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Image Credit: flickr, narendramodiofficial
Narendra Modi's Foreign Policy
What does Narendra Modi bel i eve about
Indi as i nternati onal rel ati ons?
Since his ascendance to the BJPs helm as its
candidate for prime minister in 2014, Narendra Modi
has predictably focused on his economic acumen and
successes in Gujarat as a major selling point for his campaign. As the Indian economy appears to leave behind
its miracle-growth years and head increasingly into stagnation, this a sensible strategy.
Modi, however, hasnt been too inclined to air his opinions on foreign policy at least, in a cogent and
organized way. Most of his publicized statements on the matter have been focused around incidents where he
targeted what he perceived to be a failure in the Congress-led UPA coalitions foreign policy platform. Indeed,
one commentator at the The Diplomat has pegged him as somewhat of an enigma on the foreign policy front.
Modis foreign policy platform from what one can grok from his public statements and speeches is perplexing
and a marked departure from what observers of Indian foreign policy might expect from a BJP candidate. A few
weeks ago, Modi struck a chord in Chennai when he used a lecture there to argue for greater state participation
in Indian foreign policy. The move was shrewd given Manmohan Singhs trials over Indias participation in
CHOGM just a week later a response to Tamil Nadus sensitivities. Additionally, it addresses the concerns of
the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal towards Bangladesh. He went as far as to wonder out loud if it would
make sense for India to pair states with certain countries to develop improved economic and political ties. For
Modi, this position may have been a political calculation rather than a matter of deep belief.
Modi, despite his notoriety over the 2002 Gujarat riots, has made himself well-known internationally as a
promoter of Gujarat and its economic success story. There may be reason to believe that Modi is earnest in his
belief that increased state participation in Indias representation abroad could help state development agendas
see better diplomatic representation. Modi has said that [Indias] missions do not have a clear perception of
each states inherent strength that can be showcased.
Modi, like many budding Asian leaders these days, seems to have read Joseph S. Nye on soft power. He has
promoted tourism as a means of drawing economic activity into India, and has emphasized the development of
ancient archaeological sites. All of this is however peripheral to Modis ultimate commitment to ushering India
squarely into the ranks of the Great Powers.
Ultimately, its a worthwhile exercise to contrast Modis foreign policy and campaign for prime minister with that
of Atal Behari Vajpayees in 1998. Vajpayee made no secret of his desire to test nuclear weapons while running
for his second term as prime minister (the first one ended in 1996 after a 13-day quagmire where the BJP was
unable to acquire support from other parties). Modi has praised Vajpayees legacy for its exercise of both
strength and restraint when the moment called for it in Modis words, a balance between shanti (peace) and
shakti (power).
Modi demonstrates an acute awareness of the demands and constraints of Asian realpolitik in his statements on
China. He has said that India cannot allow China to dominate India in foreign policy matters. He has been less
clear about how he would transform Indias China policy, and has largely abstained from making any concrete
statements on how India ought to handle its border disputes with China (to take one example). Regarding
Pakistan, Modi has been an outspoken critic of the UPAs reactions to slights to Indian sovereignty in Kashmir,
and to provocations such as the beheading of Indian soldiers on the border. Modis diagnosis of Indias failure to
resolve border issues with both China and Pakistan is political dysfunction in New Delhi.
Modis relationship with the United States is surprisingly ambiguous. He was denied a U.S. visa in 2005 over
his alleged role in the 2002 riots a decision that the United States has refused to reverse. However, U.S.
scholars express optimism about continued strategic convergence between India and the United States should
Modi become Prime Minster. The Carnegie Endowments Ashley Tellis postulates that relations would deepen
as a result of Modis election. Modi is widely expected to further liberalize Indias economy, something that U.S.
investors and firms would deeply appreciate.
If youve read this far, you might think that Modi is a difficult foreign policy thinker to pin down. Does his
vacillation indicate that he thinks about Indias foreign policy options in shades of grey rather than black and
white? Perhaps. Or perhaps not. Modi is, after all, a politician in pursuit of Indias grand political prize the
position of prime minister.
By Ankit Panda
November 05, 2013
16 Shares
5 comments

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His expressions of support for everything from a soft-power-based pursuit of strategic interests to a truly outside-
of-the-box state-based foreign policy federalism shouldnt be taken to heart. Ultimately, if Modi were to become
prime minister, India can expect to see a pragmatic approach to foreign policy predicated on improving foreign
trade and greater investment inflows. There is little reason to believe that his core claim replicating the Gujarat
miracle on a national scale isnt going to be the foundation of his foreign policy. On matters of shanti and
shakti, however, Modi is far more of a wildcard.
Topics The Pulse
Tags Foreign Policy India-Pakistan relations India-U.S. relations Indian foreign policy
Narendra Modi
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Mr. Modi wants to put his own house in order before plunging into
international sea waters.
Reply
We have launched a petition to request President Obama to reconsider
US Administrations stand on Mr. Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of the
State of Gujarat, India.
Please visit http://www.modi360.com to review and sign this petition.
Reply
Please write Gujarat spelling correctly. Its Gujarat not Gujurat
Reply
We have launched a petition to request President Obama to reconsider
US Administrations stand on Mr. Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of the
State of Gujarat, India.
Please visit http://www.modi360.com to review and sign this petition.
Reply
this article is largely speculative; i believe namo's focus rightly is
domestic and on the economy; given the likely fragmented nature of the
2014 verdict greater states participation in foreign policy is unavoidable
and both tmc and aiadmk are likely to gain whoever forms the govt.,
(though i hope he appreciates also our kinship with the sinhalese and
need to build economic links and revive cultural links) his other key
statement was a few months ago when he (wrongly as not necessary)
suggested breaking india's foreign office to look at neighbours and
JOLLYJOE
February 7, 2014 at 01:27
Modi360
January 3, 2014 at 20:42
Suresh AV
December 31, 2013 at 09:27
Modi360
December 30, 2013 at 19:57
buntyj
November 5, 2013 at 13:19
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5 C O M M E N T S C O M M E N T S
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economics; this however showed his correct priorities political relations
with neighbours- saarc+afghan, iran, myanmar , tajikistan, china,
(ironically earlier neighbours policy was abandoned by the previous nda
govt's belief -continued by upa govts- that 'indian foreign policy had been
a prisoner of its neighbourhood' and should focus on global issues,
elusive unsc reform etc , leading to the 'benign neglect'- -save, in vain,
pakistan, and by fluke not design in hasina , bangladesh- of our
neighbours paving the way for a faster than expected rising china to gain
influence in our backyard and exposing our vulnerabilities- manmohan
has not visited either lanka or nepal on a purely bilateral official visit so far
despite spending over 100 days a year on average abroad as pm) and a
less assertive foreign policy based on economic relations with the rest of
the world which could give a slight advantage to the 'west' (us, eur, jap+
australia, asean, kor) as these are cumulatively and qualitatively (trade
basket, technology, investment) far more important than trade with china,
saarc,sco, etc. with saarc/asean there may be a shift to reviving cultural
links
unlike vajpayee/manmohan, modi is unlikely to waste much time pursuing
elusive friendship with pakistan/china and more likely settle for a 'cold'
peace with both with emphasis on 'reciprocity' with clear redlines being
drawn on terror and border incidents. however, he will not fail to respond
to any genuine moves from pakistan /china or to opportunities for
cooperation with either. should pakistan/china not show some restraint
namo is not likely to have idealogical inhibitions in deepening and
broadening india's strategic ties with any or all (depending on their
interest) usa, russia, japan. i expect relations with japan to have a higher
priority with namo anyway. i don't expect namo as pm would spend much
time abroad unlike manmohan (though manmohan has for practical
purposes really been pm for external affairs)
foreigners will likely appeciate namo's quicker decision making compared
to the policy paralysis thats largely affected india since 1990 and
especially in upa2, and with his focus on the economy if the economy
revives that will be appreciated abroad, strengthen india's bargaining
position and open more doors to cooperation.
Reply
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