitudes of EFL
learners in the form of a study of individual dierences, specically, one which focuses on the
relationship among attitudes, learner self-identity, and willingness to accommodate to L2
pragmatic norms. This paper reports on evidence of the extent Japanese EFL learners seek to
adopt L2 communicative norms. The descriptive account explores learners' self-reports on
attitudes towards the target language, subjective reactions to L2 pragmatic norms, and motivations towards accommodating to those norms. While the level of resistance to acquiring
prociency in the use of L2 pragmatic norms is not strong, the learners' accounts indicate
their eorts to establish a L2 self-identity compatible with their own individual goals. # 2001
Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Attitudes; Motivation; Social constructionist theory; Individual dierences; Learner subjectivity; Second language pragmatic norms; Interlanguage pragmatics; Second language learning; Second
language acquisition

1. Introduction
Anecdotal reports from classroom language teachers suggest that students'
professed positive attitudes towards learning English and their language-related
E-mail address: [email protected] (V. LoCastro).
0346-251X/01/$ - see front matter # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S0346-251X(00)00046-4

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behaviors often do not match. Many claim ``interest'' in the language and, when
pushed to explain, the learners tend to state that ``it is necessary'' to study English
for their future careers or for study abroad. Very few seem to be motivated to
acculturate to the target language culture or norms of communication. These
reports motivated my decision to look into the attitudes of EFL learners in the form
of a study of individual dierences, specically focusing on the relationship among
attitudes, learner self-identity, and willingness to accommodate to L2 pragmatic
norms.
Research on individual dierences in second language acquisition (SLA), whether
conducted from the perspective of traditional social-psychological theory and
methodology (e.g. Gardner, Tremblay and Masgoret, 1997) or social constructionist
approaches (Peirce, 1995; Siegal, 1996; Wertsch, 1991), has sought to explain the
relationship between socio-aective factors and second language acquisition. Early
SLA research examined the role of attitudes and motivation in promoting language
prociency; much of that research (e.g. Gardner and Lambert, 1972) focused on
target language prociency in terms of grammatical accuracy, native-like pronunciation, and unexamined target language cultural norms. More recently, SLA
researchers have become interested in the notion of pragmatic competence, clearly
an important component of current denitions of successful language learning. The
models of communicative competence of Canale (1983) and Bachman (1989),
inspired by Hymes' (1972) construct of sociolinguistic competence, are evidence of
attempts to integrate L2 pragmatic norms and behavior into a theory of second/
foreign language development. In conjunction with this expansion of what it means
to know a language, questions arise with regards to individual dierences and the
role of attitudes, motivation, and learners' willingness to adopt L2 standards for
linguistic action.
However, the interaction between such factors and pragmatic development
has only recently been addressed. Kasper and Schmidt (1996) acknowledged that
learners' willingness to adopt L2 pragmatics may be particularly sensitive to their
attitudes towards the L2 target community and their motivation for learning a L2.
In one recent study, Hinkel (1996) examined ESL learners' knowledge of L2 pragmatic norms, their attitudes towards them, and their self-reported behaviors. She
found that the non-native speakers' recognition of L2 pragmatic norms was not
matched by their willingness to adopt L2 communicative practices. In Macintyre,
Clement, Dornyei and Noels (1998), an integrated analysis of linguistics, communicative, and social psychological variables is discussed in an attempt to account for
willingness to communicate in a L2.
There is clearly a need for more research on relationships among attitudes and
motivation, and pragmatic development. Whether one adopts Gardner's (1985)
socio-educational model of integrative/ instrumental motivation, Brown's (1990)
extrinsic/intrinsic dichotomy, or Peirce's (1995) construct of investment, the learners'
social identity, i.e. the construction of the self in the target language, is implicated.
Do the learners want to integrate into the target language community, thereby
implying acceptance of L2 pragmatic norms? Or do they resist and contest the
reconstruction of the self which the integrative motive implies? If so, does such

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resistance, explicit or implicit, introduce a stumbling block to their ability to adjust

to, or even adopt the interaction patterns and linguistic action norms of the target
language community? Does such resistance obstruct their language learning?
This paper reports on a study on the extent to which Japanese EFL learners seek
to adopt L2 communicative norms. This descriptive account explores the learners'
self-reports on attitudes towards the target language, subjective reactions to L2
pragmatic norms, and motivations towards accommodating to those norms. It
comprises an aggregate, hypothesis-generating picture of EFL learners in Japan with
regards to individual dierences and accommodation to L2 communicative norms.
First of all, brief summaries of relevant contributions from the literature are presented, followed by a description of the methodology. The ndings and discussion
are in the third section. In the nal section, conclusions and implications for classroom practices are considered

2. Literature review
According to Kasper and Schmidt (1996), ``willingness'' has been assumed by
researchers and educators; however, there is a little empirical support for the
assumption that L2 learners seek to achieve native-like competence. It would appear
that the learner and SLA form a complex constellation of variables which interact
with each other. The literature review addresses aspects of the theoretical framework
adapted in this study.
2.1. Learner subjectivity
Social constructionist, learner subjectivity, and learner socialization approaches,
originally concerned with rst language acquisition (Ochs, 1993), have recently been
applied to SLA research (e.g. Poole, 1992; Peirce, 1995; Siegal, 1996). As language
learning involves the self-identity of the learner as an individual with a personal
history and as a member of a group, a society, and a culture, the input provided may
not become intake due to reasons that implicate the learner's beliefs and values as
well as features of the sociocultural context. Gillette's (1994) study of the correlation
of learner goals and L2 success demonstrated that ``a learner's goal depends on a
learner's social history and the use value ascribed to foreign languages in his or her
environment'' (p. 210). Peirce (1995, p. 12) directly challenges SLA theorists to
integrate ``a theory of social identity'' into a more comprehensive view than has been
the case so far in language learning, despite the fact that sociolinguists long ago
provided ample evidence that language use and choice is a powerful means of identifying oneself as a member of a particular speech community.
2.2. Attitudes and motivation
The literature on attitudes and motivation is extensive (see Gardner and Lambert,
1972; Gardner, 1985; Oxford, 1996, among others). Only recently did Gardner,

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Tremblay and Masgoret (1997) publish a study assessing the relationships among
individual variables, nding substantial links between aective measures and
achievement. Specically, they measured correlations of attitudes, motivation, selfcondence, anxiety, aptitude, and learning strategies with achievement. Despite
the more inclusive set of factors, the operationalization of individual dierence
features remains problematic. Potter and Wetherell (1987) claim that attitudes
are not ``enduring entities''. Further, informants' notions of attitudes may not
match the categories of the researchers; the status of the ``object'' which the attitude is said to assess may also not be viewed in the same way by researcher and
informants. The connection between attitudes and behavior is notoriously dicult
to predict and assess; social pressure from peers, for example, can radically change
an individual's attitude towards the ``object'' within the space of a classroom
discussion.
Graham (1984) reviews assimilative motivation, contrasting it with denitions by
Schuman (1978), Brown (1983), and Dulay, Burt and Krashen (1982). All attempt to
provide a representation of the variables involved in SLA. Assimilative motivation is
claimed to imply ``that the learner desires to become an indistinguishable member of
the target speech community'' (Graham, 1984, p. 76). Further, Graham claims that
such motivation is characteristic of learners who have ``experienced prolonged contact with the target culture'' (Graham, 1984, p. 77). Clearly, in the case of Japanese
learners of English who have not resided in an English-speaking country, assimilative motivation as dened cannot be a useful analytical framework for a study in
that EFL situation. However, one characteristic of assimilative motivation is of
interest, specically, the claim that the motivation to learn a second language
appears to decrease in strength during adolescence. Baker (1992) found the same
relationship with regards to the development of WelshEnglish bilingualism in
Wales amongst adolescents. A number of alternative explanations are oered by
both Baker and Graham, mostly involving the eect of peer pressure. It must be
kept in mind, nevertheless, that the research discussed by both authors refers to
adolescents residing in the target language community and/or acquisition of the L2
by children.
Another approach to motivation has been suggested by Peirce (1995, p. 17); she
claims that ``investment'' would be a more appropriate term, signaling that learners
``invest'' in learning a second language in order to increase their cultural capital
(Bourdieu, 1991). According to this view, ``the notion of investment. . . attempts to
capture the relationship of the language learner to the changing social world''
(Peirce, 1995, p. 17). Further, rather than prioritizing acculturation to the L2 community, as many previous attitudes studies have done, the notion of investment
focuses on the individuals' self identity as the locus of concern. Analyzing language
learning histories and diaries, Gillette (1994) concluded that language skills are
viewed as either a valuable asset or an external imposition by language learners in
her study. Clearly, language transmits referential or ideational content; however, it
also carries out an interpersonal or integrative function, implying a L2 speaker's
desire to be viewed by co-participants as a competent user of the L2. However, particularly in non-target language community environments, native-like L2

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competence may not be viewed as desirable; in fact, maintenance of one's rst language identity may be a symbol of eorts to reject the hegemony of English in the
world today (Homan, 1989)
2.3. Pragmatic development
The literature concerning the relationship of attitudes and L2 pragmatic ability is
not extensive. Successful L2 language development has been assumed to involve
grammatical competence, specically language-based knowledge and competencies
(Firth and Wagner, 1997, p. 285). Indeed, the word ``competence'', it is argued (see
Gregg, 1993, cited in Firth and Wagner, 1997), denotes exclusively a formalistic,
context-free linguistic knowledge, with contextual, interactive dimensions relegated
to the performance aspect of Chomsky's dichotomy, performance and competence.
This theory of language is being challenged (Modern Language Journal, 1997) and
arguments are made (Hall, 1997) for a more inclusive SLA base which would comprise more ``participant-relevant'' (Firth and Wagner, 1997, p. 285) individual learner factors.
Attempts have been made to look at the actual teaching of L2 pragmatic
behaviors (e.g. ``Studies in Second Language Acquisition'', 1996). However,
studies on the eect of instruction are not numerous (Kasper and Schmidt, 1996;
Kasper, 1997; Sato and Beecken, 1997). Bouton (1994) assessed the eect of
instruction on the use of implicature by NNSs in an ESL context; his study, however, does not consider attitudes. More recently, Hinkel (1996) compared attitudes
towards L2 pragmatic norms with self-reports of actual behaviors. Clearly, given
the paucity of studies, there is a need to consider the role of attitudes in pragmatic
development.
2.4. Rationale for current study
There is no question that the work of Gardner and his colleagues as well as that
of many others who have contributed to building the considerable knowledge base
in the eld of attitudes and motivation constitute seminal contributions to the
study of the relationships of attitudes, motivation, and language prociency.
Nevertheless, commenting on the results of studies conducted by himself and his
associates (Schmidt, 1995), Schmidt (1996) stated that studies based only on a
quantitative approach have not taken the eld beyond what is already known.
Research adopting qualitative techniques or a multi-dimensional methodology may
generate insights into language learning closer to learners' views and interpretations. Both Peirce (1995) and Gillette (1994) are examples of the kinds of studies
which are needed. Emphasis needs to be placed on obtaining individual learners'
accounts with as little interference as possible from the researcher and the methods
used to elicit them (Agar, 1996). The present study seeks to contribute to the
development of the expansion of our understanding of individual dierences by
presenting ethnographic evidence collected in an English as a foreign language
environment.

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2.5. Research questions

There are two research questions which motivate the present study:
1. What is the evidence that learners seek to integrate into the target language
community, thereby signaling a readiness to adopt L2 communicative norms?
2. What is the evidence that learners resist and contest the construction of the self
which acceptance of the L2 pragmatic norms would entail?
Data from four sources were collected to generate answers to these questions.

3. Methodology
This section explains the methodology employed to collect ethnographic data
from Japanese learners of English studying in Japan during the academic year 1997
1998. The purpose of the study is to provide hypothesis-generating data for future
research on interactions between and among learner subjectivity, attitudes and
motivation, and pragmatic development.

4. Subjects
The learners were students at International Christian University (ICU) in Mitaka,
Japan. Most of them were in their rst and second years, with third and fourth year
students as well for the spring and winter term data collection. About one third of the
informants were male, and two thirds female, reecting the overall ratio of the student
population at the university. TOEFL scores for ICU students over the past several
years (gures for 1994) have been an average of 548, with a range of a low of 501 and a
high of 593. All the third and fourth year students were majoring in languages and
education. The rst and second year learners came from a variety of majors; at the
time of the data collection, they were all enrolled in an intensive English program.
4.1. Data collection
The data were collected in the context of four courses: Spring 1997, Attitudes and
motivation in language learning (AMLL); Fall 1997, Pragmatics; and Winter, 1997
1998, Pronunciation, and Sophomore English (SE). The main purpose of the AMLL
and Pragmatics courses was the development of a knowledge base in the elds.
Although the language of instruction was English, the courses were not aimed at
language prociency development. Consequently, explicit teaching of L2 pragmatics
did not gure directly as a course objective. Nevertheless, within the context of
instruction, accommodation to the norms and expectations of the target language
community and the social appropriateness of language use were explicitly addressed
in the readings and discussion. The second aim was to activate the learners' thinking
about the course content in tandem with their self identities and the degree to which

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they would seek to acculturate to the target language community; the researcher
as the teacher used an inductive approach. That is, she did not explicitly state the
nature of the goal. Focus groups, reaction papers, and essays on exams enabled
the researcher to collect evidence of their attitudes towards L2 pragmatics norms.
It was in the two Pronunciation classes that pragmatic norms were directly
addressed in the form of language awareness-raising and comprehension tasks. One
task adapted from a listening comprehension textbook (Jones and Kimbrough,
1987) involved six dierent speakers of English, two NSs and four NNSs, making
airport announcements. A worksheet was developed to assess the learners' reactions
to the dierent types of accents. Second, two video-based lessons targeted segments
of the lm, ``The Rising Sun'' (Bryce, Connery and Kaufman, 1993), to focus on
attitudes towards the language used by two actors who are Japanese speakers of
English and the enactment of linguistic politeness and use of related speech acts in
the lm. Finally, video clips from another lm, ``It could happen to you'' (Adelson,
Hartwick, Baumgarten and Lobell, 1994), were used to draw attention to and teach
the enactment of the speech acts of arguing, calming a person, and expressing
understatement. The learners developed role plays to reuse the language and the
communication strategies for the speech acts.
Awareness of pragmatic norms was also addressed in the context of the SE class;
the course syllabus involved the use of Tannen's (1986) ``That's Not What I Meant'',
not only to teach language through content, but also to learn about gender-related,
situationally appropriate communication strategies. In addition to reading the book
and class discussions on the topics, the students wrote essays on their own eorts to
change their behavior with members of the opposite sex. Their nal projects
required they give group presentations; they presented their analyses of lm clips or
of data they had collected of gender-based language use. Although the course did
not focus on any particular target language norms, the aim was to develop awareness of appropriacy of language use.
4.2. Data collection procedures
Due to the impossibility of using one particular class for experimental treatments
and data-collection, the four dierent courses and classes served as opportunities to
elicit the learners' views on their attitudes towards the target language, their identities as English language learners, and their reactions to expectations that they
accept L2 pragmatic norms.
In the AMLL course, the 34 students were asked to write their reactions to in-class
essay prompts six times during the 10-week term as part of the syllabus. They were
given 20 min to comment in English on the topics, all of which were directly related
to what would be or had already been studied in the course. In addition, both midterm and nal exam essays included opportunities for the learners to provide
accounts of their attitudes.
In the Pragmatics course, following the nal week of lectures, and a reading on
learner subjectivity, the 33 students engaged in focus group discussions, prompted
by a worksheet which sought to elicit their awareness of their self identities as EFL

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learners. The content of the discussions, in English or Japanese, was tape-recorded,

transcribed, and then summarized. In addition, the informants were asked to write
on the topic of ``whose pragmatic norms''.
In the context of the Pronunciation classes for rst year students (n=36), ve
language awareness worksheets were developed. Video- and audio-tapes of native
and non-native speakers of English were employed to increase their awareness that
speaking ``properly'' includes more than improving their pronunciation and intonation contours. The learners' worksheets were analyzed to assess the extent to which
they were aware of situationally appropriate language. The nal class included focus
groups to discuss the following topics: (1) attitudes towards the language awareness
tasks; (2) attitudes towards the pronunciation lessons; and (3) the importance to
them personally of learning English, especially for their futures. It was judged that,
without directly asking them about pragmatic norms, their attitudes towards them,
and their study of situationally appropriate language, the learners would be likely to
produce talk in which they would divulge their attitudes and motivation towards L2
pragmatics.
Finally, an attitudes and motivation questionnaire (see Appendix) was administered to the learners in the pronunciation classes and the SE class in the winter term,
giving a sample size of 43. The questionnaire is a modied version of Baker's (1992),
used in his work with Welsh students in Wales.
In sum, the data sources used in this current study are: (1) two tape-recorded
group discussions, summarized; (2) essays and reaction papers; (3) language awareness worksheets; and (4) questionnaire results.
4.3. Data analysis procedures
A content analysis was carried out on all of the data collected from the group
discussions, essays, and language awareness worksheets. Recurring themes (Words,
L2 culture, and Identity concerns: see Section 7) and comments which would provide insights into the informants' perceptions, attitudes, and subject positions were
isolated. The questionnaire results are a quantitative source, that is, alternate input,
to contribute towards a composite view of the learners' attitudes, self-identity, and
awareness of L2 pragmatic norms.

5. Findings and discussion

5.1. Research question No. 1
1. What is the evidence that learners seek to integrate into the target language
community, thereby signaling a readiness to adopt L2 communicative norms?
5.1.1. Language awareness worksheets
The Language Awareness worksheets reveal attitudinal tendencies. One exercise assessed their general attitudes towards NNS accents in English. The learners

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listened to a tape with six dierent speakers of English, two NSs and four NNSs,
and they were asked to guess the L1 of each speaker. One of the NNS speakers was
an L1 Japanese speaker. Second, they were asked to rate each speaker along the
following semantic dierential scales:
Easy to understand- - Pleasant to listen to- - Sophisticated- - - - - - Intelligent- - - - - - - - Friendly- - - - - - - - - -

- -Dicult to understand
- -Unpleasant to listen to
- - - - - - Unsophisticated
- - - - - - - Not intelligent
- - - - - - - - -Not friendly

This matched guise approach was employed to elicit out-of-awareness attitudes.

All of the 36 informants indicated that the Japanese speaker was easy to understand
and friendly, but unpleasant to listen to, not sophisticated, and not intelligent.
The third exercise asked them to state which of the six speakers they would like to
be if they could and to give reasons. Only 33 of the 36 answered this question and
out of those 33, 21 wished to be like the Canadian speaker, with six wishing to be
like the American. Only one of the 33 said being the Japanese was ``okay''. This
demonstration of out-of-awareness negative attitudes towards Japanese speakers of
English is revealing; in particular, in the context of the current study, the negative
view of fellow speakers of the L2 suggests a desire to learn English well enough to
avoid the stigma of speaking Japanized English.
In sum, the data collected reveal a positive orientation towards learning English,
which is assumed to be an indicator that students would seek to learn the language
to be pragmatically procient. However, it should be noted that such an orientation
does not necessarily result in goal-oriented behavior to achieve a high degree of
pragmatic ability in the language.
5.1.2. Questionnaire results
Some evidence from the questionnaire results (see Appendix) is relevant to the
present study. Part 2 of the questionnaire asked the informants to indicate which
activities on a list of 22 items would involve them in the use of English. On a fourpoint Likert scale, they indicated how important or unimportant English would be
for them to do certain activities. Only those activities selected by more than 20
informants are discussed.
For statements regarded as Important, 32 (74%) of the 43 respondents selected
two, No. 18 ``To work abroad,'' and No. 11 ``To live in a country were English is
spoken.'' The next most frequently chosen items were No. 17 ``To travel abroad,''
(30 or 70%) and No. 16 ``To go to graduate school'' (28 or 65%). These four choices
all involve activities outside Japan (i.e. ``graduate school'' tends to connote study
abroad). Two additional items selected by more than 20 of the 43 informants were:
No. 2 ``To get good grades'' (22 or 51%), and No. 21 ``To be successfully academically'' (23 or 54%). These two reect informants' concerns at ICU, a bilingual
Japanese-English institution.

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Under ``A little important,'' the most frequently chosen items were No. 19 ``To
work in Japan'' (25 or 58%), No. 2 ``To earn plenty of money'' (24 or 56%), and,
chosen by 23 (53%) each, No. 5 ``To become cleverer'' and No. 13 ``To be successful
in life''. These statements demonstrate the informants' interest in employment in
Japan where pressure to employ Japanese-English bilinguals has increased in the
business world. The only item rated as ``Unimportant'' by 19 out of the 43 informants (44%) was No. 6 ``To be liked''. The general tendency revealed in the questionnaire data is that English language prociency would serve instrumental
purposes with the signaling of some concern with self-identity.
Part 3 of the questionnaire required the informants indicate degrees of agreement
or disagreement with statements about the English language. Under Agreement, i.e.
either strong agreement or agreement, 10 items were selected by more than 20
respondents. The two most frequently chosen were: No. 4 ``I'd like to speak English
uently'' (43 or 100%) and No. 19 ``Speaking both Japanese and English helps
people to get promotions'' (33 or 77%). Thirty (70%) indicated that Japanese people should speak English (No. 20), while 39 (91%) acknowledged ``English is an
international language'' (No. 24). Other statements selected were No. 1, that they
liked hearing English spoken (30 or 70%)) and No. 15, that if one is bilingual, it is
easier to get a job (37 or 86%). Further, 42 (98%) agreed with No. 7, that ``English
is a language worth learning,'' 22 (51%) would like their children to speak English (No. 12), and then 31 (72%) consider it important to be able to speak English
(No. 13).
As for Disagreement (that is, disagree or strongly disagree), the most frequently chosen items demonstrated support for the learning of English for instrumental purposes. The informants disagree with the following: No. 8 ``English has
no place in the world'' (39 or 90%); No. 3 ``It's a waste of time to study English''
(41 or 95%); No. 28 ``Any other European language is as useful as English'' (23 or
54%). Further, 39 of the 43 respondents (91%) strongly disagreed with the statement No. 30 ``Knowing another language well might cause me to lose my Japanese
identity.''
The questionnaire results suggest the informants in this study have, overall, a
positive view of the target language and of the value of prociency in English for
themselves and other Japanese as well. They see connections between English language ability and their future careers, graduate study, travel and living abroad.
In order to assess the informants' concerns relating to their self-identities and the
target language, the following items in Part 2 were coded as relevant to this factor: 1,
5, 13, 14, 15, and 21 (see Appendix). These seven statements were judged to reect
possible issues of self-identity as a non-native speaker of English, based on feedback
from native Japanese informants involved in the study. Thirty-three indicated that
they considered English to be important (16 or 37%) or a little important (19 or
44%) with regards to making friends (No. 1). Similar responses were observed for
No. 5 (``to become cleverer'') with 27 (67%) responding that English was important
to some degree. For items Nos. 13, 14, and 15, English is viewed as important ``to be
successful in life,''(32 or 79%) ``to be regarded as sophisticated'' (27 or 63%), and
``to be regarded as educated'' (29 or 68%). The nal item, No. 21, which asks

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how important English is with regards to academic success, 23 (54%) thought it was
important and 14 (33%) a little important. Clearly, English is implicated in the
Japanese learners' self-image and in their academic and future careers.
Further questionnaire items related to learners' self identities are found in Part 3,
items 4, 10, 12, 14, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, and 30. However, on only three of the items
did the informants' responses reach 20 or more. Item No. 4, ``I'd like to speak
English uently,'' all 43 respondents indicated strong agreement (31 or 72%) or
simple agreement (12 or 28%). For No. 12, regarding their desire to have their
potential children speak English, six (14%) said that they strongly agreed, while 16
(37%) indicated they agreed. Finally, for No. 22, ve (12%) strongly agreed that ``to
be able to speak English is important to be cosmopolitan'' and 16 (37%) agreed.
With regards to attitudes towards whether or not they would like to have been born
a native English speaker, only seven (16%) agreed, with two (5%) strongly agreeing
that it would be desirable (No. 21). When asked if they think it is important to learn
to behave like a native speaker of English (No. 25) when studying English, only two
(5%) agreed strongly, with ve (12%) agreeing. Finally, item 30, which asks if
``knowing another language well might cause me to lose my Japanese identity,'' only
one (2%) strongly agreed, with 22 (51%) strongly disagreeing and 17 (40%) disagreeing. Again, the picture which emerges is that of the learners' viewing English
prociency through a prism of instrumental goals, with rather clear attitudes
towards their Japanese identity as something apart. This can be seen particularly in
items 25 and 30.
With regards to willingness to adopt L2 pragmatic norms, the following items in
Part 2 only were coded as relevant: No. 8 (``to talk to friends in school''), No. 9 (``to
talk to teachers in school''), No. 10 (``to talk to people outside of school''), No. 11
(``to live in a country where English is spoken), and No. 18 (``to work abroad'').
With four of these items, English was regarded as important or a little important by
more than 20 of the informants: Nos. 8, 9, 11, and 18. Their responses reect a
realistic assessment of their environment: a bilingual JapaneseEnglish university
surrounded by a Japanese-speaking only community. The highest gures were for
No. 18 (42 or 97%) and No. 9 (39 or 91% as important to some degree).
Clearly, the respondents consider English to be important to their current and
future lives. Nevertheless, their concerns are decidedly instrumental and they do not
appear to feel their Japanese identity would be threatened by English language
prociency.
5.2. Research question No. 2
2. What is the evidence that learners resist and contest the construction of the self
which acceptance of the L2 pragmatic norms would entail?
5.2.1. Informant accounts
Learner accounts from the summary/reaction papers in the Pragmatics course
demonstrate both positive attitudes as well as some resistance to the learning of
a second language. First of all, several of the learners expressed opinions which

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indicate that becoming like a native English speaker would be desirable. The following accounts are unedited, direct quotations from four informants:
Wanting to become like a native speaker can't possibly have negative eects.
I've liked English. It's because everything good or new seemed to be from USA.
Although my English is far from that of native speakers now, I got some Midwestern accent, which some Americans recognize while talking. That is when I
feel that I am kind of native Midwesterner, which is my pleasure.
I also think that the fact that I am eager to speak like a native speaker, which
has not achieved yet, helps me to improve my English.
Necessity is not enough. Desire is important.
The following quotation comes from a learner who had gone to the USA for the
last year of high school.
First, learning to speak English was just a way to ``survive'' in that situation. I
had to learn to speak in order to go to the bathroom, etc. But as time went by,
I wanted to speak so that I could get along with other people. . . Otherwise, I'd
be in ESL classes forever and not have any native friends.
However, not all of the informants expressed positive attitudes. Here are accounts
from seven dierent students.
There are more than one set of pragmatic norms for English speakers, because
those who use English as mother tongue have dierence backgrounds.
I still have to study English, but I'm not obsessed, feeling negative about my
ability in English.
I'm proud that I'm Japanese and that would never be changed. Even if I could
speak English uently as a native speaker, my personality and characteristics of
Japanese won't change.
Somehow we may have to change our way of thinking when we speak foreign
language and it's necessary. But it doesn't mean that we throw our own identities out, instead, we should keep ``ourselves.'' It's completely impossible to
become a perfect native speaker and it's unnatural. . .One may come to think
about one's own identity when speaking the language and aware of importance
of existence of the learner at the core.
The desire to be like a native speaker might discourage the learner later because
uency and accuracy of sounds are not something you can be perfect with. Just

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V. LoCastro / System 29 (2001) 6989

81

wanting to read a novel in the original language or to watch a movie without

subtitles will make a good motivation, too.
I myself have motivation in learning a language. It's to express ``myself'', not to
become like a someone in other culture.
What would you do with your rst language and its identity? Should you throw
it away and head for a new one? I don't think it is possible to erase your rst
identity even how hard you try.
Obviously, these are accounts from learners at one university in Tokyo and, consequently, generalizations to other populations cannot be made. However, the
learners' statements do give a view of what may be the tip of a large iceberg. Two
themes were mentioned frequently: (1) the fact that each culture or region has its
own norms and (2) that it is impossible to operate with just one norm. The second
theme, in particular, co-occurred with comments that one must adjust to the other
people or group in a particular interaction. Several cited concern about NS interlocutors and claimed that the ability to adjust depended on personality, level of
motivation, and condence. They predicted that a person would feel ``uncomfortable'' in going from one country to another and noted that it is dicult to establish
norms as they perceived there is an underlying problem of discrimination. Finally,
several revealed frustrations about not being understood in cross-cultural contact
situations despite eorts to accommodate to local norms.

6. Focus groups
As for the focus groups at end of the Pragmatics course, the content analysis
(Agar, 1996) of the summarized tape-recorded data generated three recurring
themes: (1) words, (2) L2 culture, and (3) identity concerns. The three themes are
listed below with summary statements from the informants' accounts.
6.1. Words
. Language prociency is more than just words in dictionaries: NNSs must
understand ``images of words'' in the L2.
. If words borrowed from Japanese are used, this could lead to failure to be
understood.
6.2. L2 Culture
. There is a need to learn the culture of the L2: otherwise, ``our grammar and
pronunciation may be ne, but pragmatic failure may occur.''
. There is a willingness to study about the TL culture; but the strength of the
willingness is related to the level of motivation of the learner.

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82

6.3. Identity concerns

. There may be a change of personality from one culture to another; the change
is related to the power dierences between the two cultures, which may result
in a lack of self-condence.
. There is an awareness of the reactions of listeners when learners use the L2; the
learners may attempt to interact in a new way in reaction to the power dierences between the NSs and the NNSs.
. There is an awareness of language transfer from one L to another, from one
culture to another.
. Two informants felt that a person's name is an expression of him/herself; a
NNS may feel she is ``denied'' if there are strong or bad meanings connected
with her name. Here is a direct quotation from one of the informants.
In Italian, boy's name usually ends with `o' sound and girl's name with `a' sound.
My name ends with `o' sound and I really hated it. It didn't decrease my motivation to learn the language, but I didn't want them to call me by my name.
. There was a concern expressed about not being able to feel comfortable, to be
oneself in the L2:
I speak Japanese in a rather sharp tone. I take French course, but I feel I can't
do that. French sounds very soft, but it is not my way of speaking.
Finally, from the focus groups in the Pronunciation class come these direct, unedited quotations; the second is a rhetorical question posed by one of the three learners.
We don't have to pronounce exactly like English native speakers, but to make
them understand, it's very important.
Why do we have to communicate with people from other countries?
We don't need perfect abilities of more than two languages. We can communicate with incomplete ability.
6.3.1. Language awareness worksheets
Examples in this data source indicate actual resistance to accommodating to NS
pragmatic norms. In the Language Awareness task cited above, the one learner who
chose to be like the Japanese speaker gave the following reason: ``I think it's good
enough to communicate with people in English.'' Still another learner wrote: ``If one
learns for business, it is not necessary to speak like a native speaker. For one, the
target language is only a tool for one's business.''
6.3.2. Essays
In the AMLL course, the 38 students wrote their reactions to an essay prompt
about the ``best'' type of motivation to have in learning a L2. In all of the essays,

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V. LoCastro / System 29 (2001) 6989

83

there were numerous comments about their self identity as learners. The informants
commented on the demotivating inuence on learners once they realize they cannot
attain NS level of prociency in the L2, and they wrote of their desire to become
members of the English speaking ``community'' without becoming like NSs of English. With regards to integrative motivation, one learner wrote: ``I think this is not
the best one. One should keep his own cultural background. Without it, he/she will
easily lose his/her identity.''

7. Conclusion
The various data sources have generated an aggregate picture of the informants as
having an overall positive, yet instrumental orientation towards the learning of
English as a foreign language. Further, there is evidence of a keen awareness
of socio-aective dimensions of SLA, in particular motivation, self-identity, and the
L2 culture. Nevertheless, resistance to convergence towards NS behaviors and L2
communicative expectations is apparent with at least some of the learners, although
the extent of the resistance in the collected data is not strong. Desire to become like
a NS of English, which is assumed by Gardner's socio-educational model of motivation as the key to successful L2 language prociency, may not be the underlying
source of positive orientation towards the L2. The results suggest that individual
dierences, specically attitudes, motivation, and learner self-identity, may inuence
and constrain the willingness to adopt NS standards for linguistic action. Many
favor retaining their own identities as Japanese, suggesting it as inappropriate for
them to accommodate to the L2 pragmatic norms.
Given the results of the present study as well as the ndings of other studies such
as that of Peirce (1995) cited above, a revision of the current theoretical framework
is warranted. In particular, the components of motivation in Gardner's socioeducational model need to be expanded to give a greater role to individual dierences, particularly those related to a learner's identity as a NNS of the target
language. Perhaps as a result of the massive world-wide movement towards adoption of English as the language of wider communication and the threat of hegemonic tendencies on the part of the native English speaking world that many
countries consequently experience, the issue of constructing an identity that
includes being a competent speaker of English while retaining one's L1 and the L1
culture needs to be recognized as an important contributing factor in the attainment of successful language prociency. To do otherwise smacks of neo-colonial
and hegemonic pretensions.

8. Applications
Although the informants expressed generally positive attitudes towards the target
language and have realistic, instrumental goals for themselves, the next step, from
a pedagogical point of view, is to seek means to activate those attitudes so that

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84

motivation is heightened and expanded in the classroom environment. One student

commented as follows:
I learned pronunciation in junior high school, but I don't know if it helped
me. We didn't have chance to listen to actual conversation between native
speakers. We practiced pronunciation but we could not imagine how they speak
actually. It's a problem of Japanese English education.
It is possible that teachers, teaching practices, and materials are demotivating to
the extent that, even with the most positive, though instrumental attitudes, pragmatic competence remains underdeveloped. The author is not assuming that attitudes are a sole predictor of pragmatic ability; however, the argument throughout
this paper is that attitudes and motivational level are contributing factors. Classroom research is needed to document carefully what happens with regards to pragmatic development and what practices can promote it. Tateyama, Kasper, Mui, Tay
and Thananart (1997) make the claim that, in foreign language teaching contexts,
explicit teaching of pragmatic routines is needed and evidence that it can be successful.
In addition to attention to teaching approaches, what also appears to be needed is
greater attention to the social, historical, and ideological context of the language
acquisition or learning process. For example, when Japanese learners of English
state that they ``love English'', the researcher needs to know what that statement
means in their terms. McGroarty (1996) surveys language attitudes and motivation
in the context of standards in both second and foreign language environments and
acknowledges the need for educators to increase their awareness of learners' needs
to have their L1 respected while, at the same time, develop their skills in the L2.
Another area of pedagogical importance concerns the evaluation of learners'
pragmatic ability. McNamara (1997) suggests that language testing should adopt a
social perspective in order to formulate appropriate testing instruments to evaluate
performance, specically, interactions between individuals.
Finally, better understanding of how successful language learners construct their
self identities as speakers/writers of second languages would inform teaching practices. More classroom-centered research utilizing individual accounts is needed as well
as studies which take a social psychological perspective. Such constructs as accommodation, intergroup, and ethnolinguistic identity theories may enlighten our studies,
leading to a more participant-sensitive pedagogy for pragmatic development.

Acknowledgements
Very sincere thanks to Yamamoto, Taeko, a doctoral candidate at International
Christian University, Tokyo, Japan, for her invaluable help with transcriptions and
summarizations of tape-recorded data as well as for her contribution as a Japanese
native-speaker informant throughout this project. Also to Dr. R. Schultz of the
University of Arizona for helpful
comments on an earlier
draft.

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Appendix
Questionnaire
n=43
Part 1
Listed below are some of the things people of your age do when not in school.
Please answer each one in terms of whether you do these. Check your chosen
answer.
Check column 1 if you do the activity Very Often, No. 2 if you do it Fairly Often,
No. 3 if you do it Sometimes, No. 4 if you do it Rarely, and No. 5 if you Never do it.
Note that the respondents were not required to select all of the items in this part
and so the sample size varies between 30 and 43. The gures in parentheses are the
percentages.
1. Play sports
2. Watch TV/Videos
3. Read newspapers
4. Read books out of school
5. Read magazines/comics
6. Go to discos
7. Play records/cassettes/CDs
8. Practice a hobby
9. Spend time with men your age
10. Spend time with women your age
11. Go shopping
12. Go to a library
13. Do nothing much
14. Take part in a club activity
15. Go to a concert
16. Watch sports
17. Go to a movie theatre
18. Part time work
19. Travel abroad
20. Attend events
21. Other

No. 1
7 (17)
14 (33)
9 (22)
14(33)
9 (20)
1 (2)
29 (71)
17 (40)
11 (26)
13 (31)
6 (14)
6 (15)
3 (7)
11 (26)
1 (2)
2 (5)
2 (5)
3 (7)
0 (0)
2 (5)
5 (17)

No. 2
3 (7)
13 (31)
9 (22)
17 (40)
12 (27)
1 (2)
7 (17)
12 (29)
10 (24)
12 (29)
15 (35)
12 (29)
5 (12)
8 (19)
4 (10)
2 (5)
13 (30)
12 (29)
7 (18)
2 (5)
3 (10)

No. 3
14 (33)
14 (33)
13 (32)
8 (19)
11 (25)
4 (10)
3 (7)
7 (17)
14 (33)
10 (24)
17 (40)
11 (27)
20 (48)
9 (21)
12 (29)
18 (45)
11 (26)
7 (17)
7 (18)
13 (32)
13 (43)

No. 4
12 (29)
1 (2)
9 (22)
3 (7)
10 (23)
9 (22)
0 (0)
4 (10)
5 (12)
5 (12)
5 (12)
5 (12)
7 (17)
7 (17)
17 (40)
13 (33)
13 (30)
10 (24)
17 (43)
15 (37)
4 (13)

Use this space to give more complete answers to the following questions:
8. What is your hobby?
18. What kind of part time work do you do?
19. If you travel abroad, where do you go?
21. Other: please specify:

No. 5
6 (14)
0 (0)
1 (2)
1 (2)
2 (5)
26 (63)
2 (5)
2 (5)
2 (5)
2 (5)
0 (0)
7 (17)
7 (17)
7 (17)
8 (19)
5 (13)
4 (9)
9 (22)
9 (23)
9 (22)
5 (17)

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V. LoCastro / System 29 (2001) 6989

Part 2
How important or unimportant is English for you to do the following? There are
no right or wrong answers.
Indicate whether it was Important (Column No. 1), A Little Important (Column
No. 2), A little Unimportant (Column No. 3), or Unimportant (Column No. 4).
No. 1 No. 2 No. 3
1. To make friends
16 (37) 19 (44) 6 (14)
2. To earn plenty of money
9 (21) 24 (56) 9 (21)
3. To watch TV/videos
17 (40) 18 (42) 6 (14)
4. To get a job
20 (47) 18 (42) 5 (14)
5. To become cleverer
5 (14) 23 (53) 10 (23)
6. To be liked
1 (2)
10 (23) 13 (30)
7. To pass exams
19 (44) 19 (44) 3 (7)
8. To talk to friends in school
7 (16) 16 (37) 12 (28)
9. To talk to teachers in school
20 (47) 19 (44) 3 (7)
10. To talk to people outside of school
5 (14) 10 (23) 17 (40)
11. To live in a country where English is spoken 32 (74) 9 (21) 2 (5)
12. To get good grades
22 (51) 10 (23) 7 (16)
13. To be successful in life
11 (26) 23 (53) 8 (19)
14. To be regarded as sophisticated
6 (14) 21 (49) 6 (14)
15. To be regarded as educated
9 (21) 20 (47) 7 (16)
16. To go to graduate school
28 (65) 6 (14) 7 (16)
17. To travel abroad
30 (70) 13 (30) 0 (0)
18. To work abroad
32 (74) 10 (23) 1 (2)
19. To work in Japan
10 (23) 25 (58) 6 (14)
20. To keep up with class work
22 (51) 17 (40) 4 (9)
21. To be successful academically
23 (54) 14 (33) 6 (14)

No. 4
2 (5)
1 (2)
2 (5)
0 (0)
5 (14)
19 (44)
2 (5)
8 (19)
1 (2)
11 (26)
0 (0)
4 (9)
1 (2)
10 (23)
7 (16)
2 (5)
0 (0)
0 (0)
2 (5)
0 (0)
0 (0)

Part 3
Here are some statements about the English language. Please say whether you
agree or disagree with these statements. There are no right or wrong answers. Please
be as honest as possible. Answer with ONE of the following choices.
Column
Column
Column
Column
Column
1.
2.
in
3.

No.
No.
No.
No.
No.

1:
2:
3:
4:
5:

Strongly Agree
Agree
Neither Agree nor Disagree
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
No. 1
I like hearing English spoken.
10 (23)
I prefer to watch TV in English than
2 (5)
Japanese.
It's a waste of time to learn English.
0 (0)

No. 2 No. 3 No. 4 No. 5

20 (47) 12 (28) 1 (2)
0 (0)
4 (9)
20 (47) 17 (40) 0 (0)
0 (0)

2 (5)

13 (30) 28 (65)

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V. LoCastro / System 29 (2001) 6989

4. I'd like to speak English uently.

5. English is a dicult language to learn.
6. There are more useful languages to
learn than English.
7. English is a language worth learning.
8. English has no place in the modern
world.
9. Children should not be made to learn
English.
10. You are considered a higher class
person if you speak English.
11. In future, I would like to marry an
English speaker.
12. If I have children, I would like them
to be English speaking.
13. It is important to be able to speak
English.
14. Knowing English makes people
cleverer.
15. Speaking both Japanese and English
helps one get a job.
16. It will cause problems if English is
introduced into the primary schools.
17. People who speak Japanese and
English have more friends than those who
speak only Japanese.
18. I respect people who speak both
Japanese and English.
19. Speaking both Japanese and English
helps people get promotions in their jobs.
20. It is preferable for Japanese people to
be able to speak English.
21. If it were possible, I would prefer to
have been born an English speaker.
22. To be able to speak English is
important to be cosmopolitan.
23. People who speak English uently are
well-educated.
24. English is the international language.
25. When we study English, we need to
learn to behave like its native speakers.
26. The Japanese Prime Minister should
give a speech in English when he is in
the country where English is spoken.

31 (72) 12 (28) 0 (0)

0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (2)
13 (30) 14 (33) 11 (26) 4 (9)
0 (0)
3 (7)
26 (60) 11 (26) 3 (7)
22 (51) 20 (47) 1 (2)
0 (0)
1 (2)
3 (7)

0 (0)
0 (0)
10 (23) 29 (67)

3 (7)

7 (16)

3 (7)

12 (28) 9 (21)

0 (0)

3 (7)

6 (14)

16 (37) 15 (35) 4 (9)

2 (5)

13 (30) 18 (42) 10 (23) 2 (5)

0 (0)

1 (2)

9 (21)

14 (33) 14 (33) 5 (12)

13 (30) 6 (14)

23 (53) 10 (23) 7 (16)

13 (30) 14 (33) 6 (14)

16 (37) 21 (49) 4 (9)

2 (5)

0 (0)

4 (9)

10 (23) 8 (19)

16 (37) 5 (12)

5 (12)

8 (19)

5 (12)

11 (26) 16 (37) 8 (19)

3 (7)

5 (12)

28 (65) 6 (14)

4 (9)

0 (0)

6 (14)

24 (56) 11 (26) 2 (5)

0 (0)

2 (5)

7 (16)

5 (12)

16 (37) 15 (35) 6 (14)

3 (7)

4 (9)

12 (28) 11 (26) 7 (16)

10 (23) 11 (26) 13 (30)

1 (2)

14 (33) 14 (33) 8 (19)

16 (37) 23 (54) 3 (7)

1 (2)
0 (0)
2 (5)
5 (12) 12 (28) 15 (35) 9 (21)
4 (9)

7 (16)

10 (23) 15 (35) 7 (16)

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V. LoCastro / System 29 (2001) 6989

27. To be sophisticated, one must

speak English.
28. It is not necessary to study English;
any other European language (for
example, French or Spanish) will do.
29. It is not necessary to study English:
another Asian language (Korean or
Chinese) would be just as important.
30. Knowing another language well
might cause me to lose my Japanese
identity.

0 (0)

6 (14)

6 (14)

16 (37) 15 (35)

0 (0)

7 (16)

13 (30) 21 (49) 2 (5)

1 (2)

6 (14)

16 (37) 17 (40) 3 (7)

1 (2)

0 (0)

3 (7)

17 (40) 22 (51)

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