Style, Design, and Function
Style, Design, and Function
]
Chapter 23: Style, Design, and Function
How can one address these three topics style, design and function in a single
chapter? Of course they are interrelated; perhaps one cannot really discuss one without
both of the others? How can there be style without a function? How can there be style
without design and design conventions? These three entangled concepts have been
core concepts, but with a variable history of use and centrality in our study of material
culture. They have been addressed in a multiplicity of ways, and have been both
responsive to and, less frequently, defining of many shifts in material culture theory and
interpretation over the past century or more. The primary players in the study and uses
of style and design have been art historians and, within anthropology, archaeologists.
Social and cultural anthropology has been less concerned with such concepts, if only
because their engagement with the material world of human life has been notably
erratic, coming to some fruition and promise primarily in the past few decades.
The main objective of this chapter is to provide historical perspectives on how
design and style have been used in the study of material culture, especially within an
anthropological and cultural framework. I will suggest that this history has been directly
influenced by shifting anthropological approaches to the study of both technology and
art. These trends have also directly impacted the place and understandings of the
function(s) of material culture. I will conclude with just a few of the social and cultural
insights that have been generated through the study of design and style, with particular
reference to recent studies of cloth.
Although there has been an impressive turn to the object world in the past two
decades, the social scientists who study material culture have primarily been
concerned with the relationships between people and things, more so than in the things
themselves. Thus, it is not surprising to see fewer studies of design and style than
might be expected with this new materiality. As the title of Sillitoe's (1988) article says
so succinctly, our concerns have shifted from [the] head-dress to head-messages,
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and Ingold (2004) has expressed concern that we have often lost the material in
our studies of materiality. Additionally, recent studies have also been more focused
on how objects construct and express social identities without, however, simply
referring to these as the functions of the objects. This is primarily because the studies
have simultaneously been concerned with the social practices in which objects are
embedded, and, in a quite new direction, with the dynamics of recontextualization,
valuation and reinterpretation they (objects) undergo along their trajectories through
different cultural and historical contexts (Leite 2004). In a way, objects today are more
on the move and in circulation; they are not standing still long enough, perhaps,
for a more traditional (and often static?) stylistic analysis, functional interpretation
and/or capturing of principles of design. As Wobst says so succinctly in his important
reassessment of his own very influential work on style (Wobst 1977), style never quite
gets there, it never stays. It is always in contest, in motion, unresolved, discursive, in
process (Wobst 1999: 130).
While the trajectories of material culture and objects have been revealed and inferred
with new theoretical perspectives (e.g., Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986; Thomas 1991;
Miller 1998; Spyer 1998; Phillips and Steiner 1999; [p. 356
] of our material
world that talks and interferes in the social field (1999: 125); stylistic form on artifacts
interferes materially with humans (p. 120, emphasis his). Since his original view
stressed the communicative functions of style, style as messaging through especially
visible features, Wobst reports now on his mellowed functionalism (1999: 124). He
takes up Giddens's notion of enstructuration, which allows for contemporaneous
social actors to arrive at different optimal solutions (even in the same social context),
something that is very difficult to accommodate in many of the overly functionalist
paradigms (Wobst 1999: 125). He elaborates as to how even the most obvious
and apparent functional aspects of an object (such as the working edge of a tool)
are inseparably interwoven with social dynamics; after all, these functional features
themselves help constitute, constrain or alter the social field (1999: 126). Lastly,
his discussion on the deeply problematic implications of the effects of certain long-
standing methodological approaches to style, especially in archaeology, is particularly
provocative, although substantive consideration here is not possible. Wobst shows how
the predominant uses of style have promoted a focus on sameness (structuring data
into internally homogeneous types and the suppression of variance), and this has not
just reduced social variance in the human past, but serves certain social and political
agendas in the present (1999: 1279). After all, don't administrators of all sorts strive for
docile underlings who manifest similarities in template, action and symbols?
Another provocative approach is that by Rick Wilk (e.g., 1995, 2004) in which he seeks
to understand the processes whereby what is often called style comes into existence
and is worked out and appears to spread or, as we used to think, diffuse. Rather
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than invoking style, Wilk coins the term of common difference, which is a code and
a set of practices that narrow difference into an agreed-upon system, whereby some
kinds of difference are cultivated and others are suppressed. An art style, especially a
widespread one (his 2004 example is the famous Olmec style in early Meso-America)
is really an arena within which differences can be expressed, yet many of these are
delimited, and a system of common difference is produced. And the really interesting
questions are the agential ones: who controls what the rules will be, and how are
these accepted and agreed to? His own ethnographic work (on beauty pageants in
Belize) suggests that there may be what appears as a resulting hegemony of form
but not necessarily of significances. What might appear as some sort of tradition or
even a cultural adoption may well be much more dynamic, and such a concept as
elucidated in the specifics (e.g. Wilk 2004) resonates with the rethinking of the very
concept of tradition (e.g., Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983; Pauketat 2001). Traditions,
styles and systems of common difference are being shown as diachronic phenomena,
as loci for political innovation and even resistance, as cultural productions through daily
practices (e.g., Brown 1998; Lightfoot 2001). As we recognize that globalization is just
a current variant of the long-standing circulation of objects within and through social
forms and social relations, we are increasingly drawn to more dynamic notions about
the mutability of things in recontextualization (Thomas 1989: 49).
Thus, things and styles are not the (essential) things they used to be. The pervasive
understandings of objects as being referable to some (usually single) essential
categories or phenomena has been quite successfully challenged, at least among
many scholars. It is difficult to sustain, for example, that all the Neolithic figurines of
females can be referred to some essentialized, transhistorical concept of fertility (e.g.,
Conkey and Tringham 1995; Goodison and Morris 1998), that Paleolithic cave art is all
referable to (hunting) magic, or that string bags (bilum) among the Telefol-speaking
people of the Mountain Ok (New Guinea) are merely women's (and therefore unvalued)
things (MacKenzie 1991). The long-standing tendency to view objects, through their
styles and forms, as absolutes of human experience has given way to the idea that
objects, forms, styles and functions are evolving, more mutable, and multivalent, without
essential properties. And while this has certainly made the interpretive task more
complicated and challenging, it nonetheless has simultaneously opened the door to new
and hopefully more enlightening perspectives. For example, rather than assuming that
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many objects and forms cannot be explained because we cannot readily substantiate
empirically such things as symbol and meaning especially in archaeological contexts
it is now possible to use empirical work such as in technological processes (e.g.,
Lechtman 1984; Dietler and Herbich 1998; Stark 1999) or studies of pigments and
colors (e.g., Boser-Sarivaxvanis 1969) to reconceptualize objects, forms and images
as material practices and performances with linkages to social facts and cultural logics
(e.g., Ingold 1993, among many).
[p. 362
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Recent Approaches to Technology and Art
that Have Influenced Understandings and
Uses of Style, Design and Function
As already suggested, trends in the study of our three characters style, design,
and function have been integrally enmeshed in, produced by and yet contributed to
shifts and concerns in the broader anthropological and cultural interests in the study of
technology, on the one hand (e.g., Lemonnier 1986, 1993a; Dobres and Hoffman 1999;
see Eglash, Chapter 21 in this volume) and art, on the other (e.g., Morphy 1994). In
some ways, the trends in the study of technology may have had more of an impact on
our three characters; perhaps this is due to the growth of social studies of science and
technology (e.g., Jasanoff et al. 1995). From Lechtman's (1977, 1984) important work
that argued for the place and power of technological practice and therefore of veritable
technological styles in the making and meanings of objects, to the engagement with
technology (sensu latu) as cultural productions, material culture has not been thought
of in quite the same way, and certainly no longer as just the forms or end products
of previously unspecified, often assumed or ignored practices and social relations of
production. For a concept of style in the manner of Schapiro (1953), with a focus on
forms, on form relationships, there was no immediate attention to an understanding of
the practices and social relations that brought such forms into existence. One illustrative
case study that might attest how far we have come in the integration of technologies,
productive practices and social contexts in the making of things and in the definition
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of style would be the continuing work by Dietler and Herbich (e.g., 1989, 1998) on Luo
pottery making. Here, they remind us of not just the distinction between things and
techniques (cf. Mauss 1935), but of the two (often conflated) senses of style: style of
action and material style. From several decades of new approaches to understanding
technology (e.g., Lemonnier 1986, 1993a; Pfaffenberger 1988, 1992; Ingold 1993;
Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Dobres 1995, 2000), and from Bourdieu's (1977) concept
of habitus, Dietler and Herbich (1998) put together a compelling case study of a more
dynamic and deeply social understanding of what had previously often been a focus
on a static concept of style and a mechanistic set of assumptions about the uses of
style either to mark social boundaries or, on the part of the analyst, to infer them (see
also, e.g., Hegmon 1998, among others). In fact, to talk today about an understanding
of style cannot be separated from our understandings both of technology and of the
practices and production of social relations. And, as Dietler and Herbich discuss, these
approaches extend to the design conventions and decorations that so often stand for
style: An understanding of the social origins and significance of material culture will
not come from reading the decorations as text (see Lemonnier 1990). It requires a
dynamic, diachronic perspective founded upon an appreciation of the contexts of both
production and consumption (see Dietler and Herbich 1994) (Dietler and Herbich
1998: 244). Because of the intertwined reconsiderations of style and of technology,
neither will be understood in the same ways again.
Especially since the 1950s, anthropological approaches to art, especially in small-
scale societies, have focused on the mechanisms and nature of the messages
carried by art, drawing upon either psychological or linguistic (textual, semiotic,
communication) models, and following in the functionalist and structuralist modes of
anthropology (Graburn 2001: 765). Many of these were, of course, more synchronic,
ahistorical and normative, and the diachronic, temporal and historical potentials of
material culture were yet to be recognized, much less realized. With psychological
approaches, style might be conceptualized as aestheticized versions of social
fantasies (Graburn 2001: 765) that give security or pleasure, as in Fischer (1961), who
proposed that different (evolutionary) types of societies (egalitarian or hierarchical)
tended to produce designs that were material and visual correlates of their prevailing
social structure. However, it has been the linguistic approaches in art, as well as to
material culture more broadly, which have prevailed, including structuralist (inspired by
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Lvi-Strauss 1963: 24576); semiotic (e.g., Riggins 1994); and art-as-communication
(e.g. Forge 1970, Munn 1973 as early, if not somewhat precocious, examples).
Morphy (1994) identifies two primary influences that fostered the re-entry of art into the
anthropological mainstream. On the one hand, a more culturally oriented archaeology
was spawned, especially at Cambridge in the 1980s; many of today's most active
material culture researchers have had this kind of archaeological background. On the
other hand, but not, in fact, distinct from the so-called post-processual archaeologies,
was the expansion of an anthropology of meaning [p. 363