m

m;'

PORTUGUESE

LITERATURE

Oxford
London

University
Glasgow

Press
Copenhagen

Edinburgh
Toronto

New Tork
Bombay

Melbourne

Cape Town

Calcutta

Madras

Shanghai

Humphrey Milford

Publisher to the University

g)^Q9^Q5^Q0^Q5G)Q^QQ^QQ^QQ^>QQG^'QOE'
G

PORTUGUESE L IT ER AT U R E
BY
vV

Oi

(0

AUBREY
a

F.'of'BELL
c
C

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1922

o
e>

PQ
Roil

588411
/^.7

5^

TO THE TRUE PORTUGAL OF THE FUTURE

La
letteratura, dalla quale sola potrehhe aver

sodo principio

la

rigenerazione della nostra patria.

GiACOMO Leopardi.

-^

^ HIS but ^ few

to
less

book^

was ready
delayed

in October 191 6,
its

the

war

picblication*

alterations have

now

been ?nade in It
is

order
to

bring

it

up

to date.

need-

say

how welcome will

be further

suggestions^ especially

for the bibliography,

Ofily by such help ca7^

book^

of
is

this

kind
exto

become useful^ since

patiate upon

its

object

not

to

schools

a?id theories but

give with as

much accuracy

as possible the

main facts concerning

the work^

and

life

of

each individual author.

AUBREY
s.

F.

G. BELL.

joao do estoril, Portugal.

July
1 92

CONTENTS
Introduction
Portuguese literature in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Dr. Theophilo Braga D. Carolina Rlichaelis de Vasconcellos Portuguese writers in Spanish and Latin Portuguese prose Special qualities of their literature Character of the Portuguese Lack of criticism and proportion but not Splendid achievement

of talent

........

I.

PAGE

13

II85-I325.
of

[i.

c.

from the accession

Sancho
.
.

to the death of Dinis.]

.
.

I.

The Cossantes
poems

Their indigenous character and peculiar form Their origin Galicia in the Middle Ages The pilgrimages Dance-poems Themes of the cossantes Their relation to the poetry imported from Provence Writers of cossantes Nuno Fernandez Torneol Joan Zorro Pero Meogo Pay Gomez Chariiio Airas Nunez' pastorela The cantigas de vilaos Songs of women Persistence of the cossante to modem times Cossantes
Earliest
:

.22

and cantigas
2.

de amor.

The Cancioneiros
da

Cancioneiro da Vaticana Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti Relations of Portugal with Spain, with France, with other countries The Galician language extension Alfonso X The Cantigas de Santa Maria Poetry at the Court Afonso III Proven9al poetry in Portugal Monotony and technical of the Portuguese poets Cantigas de amigo poems Joan de Guilhade Pero Garcia de Burgos Pero da Ponte Joan Airas Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha Airas Nunez King Dinis.
Cancioneiro

'37
of

Ajuda

Its

skill

Satiric

II.
[i.

I325-I52I.
Sancho IV
to the death of

e.

from the accession

I.

Early Prose

......
of

Manuel

I.]

58

Com.paratively late development of prose second period of Portuguese literature

Spanish influence in the King Dinis' translation

CONTENTS
Regra de S. Bento Translations from the Bible Sacred legends Aesop's Fables Chronicles Livros de Linhagens The Breton cycle The Quest of the Holy Grail Livro de Josep ah Arimatia Estorea de Vespeseano Amadis de origin Early allusions Vasco de Lobeira Gaiila Problem of Probable introduction of Amadis into the Peninsula through
of the Cronica Geyal
its

PAGE

Portugal.

2.

Epic and Later Galician Poets

Dearth of epics Apocryphal poems Afonso Giraldez Their connexion with Spain Romances Survival of Galician lyrics Alacias Juan Rodriguez de la Camara Fernam CasVasco Perez de Camoes quicio Gonfalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon Garci Ferrandez de Gerena of Toro Alfonso Alvarez de Villa-

^andino Cantigas de escarnho The Constable D. Pedro.

Tlie Chroniclers

.72

3.

Zurara Ruy de Pina Cronica do Infante Santo. Other prose King Joao King Coimbra Letters Duarte Pedro, Duke Lopo de Almeida Boosco Delleytoso Corte Imperial Flos Sanctorum Vita Christi Espelho de Christina Espelho Perfeigam.
Fernam Lopez

Cronica

.....
:

81

do Condestabre

of

of

de

4.

The Cancioneiro Geral

in Portuguese poetry

Resende Cancioneiro Geral Its shallow themes More serious poems Alvaro de Brito The Coudel Mar D. Joao de Meneses D. Fernam da Silveira Nuno Pereira Joao Manuel Diogo Brandam Luis Anriquez Rodriguez de Sa The Conde de Vimioso Duarte de Brito Spanish influence.

The break

....

Garcia de
[1502-80].

96

Its revival

III.
I.

The Sixteenth Century

first

Gil Vicente

Gil Vicente's play (1502) The year Poet and goldsmith His and place of his birth His Types sketched in his farsas Devotional comedies and tragicomedies Origin of the drama in Portugal Enzina's influence on Vicente French influence Other Spanish writers Traditional satire Number of Vicente's plays Their character and that of their author His patriotism and serious purpose
The sixteenth century
aiitos
life

......
plaj-s,
.
.

106

His achievement and influence in Spain and Portugal.

2.

Lyric and Bucolic Poets

Bernardim Ribeiro D. Manuel de Portugal

.132 Cristovam Falcao Sa de Miranda Diogo Bernardez Frei Agostinho da Cruz

.

10

CONTENTS
PAGE

Antonio Ferreira Andrade Caminha Sd de Meneses Falcao de Resende Jorge de Montemor Fernam Alvarez do Oriente Faria Soiisa Francisco Rodriguez Lobo.
e

3.

The Drama

Gil Vicente's successors

Anonymous plays Afonso Alvarez Antonio Ribeiro Chiado Balthasar Diaz Anrique Lopez Jorge Pinto Antonio Prestes Jeronimo Ribeiro Soarez Simao Machado Francisco Vaz Gil Vicente de Almeida Frei Antonio da Estrella Classical drama Sa de Miranda Antonio Ferreira Camoes Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos.
:

......

156

4.

Lilis de

Camoes

In North Africa Camoes His birth and education Last years and death Return to Portugal In India His Its critics The Lusiads Camoes as epic and lyric poet Camoes Influence on the language His Parnasso greatness Pereira Brandao Corte Real and Petrarca Later epic poets
Familj' of

.....

174

Francisco de Andrade.
Historians of India

5.

The Historians

Alvaro Velho Lopez de Castanheda Barros Couto Correa Bras de Albuquerque Antonio Galvam Special narratives Gaspar Fructuoso Frei Bernardo de Brito Francisco de Andrade Osorio Bernardo da Cruz Jeronimo de Mend09a Miguel de Moura Duarte Nunez de Leam Damiao de Goes Andre de Resende Manuel Severim de Faria Faria Sousa.
e

.....

190

Quinhentista Prose

Travels: Duarte BarHistoria Tragico-Maritima. Vivid prose Frei Joao dos Gaspar da Cruz Francisco Alvarez bosa Frei Gaspar de S. BerMestre Afonso Tenreiro Santos Garcia da Manuel Godinho Fernam Mendez Pinto nardino

Nunez Duarte Pacheco D. Joao de Castro Afonso de Albuquerque Soropita Rodriguez Silveira Fernandez Ferreira Francisco de Hollanda Gon5alo Fernandez Trancoso Francisco de Moraes.

Orta Pedro

.....
.

217

7.

Religious

Mysticism

Frei Heitor Pinto Arraez Frei Thome dg Jesus Paiva de Andrade Frei Luis de Sousa Lucena Preachers Fernandez Galvao Feo Luz Calvo Veiga Ceita Lisboa Almeida Alvarez Samuel Usque Frei Antonio das Chagas Manuel Bernardes.
:

and Mystic Writers

235

CONTENTS
IV.
[i.e.

li

1580-1706.
of

from the accession

of Philip II

Spain to the death of

Pedro

II.]

PAGE

The

.251 Culteranismo D. Francisco Manuel de Mello Fenix Renascida Soror Violante do Ceo Child Rolim de Moura Veiga Tagarro Galhegos The epic Pereira de Castro Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas Sa de Meneses Sousa de Macedo Mousinho de Quevedo The Academies Martim Afonso de Miranda Leitao de Andrade The Love Letters Arte de Ftiriar Ribeiro de Macedo Freire de Andrade Antonio Vieira.
Seiscentistas
.

V.
[i.e.

1706-1816.
of

from the accession

Joao
.

to the death of
. .
.

Maria

I.]

The Eighteenth Century

The Arcadias

.270 Correa Gar9ao Quita Diniz da Cruz Silva Filinto Elysio Tolentino The Marquesa de Alorna Bocage Xavier de Mattos Gonzaga Costa Brazilian epics ^ Macedo The Drama Figueiredo Antonio Jose da Silva Nicolau Dias The Academy Sciences Scholars and Theodore de Almeida Letters.
e
:

of

critics

VI.
[i.

1816-1910.
Joao VI
to the fall of the

e.

from the accession

of

I.

The Romantic School

at

....

:

Monarchy.]

287

Almeida Garrett opening of the century Camillo Herculano Rebello da Silva Historical novelists Soares de Castello Branco Poetry Mendes Leal Castilho Thomaz Ribeiro Passos Gomes de Amorim Xavier de Novaes
Portugal

the

Bulhao Pato.
2.

The Reaction and After

The

Pinheiro Coimbra School Oliveira Martins History Azevedo Chagas Research and criticism The Drama Ennes D. Joao da Camara Marcellino Mesquita Snr. Lopes de E9a Mendon9a Snr. Julio Dantas The Novel Julio Diniz de Queiroz Snr. MagaSnr. Luiz de Magalhaes J. L. Pinto Ihaes Lima -Bento Moreno Snr. Malheiro Snr. Silva Gayo Dias Abel Botelho Ramalho Ortigao Snr. Teixeira Gomes Snr. Antero de Figueiredo D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho The Conde The Conde de Sabugosa The Cotjto Machado

....

:

304

12

CONTENTS

Trindade D. Joao da Camara Fialho de Almeida de Ficalho Joao de Deus Poetry Quental Coelho Snr. Julio Brandao G. de Azevedo Joao A. da Concei9ao Cxuilherme Braga Gon9alves Crespo Snr. Guerra JunPenha Cesario Verde Antonio Nobre Snr. Teixeira de Pascoaes Gonies Leal queiro Antonio Feijo Joaquim de Araujo Colonel Christovam Ayres Snr. Correa de Oliveira Snr. Afonso Snr. Eugenio de Castro

PAGE

Lopes Vieira.

APPENDIX
I.

Literature of the People

338

Branca Flor L'nwritten literature Traditional themes Floras Bandarra The Holy Cobbler Primaeval elements Connexion song and dance Modern cantigas Links with ancient poetry Cradle-songs Alvoradas Fados Proverbs Folke

of

tales.

2.

The Galician Revival

Sr.

Xogos Froraes of 1861

Anon Posada Camino Rosalia de Barcia Caballero Losada Eduardo Castro Lamas Carvajal Pondal Curros Enriquez Martelo Pauman Pereira Garcia Ferreiro Nunez Gonzalez Nun de Allariz Rodriguez Gonzdlez Lopez Abente Cabanillas Noriega Varela Key Soto Cancionero Popular Gallego Prose Perez Placer D, Francisca Herrera.
Sr. Sr. Sr. Sr.

....

347

Sr.

INTRODUCTION
Portuguese
literature

may

be said to belong largely to the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Europe can boast of no fresher ^ and more charming early lyrics than those which slept forgotten
in the

Vatican Library until the late Professor Ernesto Monaci published 11 Canzoniere Portoghese in 1875. And, to take a few more instances out of many, the poems of King Alfonso X,
of extraordinary interest alike to historian
first

and

literary critic,

the plays of Gil Vicente were almost unknown before the Hamburg (1834) edition, based on the Gottingen copy of that of 1562 Sa de Miranda only received a definitive the Cancioneiro Geral became accessible in the edition in 1885

appeared in 1889

middle

of the

nineteenth century,

when
;

the three volumes of

^

the Stuttgart edition were published

the exquisite verses

of

Sa de Meneses, which haunted Portuguese poetry for a century,^ then sank into oblivion till they were discovered by Dr. Sousa Viterbo in the Torre do Tombo.^ The abundant literature of popular quadras^ fados, romances, contos has only begun to be collected
in the last fifty years.

In prose, the most important Leal Conselkeiro

* of

King Duarte

1 A few Portuguese sixteenth-century writers in touch with Italy may have known of their existence. But they were neglected as rusficas mitsas. The references to King Dinis as a poet by Antonio Ferreira and once in the Cancioneiro Geral 6.0 not of course imply that his poems were known and read. Andre de Resende seems to have been more interested in tracing an ancestor, Vasco Martinez de Resende, than in the poets among whom this ancestor figured (see C. MichaeUs de Vasconcellos, Randglosse XV in Ztft. fiir roni. Phil.,

XXV. 683).

plurimum

nunc vera cum Illud vero poeniation quod viilgo circumfertur de Lessa Cf. F. Rodriguez Lobo, (Soares, Theatrum). illud appelant Primavera, ed. 1722. pp. 240, 356, 469 ; Eloy de Sa de Sottomayor, Ribeiras do Mondego, i. 27 v., 28 v., 120-1, 186 ; Cane. Geral of A. F. Barata (1836Cf. 1910), p. 235 ; Jeronimo Bahia, Ao Mondego (Fenix Ren., ii. 377-9)Brito, Mon. Lus. i. ii. 2 rio Leca celebre pelas rimas de nosso famoso poeta. * The documents of the Torre do Tombo are now in the able keeping of
^
. .

Dr. Pedro de Azevedo and Snr. Antonio Baiao. * Even its title was inaccurately given, as O Fiel Conselheiro (Bernardo de Brito), De Fideli Consiliario (N. Antonio, Bib. Vetus, ii 241), Del Buen A Concorrectly by Duarte Nunez de Leam. Consejero (Faria e Sousa) selheiro Fiel by Frei Manuel Guilherme (1658-1734) appeared in 1727.
.

14

INTRODUCTION
in the Paris

was rediscovered
printed
in

Bibliotheque Nationale and

lost

first

1842,

and Zurara's Cronica da Guine,

;

the days of Damiao de Goes,^ similarly in 1841 so notable a book da India remained in manuscript till 1858 as King Joao I's Livro da Montaria appears only in the twentieth
;

even in Correa's Lendas

century, in an edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira, and the first trustworthy text of a part of Fernam Lopez was published by Snr. Braamcamp Freire in 1915 D. Francisco Manuel de Mello, who at the end of his second Epanaphora wrote Se por Ventura tambem despois de meus dias acontece que algum vindouro honre ao meu nome quanto eu procuro etcrnizar had to wait two and a half dos passados e engrandecer centuries before this debt was paid by Mr. Edgar Prestage.^ Even now no really complete history of Portuguese literature exists, but the first systematic work on the subject was written by Friedrich Bouterwek in 1804. Other histories have since appeared, and during the last half-century the ceaseless, ingenious, and enthusiastic studies of Dr. Theophilo Braga have sifted Portuguese literature, chiefly the poetry, in all directions, and a flood of light has been thrown on it by the works of D. Carolina
;
'

',

Perhaps, therefore, one may be forMichaelis de Vasconcellos. given for having been tempted to render some account of this
literature which continues to be so strangely neglected England and other countries.^ Yet a quarter of a century hence would perhaps offer better conditions, and a summary written at the present time cannot hope to be complete Every year new studies and editions appear, new or definitive. The researches and alluring theories and discoveries are made. Lisbon Academy of Sciences during its long and honourable
'

new

'

in

noticia (Goes, Cronica de D. Joao, cap. 6). D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. Esbofo biographico. Coimbra, 1914, an admirably clear and very important work, in which much light from

De que nao ha

'

new documents
'

is thrown on Mello's life. would be interesting to know how many English-speaking persons have ever heard cf the great men and writers that were King Dinis, Fernam Lopez, Bcmardim Ribeiro, Diogo Bernardez, Heitor Pinto, Frei Thome de Jesus, Ferreira de Vasconcellos, Frei Luis de Sousa, Antonio Vieira, Manuel Bemardes. Their neglect has been largely due to the absence of good or

It

easily available texts ; there is still nothing to correspond to the Spanish Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles or the many more modern Spanish collections. But is not even CamSes still an abused stranger ', as Mickle called him in 1776 ?
'

INTRODUCTION
history
^

15

has rarely

if

ever rendered greater services

in

'

essential

services' as

Southey called them

less

1803

to Portuguese literature.
many
writers.

short history of that literature must, apart from unavoidable

errors

and omissions, do

than justice to
'

In

appropriating the words of

Damiao de Goes, Haud

ignari plurima

Hispania ornatur et celebrari possit,' Prestage, who has studied Edgar that Mr. hope one may Portuguese literature for a quarter of a century,^ and whose ever-ready help and advice are here gratefully acknowledged, will eventually write a mellower history in several volumes and give their full due both to the classics and to contemporary
esse a nobis omissa quibus

authors and

critics.

No one can study Portuguese

deeply indebted
to

D.

literature without becoming Carolina Wilhelma Michaelis de

Vasconcellos.

Her

concise history, contributed to Groeber's

Grundriss (1894), necessarily forms the basis of subsequent studies, but indeed her work is as vast as it is scholarly and accurate, and
the student finds himself constantly relying on her guidance.

Even
of

if

he occasionally disagrees, he cannot

fail

to give her point

daughter
critic,

view the deepest attention and respect. Born in 1851, the of Professor Gustav Michaelis, she has lived in Portugal during the last forty years and is the wife of the celebrated art

Joaquim de Vasconcellos (born in 1849). Her edition da Ajuda (1904) is a masterpiece of historical reconstruction and literary criticism, and her influence on Portuguese literature generally is as wide as her encouragement and assistance of younger scholars are generous.^ Femina, as was said of
Dr.
of the Cancioneiro

the Princess Maria, undequaque spectatissima

et

doctissima.

works of Dr. Theophilo Braga are of too provisional a nature to be of permanent value, but a summary, Edade Medieval (1909), RenasceuQa (1914), Os Seiscentistas (1916), Os

Most

of the

See F. de Figueiredo, O que e a Acadeniia das Sciencias de Lisboa (1779in Revista da Historia. vol. iv, 191 5. * His valuable study on Zurara, which has not been superseded by any later work on the subject, is dated 1896. ' She has, indeed, laid the Portuguese people under an obligation which it vnW not easily redeem. That no formal recognition has been bestowed in England on her work (as in another field on that of Dr. Jose Leite de Vasconcellos, of Snr. Braamcamp Freire, and of the late Dr. Francisco Adolpho Coelho) is a striking example of our insularity.
1

191

5)

i6

INTRODUCTION

the Hterature of the nineteenth century

Arcades (1918), gives his latest views. The best detailed criticism of is that of Dr. Fidelino de

FiGUEiREDO, Member
the Revista de Historia

of the
:

Academy

of Sciences

and Editor

of

Historia da Litteratura Romantica Portu-

guesa (1913) and Historia da Litteratura Realista (1914). The only completely methodical history of Portuguese literature in existence is the brief manual by the learned ex- Rector of Coim-

bra University, Dr. Joaquim

Mendes dos Remedios

:

Historia

da Literatura Portuguesa (5th ed., Coimbra, 1921), since it conan index.^ Dr. tains that rarity in Portuguese literature Figueiredo published a short essay in its general bibliography
in

increased in a

1914 [Bibliographia portuguesa de critica litteraria), largely new (1920) edition, but otherwise little has been
in this respect

done

(apart from a few special authors).

The

bibliography attached to the present book- follows

longo intervallo
Biblio-

the
After

lines of

Professor James Fitzmaurice-Kelly's

la

graphie de VHistoire de
its

Litterature Espagnole

(Paris,

1913).

proved excellence it would, indeed, have been folly to adopt any other method. It has been thought advisable to add a list of works on popular poetry, folk-lore, &c. (since in no country are the popular and the written literatures more intimately connected), and of
those concerning the Portuguese language.

Unless energetic and

it

persistent measures are taken to protect this language

will

be

hopeless to look for a great Portuguese hterature in the future.

Yet with the gradually developing prosperity

arise

of Portugal

and her

colonics such expectations are not unfounded.

new poet may

indigenous as Gil Vicente and technically proficient as Camoes. And in prose, if it is not allowed to sink into a mere
verbiage of gallicisms, great writers
a level with
possibilities are so vast, the

may

place Portuguese on

and indeed above the other Romance languages. The quarry ready to their hand so rich the works of Manuel Bernardes, Antonio Vieira, Jorge Ferreira de Yasconcellos, Luis de Sousa, Joao de Lucena, Heitor Pinto, an immense mass of sermons [milhoes de sermonarios), Arraez
;

It It

does not include living

^vTiters.

Its dates

must be received with

caution.
*

has been found necessary to pubUsh the bibliography separately.

INTRODUCTION
most
of

17

them

in excellent Portuguese, as those of Ceita, Veiga,

Feo, Luz, in which, as in a large

cision to the language

number

of political tracts, notably

those of Macedo, intense conviction has given a glow and con-

and foros ^ technical treatises,^ folk-lore, popular phrases,^ proverbs. But unless a scholarly use of Portuguese be more generally imposed no masterpieces will be produced. The same holds good
;

old constituigoes, ordenagdes,

of Brazilian literature, which, although, or perhaps because,

it

has provided material for a history in two portly volumes (Sylvio

Romero, Historia da Litter atur a Brazileira, 2nd ed., 1902-3), is here, with few exceptions, omitted. A supplementary chapter on modern Galician literature has been added, for although the language from which Portuguese
parted only after the fourteenth century
dent,*
is

now

quite indepen-

modern Galician
is

is

not more different from modern Portu-

guese than

the language of the Cancioneiros with which Portu-

guese literature opens.

The Portuguese have always shown

Jorge de Montemor,

a strong aptitude for acquiring foreign languages, and the individual's gain has been the literature's loss.

who
Enriquecio
la

con su Diana lengua castellana,

was not by any means the only Portuguese who wrote exclusively in Spanish, and others chose Latin. The reason usually given in either case was that Portuguese was less widely read.^ It was
* e.g. King Sancho II's Foros da Guarda, printed, from a 1305 manuscript, in vol. V (1824) of the Collecfao de Ineditos, or the Foros de Santarem (1385). The Livro Vermelho do Senhor D. Affonso V printed in the CollecQcio de Livros Ineditos, vol. iii (1793), is also full of interest. ' e. Mestre g. the fourteenth-century Livro de Cetreria of Pero Menino GiRALDo's Tratado das Enfermidades das Aves de Caga and Livro d' Alveitaria the Arte da Cavallaria de gineta e estardiota (1678) by Antonio Galvam de Andrade (161 3 ?-89) Correcgam de abusos introduzidos contra o verdadeiro
,

methodo da medicina (2 pts., 1668-80) by the Carmelite Frei Manuel de Azevedo (11672); Agricultura das Vinhas (171 1) by Vicente Alarte Compendia de Botanica (i.e. SiLVESTRE Gomez de Moraes (1643-1723)) (2 vols., 1788) by Felix de Avellar Brotero (i 744-1 828). ' Many will be found in Portugalia and the Revista Lusitana. * In the beginning of the sixteenth century Galician is already despised in Portugal, and became more so as Portuguese grew more latinized. Cf. Gil Chiado, Vicente, ii. 509 Pera que he falar galego Sendo craro e despachado ? Auto das Regateiras: Eu ndo te falo galego. ' For ser lingua mais jeral (Vera, Lovvores), mais universal (Sousa de
;
:

2362

i8

INTRODUCTION

a short-sighted view, for the more works of importance that were

written in Portuguese the larger would naturally become the

number of those who read them. While Portuguese

be taken to be the literature written
in a sense
it

literature

may
of

in

the Portuguese language,

must

also include the Latin

and Spanish works

Of the former, one collection alone, the Poetarum Lusitanorum qui latine scripserunt (Lisbonae, 1745), consists of eight volumes, and Domingo Garcia Peres' Catdlogo Razonado (Madrid, 1890) contains over 600 names
Portuguese authors.

Corpus

Illustriiim

of

Portuguese authors

who wrote

in Spanish.

Portuguese names present a

Saltimhanco.

difficulty,

for often they are as

lengthy as that which was the pride of

Dona
is

Iria in

Ennes'

The course here adopted

and

to relegate the full

name

to the index
is

to print in the text only the

form by which

the writer

generally known.

The Portuguese, a proud and passionate people with a certain love of magnificence and adventure, an Athenian receptivity,^ an
Macedo).

Os grandes ingenios ndo se contentao de ter por a hiia s6 parte do tnundo (D. Francisco de Portugal). Latin, De Rebus, p. 4, and Pedro Nunez' reason for de Algebra into Spanish he mais comnm, and the
:

espera de sen applauso Cf. Osorio, writing in translating liis Libra advice given to Luis

Marinho de Azevedo to write in Spanish or Latin as mais serai (Primeira Parte da Funda^ao, Antiguidades e Grandezas da mvi insigne cidade de Lisboa. Prologo). Faria e Sousa condemns the practice of writing Spanish glosas to a Portuguese mote, and declares that he himself wrote in Spanish con gran pesar mio. Frei Antonio da Purifica^am considered that had he written his
Cronica in Latin or Spanish fora digno de grande nota, in this following Frei Bernardo de Brito, who indignantly rejected the exhortation to use Latin or Spanish {Mon. Lus. i, Prologo), although he wrote under Spanish rule. Bernarda Ferreira de Lacerda wrote in Spanish por ser idioma claro y casi comun. Simao Machado explains why he wrote Alfea in Spanish as follows (f. 72 v.) Vendo quam mal aceitais As obras dos naturais Fiz esta em lingoa estrangeira Por ver se desta maneira Como a eles nos tratais. ' Portuguese spelling is a vexed and vexing question, complicated by the positive dislike of the Portuguese for uniformity (the same word may be found spelt in two ways on the same page both in modern and ancient books the same person will spell his name Manoel and Manuel). In proper names their owners' spelling has been retained, although no one now writes Prince Honry the Navigator's name as he wrote it Anrique. Thus Mello (modern Melo) Nunez (13th c), Nunes (19th c.) Bernardez (i6th c), Bernardes (i7th-i8th c). The late Dr. Gon9alves Vianna himself adopted the form Gon^alvez Viana. In quoting ancient Portuguese texts the only alteration made has been occa.sionally to replace y and i< by i and v, ' Este desejo {de sempre ver e ouvir cousas nouas) he moor que nas outras nafdes na gente Lusitana. Andre de Burgos, Ao prudente leitor {Relafam, Evora, 1557). It is displayed in their fondness for foreign customs, for the Spanish language, for India to the neglect of Portugal, the description of
: ; : ; ;

INTRODUCTION
extensive sea-board and vague land-frontiers, naturally
foreign influences.

ig

came under

Many and

various causes
It
is

made

their country

cosmopolitan from the beginning.

customary to divide

Portuguese literature into the Provencal (13th c), Spanish (14th

and 15th c), Italian (i6th c), Spanish and Italian (17th c), French and English (i8th c), French and German (19th c.) Schools.

The question may

therefore be asked, especially

it

by those who con:

fuse influence with imitation, as though

precluded originality
}

What

has Portuguese literature of

in

its

own

In the
is

first place,

the Celtic satire and mystic lyrism of the Galicians

developed

and always present

Portuguese literature.

Secondly, the genius

for story- telling, displayed

by Fernam Lopez, grew by reason of the

cities,

great Portuguese discoveries in Africa and Asia to an epic grandeur

both

in verse

and

prose.

Thirdly, the absence of great

the

and realistic and natural bucolic poetry. And in prose, besides masterpieces of history and travel a rich and fascinating literature of the East and of the sea a fervent religious faith, as in Spain, with a more
pleasant climate,
fertile soil

produced a peculiarly

constant mysticism than in Spain, led to very high achievement.

Had

one to choose between the

loss of

the works of Homer, or

Dante, or Shakespeare, and that of the whole of Portuguese

literature, the

whole

of

Portuguese literature must go, but that

is

not to say that the loss would not be very grievous.

Indeed, those

who

despise Portuguese literature despise

it

in ignorance,^ affecting

to believe, with

Edgar Quinet, that

it

has but one poet and a single

it

book

those

who

are acquainted with

with
',

the early lyrics,

with the quaintly alluring eclogues of Ribeiro and Sa de Miranda, with the works of Fernam Lopez, described by Robert Southey as
'

the best chronicler of any age or nation

nai'f, exact,

touchant

et

philosophe^; of Gil Vicente, almost as far above his contemporary

Enzina as^Shakespeare is above Vicente of Bernardim whose Menina e moga is the earliest and best of those pastoral romances which led Don Quixote to contemplate a quieter

Juan

del

Ribeiro,

epic deeds rather than of ordinary life, high-flown language as opposed to the common speech {da pra(a), &c. Antonio Prestes calls the Portuguese estranho no natural, natural no estranjeiro. * In Spain it has had fervent admirers, notably Gracian. More recently Juan Valera spoke of it as riquisima, and Menendez y Pelayo explored this * F. Denis, Resumi (1R26), p. xx. wealth,

B 2

20
sequel to his
lyric
all
first

INTRODUCTION
adventures
;

of

Camoes,

'

not only the greatest

as diverting

poet of his country, but one of the greatest lyric poets of

'

time

with Fernam Mendez Pinto's travels,

I

'

a book of the kind as ever

read

'

or Corrca's Lendas, Frei

Thome
ments

de Jesus' Trabalhos, or the incomparable prose of Manuel

Bernardes
of those

know that, extraordinary as were Portugal's achieve-

and conquest, her literature is not unworthy Unhappily the Portuguese, with a notorious carelessness,^ have in the past set the example of neglecting their literature, and even to-day scarcely seem to realize their great possessions and still greater possibilities in the realm of
in discovery

achievements.

prose.*
of

The

excessive number of writers, the excessive production

of exceptional interest

each individual writer, and the desleixo by which innumerable

books and manuscripts

all

have perished, are

traceable to the

same source: the lack

of criticism.

nation

of poets, essentially lyrical,^

with no dramatic genius but capable of writing charmingly and naturally without apparent effort,

needed and needs a severely classical education and stern critics, to remind them that an epic is not rhymed history nor blank
verse mangled prose, that in bucolic poetry the half
is

greater

than the whole, and to bid them abandon abstractions for the
Wilhelm Storck, Luis de Camoens' Sammtliche Werke, Bd. I (1880). Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple. * For a good instance of this descuido portugues see Manuel Pereira de Novaes, Anacrisis Historial (a history of the city of Oporto in Spanish), vol. i It is lamented by the editors of the Cancioneiro (1912), Predmhulo, p. xvii. Geral (15 16) and Fenix Renascida (17 16). * Portuguese literature begins for most Portuguese with Camoes and Barros, and its most charming and original part thus escapes them. Cf. F. Dias Gomes, Obras Poeticas (1799), p. 143: Camoes 'without whom there would have been no Portuguese poetry and ibid., p. 310 Barros prepared the beautiful style for our epic writers '. Faria e Sousa's homely phrase as to the effect of Camoes on preceding poets (echdlos todos a rodar) was unfortunately true.
'

'

'

Much of their finest prose is of lyrical character, personal, fervent, mystic. to philosophy proper the greatest if not the only Portuguese philosopher, Spinoza, a Portuguese Jew, left Portugal as a child, and Francisco Sanchez (c. 1550-C. 1620), although probably born at Braga, not at a soberba Tuy, lived in France and wrote in Latin. He tells us that he in 1574 finished his celebrated treatise Quod nihil scittir, published at Lyon in 1581, in which, at a time of great intolerance, he revived and gave acute and curious expression to the old theory that nothing can be known. To modern philosophy Dr. Leonardo Coimbra (born in 1883) has contributed a notable but somewhat abstruse work entitled O Criacionismo (Porto, 191 2).
'

As

INTRODUCTION
talent.

21

concrete and particular and crystallize the vague flow of their

But

in Portugal, outside the circle of writers themselves,

a reading public has hitherto hardly existed, and in the close

atmosphere resulting the sense of proportion was inevitably lost, even as a stone and a feather will fall with equal speed in a vacuum. The criticism has been mainly personal,^ contesting the originality or truthfulness of a writer, without considering the literary merits of his work. To deprecate such criticism

became a commonplace

of the preface, while

numerous passages

in writers of the sixteenth

century show that they feared their

mui

countrymen's scepticism, expressed in the proverb De longas vias longas mentiras, which occurs as early as the thirteenth century.- The fear of slovenly or prolix composition was not present in the same degree. But these are defects that may be
remedied partly by individual
critics,

by the increasing book may perhaps number of readers. Meanwhile this serve to corroborate the poet Falcao de Resende's words
partly
little
:

Engenhos nascem bons na Lusitania E ha copia delles.^

Or political, or anticlerical, or anything except literary. The critics seem to have forgotten that an auto-da-fS does not necessarily make its victim a good poet, and that even a priest may have literary talent. A few literary critics, as Dias in the eighteenth, Guilherme Moniz Barreto in the nineteenth century, are only exceptions to the rule. It has been the weakness of Portuguese criticism, more lenient than the gods and booksellers of ancient Rome, to suffer mediocres gladly. como dizia Galego : C. da Vat. 979 (cf. Jorge Ferreira, Eufrosina, v. 5
'
:

de longas vias longas mentiras). * Poesias, Sat. 2. The remark of Garrett

ha mats talento

Em Portugal still holds good menos cultivafao que em paiz nenhum da Europa.
:

ii85 -1325
1

The
Under
in

C OSS antes
we know that poetry was widely by high and low. At Silves
'

the Moorish dominion

cultivated in the Iberian Peninsula,

Algarve

'

almost every peasant could improvise }

But the
to

early Galician-Portuguese poetry has no relation with that of

the Moors, despite certain characteristics which

may seem

point to an Oriental origin.

The indigenous poems

of Galicia

and Portugal,

of

which thirteenth-century examples have

sur-

vived, are so remarkable, so unlike those of any other country,

that they deserve to be studied apart from the Provencal imitations

by the
and

side of

which they developed.

astonishingly

Half buried in the

these
exlyrics are

Cancioneiros,
quisite
in

themselves only recently discovered,

some ways

modern

even

now not very widely known and escape the attention of many who go far' afield in search of true poetry. The earliest poem
dated (1189)

by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos,

in

which Pay Soarez de Taveiroos, a nobleman of Galicia or North Portugal, addresses Maria Paez Ribeira, the lovely mistress of King Sancho I, 7nia semior branca e vermelha, does not belong to these lyrics^; but the second earliest (1199), attributed to King

Sancho

I (1185-1211) himself, is one of them (C. C. B. 348). This unique form of lyric requires a distinctive name, and if we adopt that used by the Marques de Santillana's father, Diego Furtado de

Mendoza(ti404), we shall have a word well suited to convey an idea

of their striking character.^
'

HisSpanishpoem written

in parallel

Kazwini ap. Keinhart Dozy, Spanish Islam, trans. F. G. Stokes, London,

1913, p. 663.
* C. A. 38. It is a cantiga de meestria, of syllabic lines (ahbaccde bfhaccde).
'

two

verses, each of eight octo-

of lines pariler plangtnles, less

Although neither Knglish nor Portuguese, clumsy than

it is

name

for these

parallelistic songs

poems, adopted by

THE COSSANTES
distichs,

23
In an age

aquel arhol;

is

called a cossante}

when

all

that seemed most Spanish, the

Lihro de

Poema

del Cid, for instance, or the

Buen Amor, has been proved to derive in part from French sources, it is peculiarly pleasant to find a whole series of early poems which have their roots firmly planted in the soil of
the Peninsula.

The indigenous character

of the cossantes

is

now
re-

well established, thanks chiefly to the skilful

and untiring

searches of D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos.-

wild but deliciously scented single flowers which

in all their freshness as

They are now reappear

though they had not lain pressed and dead for centuries in the library of the Vatican. One of the earliest is quoted by Airas Nunez (C. V. 454) and completed in
Grundriss, p. 150
1.
:

Solo ramo verde frolido Vodas fazen a meu amigo,

E
2.

choran olhos d'amor.

Solo verde frolido ramo * Vodas fazen a meu amado, E choran olhos d'amor.

What

first strikes

one in this

is

its

Oriental immobility.

The

second distich adds nothing to the sense of the first, merely intensifying it by repetition. Neither the poetry of the trouveres

North presents any

of the
Professor

of

France nor that

of the Vro\ex\(;di\ troubadours

parallel.

The scanty Basque

literature contains

but see C. D. L., also uses the words serranas Dr. Theophilo Braga had called them serranilhas and p. cxxxviii, note 2 Verkettimgslieder), Parallelstrophenlieder (D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos), cantigas parallelisticas (D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos and Snr. J. J. Nunes), chansons a ripSHtions (M. Alfred Jeanroy). Cantos dualisticos, cantos de danza prima, and bailadas encadeadas have also been
;

Henry R. Lang (who

proposed * Perhaps = rhyme (consoante), but more probably it is derived from cosso, an enclosed place, which would be used for dancing cf Cristobal de Castillejo, Madre, un caballero Que estaba en este cosso (bailia). In the Relacion de los fechos del mui magnifico e mas virtuoso senor el senor Don Miguel Lucas [de Iramo] mui digno Condestable de Castilla, p. 446 (a.d. 1470), occurs the following passage Y despues de danzar cantaron un gran rato de cosante (Memorial Rodrigo Cota, in the Didlogo Histdrico Espanol, torn, viii, Madrid, 1855). entre el Amor y un Viejo, has dangas y corsantes, and Anton de Montoro (el Ropero) asks un portugues que vido vestido de muchos colores if he is a can: .

tador de corsante (v.

2

1. cosante) {Cane. General, ed. Bibliof Esp., ii. 270, no. 1018). In the Grundriss (1894), Randglossen (i 896-1905), and especially vol. ii of the Cancioneiro da Ajuda (1904). * Or Solo ramo verde granado the green branch in (red) flower.
.

24

I185-1325
But it is unnecessary to go for a parallel None more remarkable will be found than those the books of that religion which came from the East
its

nothing in this kind.

to China.^

contained in

and imposed
Peninsula.

forms
8,

if

Verses

9 of

but have no
17, 18, is still

refrain.

its spirit on the pagans of the Psalm 118 are very nearly a. cossante The resemblance in Psalm 136, verses

not

more marked
For
his

To him which smote

great kings,
for ever,

mercy endureth

And
For

slew famous kings,

his

mercy endureth

for ever.

relations between Church and people were very close if not always very friendly. The peasants maintained their ancient customs, and their pagan jollity kept overflowing into the churches to the scandal of the authorities. Innumerable ordi-

The

nances later sought to check their delight in witchcraft and

mummeries,

feasts

and funerals

(the delight in the latter

is still

evident in Galicia as in Ireland and Wales).

in the

Men

slept,

ate,

drank, danced, sang profane songs, and acted plays and parodies

churches and pilgrimage shrines.

The Church strove

real.

to

turn their
festivals,
if

midsummer and May-day

celebrations into Christian

but the change was rather nominal than

the priests and bishops remained spiritually,

like

But modern

politicians,

shepherds without sheep, the religious services, the

hymns, ^ the processions evidently affected the people. Especially was this the case in Galicia, since the great saint Santiago, who farther south (as later in India) rode into battle on a snow-white
' Translations of Chinese poems resembling the cossanies are given by Dr. Theophilo Braga, C. V. B., Introd., p. ci, and Professor H. R. Lang, C. D. L., Introd., p. cxlii. A Proven9al poem with resemblance to a cossante is printed in Bartsch, p. 62 Li tensz est bels, les vinnesz sont flories. * Any one who has heard peasants at a Stabat singing the hymn
:

Stabat Mater dolorosa Jussa crussa larimosa

Du
realizes that the

penebat Filius

words for them have no meaning, but that they will long remember tune and rhythm. Compare, for the form, the Latin hymn to the Virgin by the Breton poet Adam de Saint Victor (tii77)
:

Salve Verbi sacra parens, Flos de spinis spinis carens, Flos spineti gloria.

THE COSSANTES
steed before the Christians, gave a
to the North-west.

25

more peaceful prosperity

countries in the Middle

Pilgrims from

all

Ages came

to worship at his shrine at Santiago de Compostcla.

They came a motley company

singing on the road,^ criminals

taking this opportunity to escape from justice, tradesmen and players, jugglers and poets making a livelihood out of the
gathering throngs, as well as devout pilgrims

who had

'

left alle

gamys

'

for their soul's good, des pelerins qui vont chantant et des

jongleurs.

Thus the eyes

of the

whole province

of Galicia as the

eyes of Europe were directed towards the Church of Santiago in

Jakobsland.
gain.

The inhabitants

of Galicia

would naturally view

rejoice in the material

their heaven-sent celebrity with pride

and

They would watch with eager

interest the pilgrims passing

along the camino frances or from the coast to Santiago, and would

themselves flock to see and swell the crowds at the religious

services.

When we remember
in the art of

the frequent parodies of religious

Ages and that the Galicians did not lag mimicry,^ we can well imagine that the Latin hymns sung in church or procession might easily form the germ of the profane cossante. A further characteristic of the
services in the Middle

behind others

cossante

is

that the z-sound of the

in the

first
il

distich

is

followed by

an a-sound
this too

second [ricercando ora

bass.^
It
is

grave, ora Vacuto)

and

maybe

traced to a religious source, two answering choirs

of singers, treble

and

clear at least that these alter-

Luis Jose Veldzquez, Origenes de la Poesia Castellana (Malaga, 1754) las cantares y canciones devotas de los peregrinos que i. 168 iban en romeria a visitar la iglesia de Compostela mantuvieron en Galicia el gusto de la poesia en tiempos bdrbaros. A Latin hymn composed in the twelfth century by Aimeric Picaud is printed in Recuerdos de un Viaje a Santiago de Galicia por el P. Fidel Fita y D. Aureliano Fernandez-Guerra (Madrid, Jacobi Gallecia Opem rogat piam Glebe cujus gloria Dat insignem 1880), p. 45 viani Ut precum frequentia Cantet melodiam. Herru Sanctiagu / Grot Sanctiagu / Eultreja esuseja ! Deus, adjuva nos ! ^ Cf. Simao de Vasconcellos, Cronica da Companhia de Jesu do Estado do Brazil (1549-62), 2nd ed. (1865), Bk. I, 22 chegamos a huma praga [in Santiago de Compostela] onde vimos hum ajuntamento de mulheres Gallegas com grande risada e galhofa ; e querendo irmdo meu companheiro pedir-lhe esmola vio que estavdo todas ouvindo a huma que feita pregadora arremedava, como por zombaria, o sermao que eu tinha pregado. ' One has but to watch a Rogation procession passing through the fields in the Basque country (which until recently preserved customs of immemorial eld and still calls the Feast of Corpus Christi, introduced by Pope Urban IV in 1262, the New Feast Festa Berria ') to realize the singularly impressive
'

Cf.

ap. C. M. (1889),

'

26

I185-1325
:

nating sounds are echoes of music

one almost hears the clash

of the adiife in the lougana (answering to garrida) or

The words of by the son {=

ramo (pinho). poems were, indeed, always accompanied music). But if born in the Church, the cossante suffered a transformation when it went out into the world. The rhythm of many of the songs in the Cancioneiros is so obtrusive that they seem to dance out of the printed page. One would like to think that in the ears of the peasants the sound of the wheel mingled with the echo of a hymn and its refrain as they met at what was, even then, no doubt, a favourite gathering-place the mill ^ and thus a lyric poem became a dance-song. The cossante Solo ramo would thus proceed, sung by the dancers dancing in tune
these

'

'

(Verses 3

and

4)

Vodas fazen a meu amigo (amado) Porque mentiu o desmentido (perjurado)

E
the
first

choran olhos d'amor,

first line of

the third distich repeating the second line of the

(and in the same

way

the

first line of

the fifth the second

line of the third),

in leixa-pren [laisser prendre)

corresponding

evidently to the

movements

of the dance.

'^

The

love-lorn maidens

danced together, the men forming a circle to look on. St. Augustine considered the dance to be a circle of which the Devil was in real life the Devil was often replaced by a tree (or the centre
;

by a mayo).
all its

The
it

refrain

was a notable feature

hills,

of the cossante in
terreiro,

phases as

went, a bailada (dance-song) from the

to

become a

serranilha on the

or at pilgrimage shrines

a cantiga de romaria,^ or a harcarola (boat-song) or alvorada (dawnthe singing, first the girls' treble Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave Maria, then the answering bass of the men far behind, Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave Maria (with the slow ringing of the church bell for a refrain like the contemplando and tan callando in the Coplas de Manrique). Cf. Gil Vicente, Tambor em cada moinho. It is a curious coincidence that the word citola (the jogral's fiddk = mill-clapper. Cf. also moinante in
efifect of
'

Galicia
*

picaro.

of Gil Vicente's

the Icixapren and refrain of the cantiga danced and sung at the end Romagem de Aggravados (Por Maio era, par Maio). The parallelism and leixapren are present also in religious poems by Alfonso X Snr. J.J. Nunes has noted that in motkrn peasant C. M. 160, 250, 260. dances, accompanied with song, the dancers sometimes pause while the refrain is sung. C. V. contains many striking pilgrimage songs, sometimes wrongly called
Cf.
:

THE COSSANTES
song).

27
characteristic of the
is

marked and thoroughly popular

wistful sadness/ the soidade

cossante

is its

which

already men-

tioned more than once in the Cancioneiros,^ and, born in Galicia, continued in Portugal, combined with a more garish tone under the
hotter sun of the South.

Thus we have the melancholy

Celtic

temperament, absorbed in Nature, acting on the forms suggested by an alien religion till they become vague cries to the sea, to the
deer of the
hills,

the flower of the pine.

The themes

are as simple

and monotonous the monotony of snowdrops or daffodils as the form in which they are sung. A girl in the gloom of the pine-trees mourning for her lover, the birds in the cool of the morning singing of love, the deer troubling the water of a mountainstream, the boats at anchor, or bearing away mens amores, or gliding up the river a sahor. The amiga lingers at the fountain, she goes to wash clothes or to bathe her hair in the stream, she meets her lover and dances at the pilgrim shrine, she waits for him under the hazel-trees, she implores the waves for news of The language is him, she watches for the boats pelo mar viir. native to the soil, far more so, at least, than in the cantigas de amor and cantigas de amigo written under foreign influence. Their French or Provencal words and learned forms ^ are replaced Despite its striking in the cossante by forms Galician or Spanish.
appearance to us now among sirventes senes sal in the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti, it must be confessed that the early cossante of King Sancho has a somewhat meagre, vinegar aspect, and the genre could hardly have developed so successfully in the next
half-century had
to
it

not been fixed in the country-side, ever ready

possible to exaggerate the effect of

It is the hand of the poet in search of fresh inspiration. war on the life of the peasant.

Portugal in the twelfth century was only gradually and by It constant conflict winning its territory and independence.

had no fixed

capital

and Court at which the Provengal poets

:

The word probably originated in a printer's error (de cantigas de ledino. canton canto de ledino. ledino for dele dino) in a line of Chrisfal Cf. the wailing refrains of C. V. 415, 417 ; and, for the form, compare e de mi, lougana ! with ; ay de mi, Alfama ! In the sense of the two refrains lies all the difference between the poetry of Portugal and Spain. C. C. B. C. V. 119, 181, 220, 527, 758, 964. 135 (= C. A. 389) * Endurar, besonha, greu, gracir, cousir, escarnir, toste, entendedor, veiro (varius, Fr. vair, 213 has egua veira), genta (genser, gensor).
;

CM.

28

I185-1325
But while king and nobles and the members
of

might gather.

the religious and military orders were engaged with the [Moors
to the exclusion of the Muses, so that they

introduce the

new measures,
tilling

the peasants in Galicia and

had no opportunity to Minho

no doubt went on

the soil and singing their primitive songs.

In the thirteenth century Provengal poetry flourished in Portugal,

but so monotonously that it failed to kill the older lyrics, and they reacted on the imported poetry. In the trite conventions with

had a new opporown monotony, jograes wishing to please a patron with a novidade, had recourse to the cossante. The jogral wandering from house to house and town to town necessarily came into close touch with the peasants. Talented men among them, prompted by patrons of good taste, no doubt exercised the third requisite of a good jogral [doair' e uoz a good memory not only in e aprenderdes hen, C. C. B. 388) learning his patron's verses to recite at other houses but in remembering the songs that he caught in passing from the lips of the peasants, songs of village mirth and dance, of workers in the fields and shepherds on the hills. These, developed and adorned according to his talent, he would introduce to the Court among When Joan de Guilhade in the his motz recreamens e prazers. middle of the thirteenth century complained that os trohadores ja van para mal (C. V. 370), he might almost be referring to the fact that the stereotyped poems of the Portuguese trohadores could no longer compete with the fresh charm of the cossante. Alfonso X reproached Pero da Ponte for not singing like a Provengal but, rather, like Bernaldo de Bonaval (first half 13th c). King Dinis in the second half of the century viewed the cossante with such favour that he wrote or collected some of the most curious and delightful that we possess. But although King Dinis set his name to a handful of the finest cossantes, most of the cossante-v^nttrs, belonged to an earlier period and were men of humble birth. Of Nuno Fernandez Torneol^ (first half 13th c), poet and soldier, besides conventional cantigas de amor we have eight simple cossantes of which the alvorada (C. V. 242), the harcarola (C. V. 246), and C. V. 245 with its dance rhythm are
which the
tunity of
latter
life.

became clothed the

cossante

Trohadores wearied by their

C. V. 242-51,

979

C. C. B. 159-71

(=

C. A. 70-81, 402).

THE COSSANTES
especially beautiful.

29
c.)

Pedr' Anez Solaz*

(early 13th

wrote
leli

a cossante (C. V. 415) celebrated for its refrain, lelia doura,

leli, of Basque leli = Of Meendinho (first half 13th c.) we have only dead). {il one poem, a cantiga de romaria (C, V, 438), but its beauty has brought him fame ^ and another jogral, Fernand' Esguio ^ (second half 13th c), is remembered in the same way chiefly for Vayamos, irmana. Bernaldo de Bonaval, one of the C. V. 902 earliest Galician poets, and the jograes Pero de Veer, Joan Servando, Airas Carpancho,* Martin de Ginzo,^ Lopo and Lourengo, composed some charming pilgrimage songs in the second third of the thirteenth century. This was a popular theme, but the two poets who seem to have felt most keenly the attraction of the popular poetry and to have cultivated it most successfully The are Joan Zorro (fi. 1250) and Pero Meogo (fl. 1250). cossantes of Zorro, one of the most talented of all these singers, tell of Lisbon and the king's ships and the sea. In this series of barcarolas (C. V. 751-60) and in his delightful bailada (C. V.

par deus

in

which some have seen a vestige

761)

he evidently sought his inspiration

felicity a little later did
its biblical

with equal
(C.
hills

in popular sources, as Pero Meogo,' whose cossantes

V. 789-97), each with

[cervos do monte),

reference to the deer of the

are as singular as they are beautiful.

Martin Codax

songs of the ondas do mar of Vigo

same time was singing graceful But the real (C. V. 884-90). poet of the sea was the Admiral of Castille, Pay Gomez Charino (|"i295). He belonged to an ancient family of Galicia, was
at about the
>

'

c. V. 414-16, 824-s ; c. A. 281. Meen di nho in the C. V. M. index. Or Esquio (? esquilo, 'squirrel ').

Thus he

is

scarcely even a name.

;

Or Corpancho (Broade) or Campancho (Broadacre) but the word carpancho (= basket) exists in the region of Santander {La Montana). There is a modem Peruvian poet Manuel Nicolas Corpancho (1830-63). * This is the most probable form of his name, although modern critics have presented him with various others. * M. Alfred Jeanroy (Les Origines, 2^ ed., 1904, p. 320) compares with this bailada the fragments Tuit cil qui sunt enamouraf Vignent dangar, li autre non and N'en nostra compaignie ne soit nus S'il n'est amans, but even if there was direct imitation here, which is doubtful, that would not affect the indigenous character of the cossantes. ' Or, according to D. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Moogo (from monachus). Meogo (= meio) occurs in C. M. 65 and 161, moogo (= monk) in C. M. 75 and 149. C. V. 392-402, 424-30, 1 1 58-9; C. A. 246-56. Chariiio is buried at Pontevedra, in the Franciscan convent which he founded.

30

I185-1325

prominent at the Courts of Alfonso X (between whose character and the sea he draws an elaborate parallel in C. A. 256) and of his son Sancho IV, played an important part in the troubled history of the time, and fought by land and sea in Andalucia, at Jaenini246 andSevilleini247. On the lips of his amz'g'a he places she expresses her relief a touching cantiga de amigo (C. V. 424 that her amigo has ceased to be almirante do mar no longer
:

will she listen in

sadness to the wind,

at the

now

her heart

may

sleep

and not tremble

coming
its

of a messenger)

and the two

sea cossantes C. V. 401, with

plaining refrain

van-se as frores d'aqui ben con mcus amores, idas son as frores d'aqui ben con mcus amores,
it

one can imagine

'Over the sea

sung as a chanty
to me.

and
:

C.
'

V. 429, in which

she prays Santiago to bring him safely

home
is

Now

in this

hour
of

He

is

coming

Love

in flower.'

Beauty

expression and a loyal sincerity are conspicuous in his poems, as

well as a certain individuality
of the sea, the miii

and vigour.

He

escaped the perils

fall by the hand of an assassin on shore. His sea lyrics are only excelled by the enchanting melody of the poem (C. V. 488) of his contemporary and fellow-countryman Roy Fernandez (second half 13th c), who was apparently a professor at Salamanca University, Canon of Santiago, and Chaplain to Alfonso the Learned. Of the later poets Estevam Coelho, perhaps father of one of the assassins

gran

coita do

mar

(C.

A. 251), but to

of Ines (ti355),

wrote a cossante

of

haunting beauty

(C.

V. 321)

Sedia la fremosa, seu sirgo torcendo,

Sa voz manselinha fremoso dizendo

Cantigas d'amigo,

fremosinha

and D. Afonso Sanchez {c. 1285-1329) in C. V. 368 {Dizia la Ay Deus val) proved that he had inherited part of his father King Dinis' genius and instinct for popular poetry. King Dinis, having thrown wide his palace doors to these thymescented lyrics, would turn again to the now musty chamber of

Provengal song

(C.

V. 123)

Quer'eu en maneira de provengal Fazer agora un cantar d'amor.

'

Cf. the

modern Ai

16

U, marinheiro vira a ri or Ai

IS

U U

Rihamar

e S. Josi.

THE COSSANTES
The
cossantes

31

had become so familiar that Airas Nunez, of Santiago, could string them together, as it were, by the head, without troubling himself to givemore than the first lines, precisely
as Gil Vicente treated

romances three centuries

later.

The reader

would easily complete them. His pastorela (C. V. 454) would be an ordinary imitation of a pastourelle of the trouveres ^
or listener

were it not for the five cossante fragments inserted. Riding along a stream he hears a solitary shepherdess singing and stays to as if to listen. First she sang Solo ramo verde frolido,^ then

prove that she

is

a shepherdess of Arcady, not of real

life

Ay, estornino do avelanedo, Cantades vos e moir'eu e peno, D'amores ei mal,

an impassioned cry

of the heart only

comparable with
:

Thine earth now springs, mine fadeth

Thy thorn
Ilia cantat,

without,

my

thorn

my

heart invadeth
:

or that wonderful line of a wonderful

poem

nos tacemus

quando ver venit

a cossante by

meum

Next she sang the

Torneol
(C.

first lines of
its

Nuno Fernandez

V. 245) with

dance refrain

E pousarei solo avelanal.

The

refrain is identical in C. V. 245 and C. V. 454, but the distich has variations which seem to imply that Airas Nunez was not

quoting Fernandez, rather that both drew from a popular source.

The fourth cossante we also have complete, a by Joan Zorro (C. V. 757)
:

lovely harcarola

Pela ribeira do

rio

(alto)

Cantando

ia la

dona virgo

(d'algo)

D'amor Venhan

as barcas pelo rio sabor.*

' For later reminiscences of the pastorela see C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Jodo LourenQo da Ctinha, a Flov de Altura e a cantiga Ay Donas por que em tristura ? (Separata da Revista Lusitana, vol. xix) Porto (1916), pp. 14-15. ^ See supra, p. 23. ' A modern Portuguese quatrain runs Passarinho que cantaes Nesse raminho de flores, Cantae vos, chorarei eu Assim faz quem tern amores. * By the margin of a river Went a maiden singing, ever Of love sang she
' ' : :

32

I185-1325
:

Lastly she (or he), as he rides on his way, sings

Quen amores ha

Como
i.e. este

dormira, Ai bela fror

!

cantar which

is

familiar in the villancico [Por

:

una

gentil

floresta)

by the Marques de Santillana (1398-1458) La nifia que amores ha I Sola como dormira ?

Very few, if any, of the cossantes were anonymous, which only means that modern folk-lore was unknown; it was not the fashion to collectsongs from the lips of the people withoutulteriorpurpose. A variety known as cantiga de vildos existed, but it was deliberately composed by the trohadores and jograes} A specimen is
given in C. V. 1043
:

pee d'hQa torre Baila corpo piolo,^ Vedes o cos, ay cavaleiro.

No drawing-room
taverns
;

lyric, evidently more likely to be sung in composed perhaps by a knight like him of C. V. 965,
:

whose songs were not fremosos

poet Guilherme Figueira
millers

rimados.

Like the Provencal

.
.

who mout

se fetz grazir
'

als ostes et

als taverniers, this knight's songs pleased

'

tailors, furriers

and

they had not the good taste of the

sings the beautiful cantiga

tailor's wife in Gil

Vicente

who

Donde vindes
Branca

filha

e colorida?

The

cantiga de vildos was no such simple popular lyric, but rather a drinkers' song, picaresquely allusive, sung by a jogral who non fo horn que saubes caber entre Hs baros ni entre la bona gen

but sang vilmen

se

et

en gens bassas, entre gens bassas per pauc

d'aver (Riquier), cantares de que la gente baja e de servil condicion

alegra (Santillana).

The
hill

cossante,

straight from field

and

into palace

on the contrary, came and song-book. Probably

:

the stream the boats came gliding Gracefully. All along the river-bent Fair to see the boats came fair maiden singing went Of love's dream * Poetica (C. C. B., p. 3, 11. 50-1). gliding Up the stream. ' D. Carolina It probablyjdoes not rhyme (e morre or corre) purposely. Michaelis de Vasconcellos proposes ^raci'oso or friolo (A Saudade Portuguesa, Porto, 1914, pp. 84, 140).

Up

The

THE COSSANTES
ing,

33

many of them were composed, as they were sung, and sung dancby the women. The women of Galicia have always been

noted for their poetical and musical talent.

at Santiago in 1116,^

We

read of the

choreas psalleritiiim mulierum, like Miriam, the sister of Moses,

and there

is

a cloud of similar witnesses.

But whether any

neiros
is

of the cossantes that

we have

in the Cancio-

strictly of the people or not, their traditional indigenous

is

character

no longer doubtful.

It

would surely be a most

astounding fact had the Galician-Portuguese Court poets, who in their cantigas de amor reduced Provencal poetry to a colourless
insipidity,

succeeded so

much better with

the cossantes that, while

the originals from which they copied have vanished, the imitations stand out in

the Portuguese Cancioneiros like crimson

It
is

poppies

among kinds of poem

the
(1516),

corn.

remarkable, too, that of the three

Cancioneiros, satire, love song,
in the

in the old

and

cossante,

first

two remain

Cancioneiro de Resende

but the third has totally disappeared. The explanation is that as Court and people drew apart and the literary influence of Castille" grew, the poems based on songs of the people were no longer in favour. But they continued, like the Guadiana, underground, and D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos has traced their occasional reappearances in poets of popular leanings, like Gil Vicente and Cristobal de Castillejo, from the thirteenth
century to the present day,^ while Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos has discovered whole cossantes sung by peasants at their work in the
fields in

the nineteenth century.^

it

Dance

or action always accom-

panies the cossante as

does in the danza prima of Asturias (to the

villa,

words
*

Ay un

galan d'esta

ay un galan

d'esta casa)*

If it

Espana Sa-^rada, xx. 211. M. V. ii. 928-36. Almeida Garrett had written in a general sense 05 vestigios d'essa poesia indigena ainda duram (Revista Univ. Ltsbonense, vol. V (1846), p. 843). ' At Rebordainhos, in Tras-os-Montes, e.g. Na ribeirinha ribetra Naquella
"

C. A.

ribeira Anda Id peixinho vivo (bravo) Naquella ribeira. Other examples of the i-a sequence are amigo (amado), cosido (assado), villa (praga), ermida (oraga), linda (clara), Abril (Natal), ceitil (real). See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Annnario para estudo das tradigoes populares portnguezas (Porto, 1882),

nm

pp. 19-24.
garrido, ay
*

Cf.

the

modem

Asturian song with

!

its refrain

Ay Juana

cuerpo
e

Juana cuerpo galano

Francisco Alvarez, Verd. Inf., p. 125, speaks of cantigas de bailhos

2362

de

terreiro (dance-songs).

34

I185-1325

be objected that the songs printed by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos are rude specimens by the side of a poem like Ay flores, ay flores
do verde pinko,
it

should be remembered that the quadra (or

perhaps one should say distich without refrain) has

the cossante on the lips of the people, and that

now replaced among these

quatrains something of the old cossante' s charm and melancholy

is still

D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos and others found. have remarked that these quadras pass from mouth to mouth and are perfected in the process, smoothed and polished like a stone by the sea, and this may well have been true of the earlier
cossantes?-

The jogral who hastened to his patron with a lovely new poem was but reaping the inspiration of a succession of anonymous singers, an inspiration quickened by competition One singer would in antiphonies of song at many a pilgrimage.
take
it

give a distich of a cossante, as to-day a quadra, another would

up and return
its

it

with variations.
or, rather,
its

The

cossante did not

always preserve

simple form,
in
(cf.

the more complicated

poems renewed themselves

a hailada (C. V. 761), balleta

popularity.

We

find

it

as

C. A.
(C.

123

Se vos eu amo mats

que outra ren), as cantiga de amor

A. 360 or 361, C. V. 657or satirical alba (C. V.

60), cantiga de maldizer (C. V. 1026-7),

But these hybrid forms are not the true cossante, which 1049). always marked by dignity, restraint, simple grace, close is communion with Nature, delicacy of thought, and a haunting felicity of expression. The cossante written by King Sancho
seems to indicate a natural development of the indigenous poetry. In its form it owed nothing to the poetry of Provence or North France, but its progress was perhaps quickened, and at
least its perfection preserved,

by the systematic cultivation

of

poetry
class

introduced from abroad at a time

when no middle

separated
of

Court and

ments that survive

what marvels

The tantalizing fragshow all too plainly popular song might flower and die unknown.
peasant.
in Gil Vicente's

plays

In spirit the original grave religious character of the cossante

may
'

in

some measure have

em lovvor da

affected the

new

poetry.

To

this

nossa ling., 1785 ed., p. 226: Pois as cantigas composlas do povo, sent cabega, sent pees, sent nome oti verbo que se entenda, quern cuidas que as Iraz e leva da terra ? Quern as faz serem tratadas e recebidas do comum consintimenlo ? O tempo.

Cf. Barros, Dial,

THE COSSANTES
in part

35

may

be ascribed the monotony, the absence of particular In religious

descriptions in the cantigas de amor.

hymns obviously

reverence would not permit the Virgin to be described in greater

vague branca e colorada, and the reverence might be transferred unconsciously to poems
detail than, for example, Gil Vicente's

addressed to an earthly dona. (Only in the extravagant devotional

mannerisms {gongorismo ao divino) of the seventeenth century could Soror Violante do Ceo describe Christ as a galan de ojos verdes.) Dona genser quHeu no sai dir or la genser que sia says Arnaut de Marueil at the end of the thirteenth century. The Portuguese poet would make an end there his lady is fairest among women, fairer than he can say. He would never go on huelhs vairs and to describe her grey eyes and snowy brow fron pus blanc que lis. But introduced into alien and artificial forms, like mountain gentians in a garden, the monotony can no longer please. In the cantigas de amor the iteration becomes a tedious sluggishness of thought, whereas in the cossantes it is part of the music of the poem.
: :

C2

C. A. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. Cancioneiro da Ajuda. C. A. M. V. 2 vols. Halle, 1904.

Ed. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos.

C. A.

C. C. C.

S.= Fragmentos de hum Cancioneiro Inedito que se acha na Livraria do Real CoUegio dos Nobres de Lisboa. Impresso a custa de Carlos Stuart, Socio da Academia Real de Lisboa. Paris, 1823. A. V. = Trovas e Cantares de um Codice do xiv Seculo. Ed. Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen. Madrid, 1849. V. = Cancioneiro da Vaticana. V. M. = Il Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana. Ed. Ernesto
Monaci. Halle, 1875. = Cancioneiro Portuguez

C. V. B.

da Vaticana. Ed. Theophilo Braga. Lisboa, 1878. C. T. A. = Cancioneirinho das Trovas Antigas colligidas de um grande CanVienna cioneiro da Bibliotheca do Vaticano. Ed. F. A. de Varnhagen.
(1870),
C. A. P.

2nd ed. 1872.

Antichi Portoghesi tratti dal Codice Vaticano 4803 con traduzione e note, a cura di Ernesto Monaci. Imola, 1873. C. L. = Cantos de Ledino tratti dal grande Canzoniere portoghese della BiblioEd. E. Monaci. Halle, 1875. teca Vaticana. C. D. M.=: Cancioneiro d' El Rei D. Diniz, pela primeira vez impresso sobre o manuscripto da Vaticana. Ed. Caetano Lopes de Moura. Paris, 1847. Ed. Henry R. C. D. L. = Das Liederbuch des Konigs Denis von Portugal. Lang. Halle, 1894. C.C. B. = I1 Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti. Ed. Enrico Mclteni.
Halle, 1880.
2 vols. Madrid, el Sabio. 1889. Ed. H. R.Lang. Vol. i. New C. G. C. = Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano. York, London, 1902. C. M. B. = Cancionero Musical de los Siglos xv y xvi. Transcrito y comentado por Francisco Asenjo Barbieri. Madrid (1890). C. B. = Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena. Madrid, 1851. Cancionero General (1511). C. G. C. R. = Cancioneiro de Resende. Lisboa. 1516 ( = Cancioneiro Geral).

= Cantichi

C.

M. = Cantigas de Santa Maria de Don Alfonso

2.

The Cancioneiros
If,

besides

the

Cancioneiros da

Vaticana, Colocci-Brancuti,

and da Ajuda, we include King Alfonso X's Cantigas de Santa Maria (C, M.) we have over 2,000 poems, by some 200 poets. Of these the Cancioneiro da Ajuda (C. A.) contains 310. Preserved in the Lisbon Collegio dos Nohres and later in the Royal Library of Ajuda at Lisbon, it was first published in an edition of twenty-five copies by Charles Stuart (afterwards Lord Stuart of Rothesay), British Minister at Lisbon (C. A. S.). Another edition, by Varnhagen, appeared in 1849 (C. A. V.), and the splendid definitive edition by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos in 1904 (C. A. M. V.). C. A. M. V. contains 467 poems, in part reproduced from C. V. M. and C. C. B. The
third volume, of notes,
is still

unpublished.

Of the Cancioneiro preserved as Codex Vaticanus 4803, and now commonly known as Cancioneiro da Vaticana (C. V.), fragments were published soon after its rediscovery viz, that
:

portion attributed to King Dinis,

(C.

D. M.).

in 1847 This part received a critical edition at the hands

edited

by Moura

and ed., with introduction, few more crumbs were given to the world by Varnhagen in 1870, 2nd ed. 1872 (C. T, A.), and in 1873 (C. A. P.) and 1875 (C. L.) by Ernesto Monaci, who printed his diplomatic edition of the complete text (1,205 poems) in the latter year (C. V. M.), and with it an indgx of a still larger Cancioneiro (it has 1,675 entries) compiled by Angelo Colocci in the sixteenth century and discovered by, Monaci in the Vatican Library (codex 3217). Dr. Theophilo
of Professor

H. R. Lang

in 1892

Halle, 1894 (C. D, L.).

Braga's critical edition appeared in 1878 (C. V. B.). In this very year a large Cancioneiro (355 ff.), corresponding nearly but not precisely to the Colocci index, was discovered
in the library of the

Conte Paolo Antonio Brancuti

(C. C.

B.

38

I185-1325

For convenience' sake C. C. B. also = the fragment published by Enrico Gasi Molteni), and the 442 of its poems, lacking in C. V. (but nearly half of which are in C. A.), were published in
All diplomatic edition by Enrico Molteni in 1880 (C. C. B.). these (C. A., C. V., and C. C. B.) were in all probability derived

from the Cayicioneiro compiled by the Conde de Barcellos. When his father, King Dinis, died, silence fell upon the poets. The new king, Afonso IV, showed no sign of continuing to collect the smaller Cancioneiros kept by nobles and men of humbler position, a custom inaugurated by his grandfather, Afonso III (if the Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Afonso in King Duarte's library was his), continued by King Dinis {Livro de Trovas del Rei D, Dinis), and perhaps revived by King Duarte It was thus a time a century later {Livro de Trovas del Rei). definitive edition ', and Count Pedro, who suitable for a was the last of the Cancioneiro poets and who was more
'

collector
(of

than poet, probably took the existing Cancioneiros

Afonso III and Dinis) and added a third part consisting of later poems. Besides the chronological order there was a division by subject into cantigas de amor, cantigas de amigo, and cantigas
d'escarnho
e

de maldizer (Santillana's cantigas, serranas e dezires,

or cantigas serranas, the Archpriest of Hita's cantares serranos

e dezires).

C. V.

is

divided into these three kinds

in the older

and incomplete
de amor.

C. A.

304

of

Eleven years after Marques de Santillana wrote (1449) to the Constable of Portugal, D. Pedro, describing the Galician- Portuguese Cancioneiro

poems are cantigas the death of King Duarte the

the

310

un grant volume
session of D.

which he had seen in his boyhood in the posMencia de Cisneros. (This may have been the actual manuscript compiled by D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos and Jsequeathed by him in 1350 to Alfonso XI of Castille and Leon a few days after Alfonso XI's death. Or it may have been a copy of the Cancioneiro of D. Pedro or the Cancioneiro It is significant that in this very of Afonso III or of Dinis.) important letter it is a foreigner informing a Portuguese. Under the predominating influence first of Spain then of the Renaissance, the old Portuguese poems, even if they were known to exist, excited no interest in Portugal. They were

THE CANCIONEIROS
musas rusticas, musas in
disdain the Cayicioneiro
illo

39

tempore rudes

et incultas.^

became a

real will-o'-the-wisp.

With this Even

as late as the nineteenth century

from a

one disappeared mysteriously another emerged momentarily (see C. T. A.) from the shelves of a Spanish grandee only to fall back into the
sale,

unknown.
being
says of

In the sixteenth century the evidence as to

is

its

known

Duarte Nunez de Leam in 1585 King Dinis that extant hodie eius carmina. Antonio de
contradictory.

Vasconcellos in 1621 declares that time has carried them

obliviosa praeripuit vetustas.

away

the echoes of Provencal song) were

Sa de Miranda concerning that was vouchsafed in Portugal to the Cancioneiro, although prominent Portuguese men of letters as Sa de Miranda, Andre de Resende, Damiao de Goes travelled in Italy and met there Cardinal Pietro Bembo (1470-1547), who had probably owned the Cancioneiros (copies by an Italian hand of a Portuguese original) acquired by Angelo Colocci yet at this very time Colocci (11549) was eagerly indexing and annotating the Cancioneiros in Rome, It is this Portuguese neglect and indifference to the things of Portugal which explains the survival of the cossantes only in Rome while the more solemn and less indigenous poems of the Cancioneiro da Ajuda remained in the land of their birth.
(as that of
all

few vague allusions

fuller

account

of

the

Portuguese Cancioneiros,

with

the

fascinating
relations,

and complicated question of their descent and interwill be found in the Grundriss (pp. 199-202) and D.
(vol.
ii,

Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos' edition of the Cancioneiro

da Ajuda

pp. 180-288).

When

the poetry of the troubadours flourished in Provence

The first Provengal poet, Guilhaume, Comte de Poitou (1087-1127), precedes by nearly a century Sancho I (1154-1211), second King of Portugal, who and wrote poems and married the Princess Dulce of Aragon the Gascon Marcabrun, the first foreign poet to refer to Portugal, in his poems Al prim comens del ivernaill and Emperaire per mi
Portugal was scarcely a nation.
;

'

Antonio de Vasconcellos, Anacephalaeoses, id

Lusitaniae (Antverpiae, 162 See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi.
1),

est

Svmmn

Capita Actorum

Regum
2

p. 79.

40

I185-1325

mezeis, in the middle of the twelfth century, spoke not of her

poetry but of her warrior deeds

la valor de Portegal.

Gavaudan
against

similarly refers at the end of the twelfth century to the Galicians

and Portuguese among other

the
'

(Castille,

&c.)

barriers

black dogs

'

(the Moors).

It

was

in

Spain that the Portu-

guese had opportunity of meeting Proven9al poets.

The Penin-

sula in the thirteenth century was, like Greece of old, divided

into little States and Courts, each harbouring exiles and refugees from neighbouring States. Civil strife or the death of a king in Portugal would scatter abroad a certain number of noblemen on the losing side, who would thus come into contact with the

troubadours

as

Provengal

poetry

spread

to

the

Courts

of

Catalonia and Aragon, Navarre, Castille and Leon.

The

first

King

of Portugal,

although a prince of the House of Burgundy,

fief

held his kingdom in

in close

to Leon,

and

all

the early kings were

III,

touch with Leon and

Castille.

Fernando

King

of

Castille

and Leon

(St.

Ferdinand), was a devoted lover of poetry,

and

his son Alfonso

gathered at his

cort sen erguelh e sen

vilania a galaxy of talented troubadours, Provengal

and Galician.

Portugal came into more direct touch with France in other

ways, but the influence might have been almost exclusively

that of the trouveres of the North had not the more generous
of Provence penetrated across the frontier into Trade was fairly active in the thirteenth century between Portugal and England, North France and Flanders. Many of the members of the religious orders as the Cluny Benedictines who occupied the territory of the Moors in Portugal were Frenchmen. With foreign colonists the new towns were systematically peopled. The number of French pilgrims was such that the road to Santiago became known as the French Road '. The Crusades also brought men of many languages to Portugal.' The Court by descent and dynastic intermarriage was cosmopolitan but indeed the life of the whole Peninsula was cosmopolitan to an extent which tallies ill with the idea of the Middle Ages as a period of isolation and darkness. The Portuguese had already begun to show their

enthusiasm
Spain.

'

' An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of inter hos tot linguarum populos {Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de ExpugnationeOlisiponis, ad. 1147).

THE CANCIONEIROS
fondness for novedades.
the Galician, language.

41

Yet it was they who imposed their, As the Marques de Santillana observed

and the Cancioneiros prove, lyric poets throughout the Peninsula Probably the oldest surviving instance of this in language verse by a foreigner is to be found (ten lines) in a descort {descordo) written by Raimbaud de Vaqueiras (11581217) at the Court of Bonifazio II of Montferrat towards the end We cannot doubt that the character of the twelfth century. and conditions of the north-west of the Peninsula had permitted
used Galician.^
a thread of lyric poetry to continue there ever since Silius
Italicus

their native songs,

had heard the youth of Galicia wailing {ululantem) and that both language and literature had

the opportunity to develop earlier there than in the rest of

Spain.

The

tide

of

Moorish victory only gradually ebbed

Castille,

southward, and the warriors in the sterner country of

with
its fiery

sun and battles and

epics,

would look back

to the

green country of Galicia as the idyllic land of song, a refuge

where sons of kings and nobles could spend their minority in When from the ninth century Galicia comparative peace. became a second Holy Land its attractions and central Pilgrims thither from character were immeasurably increased. every country would return to their native land with some words of the language, and those acquainted with Provengal might note the similarity and the musical softness of Galician. It is not certain that the eldest of the ten children of San Fernando, Alfonso X (i22i?-84), el Sabio, King of Castille and Leon, Lord of Galicia, and brother-in-law of our Edward I, passed his boyhood in Galicia. But when he was compiling a volume of poems referring to many parts of the world besides Spain, to Canterbury and Rome, Paris and Alexandria, Lisbon, Cologne, Cesarea, Constantinople, he would naturally choose
Galician not only, or indeed chiefly, because
graceful

and pliant medium the most widely known, and,

for lyric verse

like

was the more it was French, plus commune a toutes

it

but because

* Coleccidn de Poesias Castellanas (1779), vol. i, p. Ivii. The important passages of Santillana's letter have been so often quoted that the reader may be referred to them, e.g. in the Grundriss, p. 168. Mild y Fontanals {De los Trobadores, p. 522) lays much stress on the resemblance between Galician and Proven9al.

42 gens}

I185-1325

He had
its

no delicate ear for

pliancy that
it

its

music and made such

of

poor use of

often becomes as hard as the

hardest Castilian in his hands.

His songs

miracles offer

a striking contrast to contemporary Portuguese lyrics in the

same language.

Their jingles are only possible as a descort in

the Portuguese Cancioneiros.

as the traditional

influenced in his choice of language

At the same time he would be by his knowledge of Galicia

encouraging patronage

home

of the lyric, of the

extended to Galician poets by his son-in-law Afonso HI, of the Santiago school of poets, and of the promising future before the Galician language in the hands of the conquering Portuguese. Multas et perpulchras composuit cantilenas, says Gil de Zamora, and likens him to David. But when we remember the prodigious services rendered by Alfonso X to Castilian prose, the first question that arises is whether he was indeed the author of the 450 fioems in Galician - that we possess under his name. Of
these

poems
:

426, or, cancelling repetitions, 420, are of a religious

character, written, with one or

two exceptions,

in

honour

of

the Virgin

Cantigas de Santa Maria.

Many
:

of these

poems

themselves provide an answer to the question

illnesses

they record his

and enterprises and

his trobar in such a

:

way

that they

could only have been written by himself

of

he

is

the entendedor

Santa Maria (C. M. 130), he exhorts other trohadores to sing (C. M. 260), he himself is resolved to sing of no other dona (C. M. 10 dou ao demo os otros amores) and his attractive and ingenuous pride in these poems accords ill with an alien authorship. When he lay sick at Vitoria and was like to die it was only when the Livro das Cantigas was placed on his body that he recovered (C. M. 209), and he directed that they should be preserved in the church in which he was buried. There is little reason to doubt that he was the author, in a strictly limited sense, of the majority of the poems, although not of all.
her praises
:
;

' It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (12 13) the range of the Gahcian-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre (C. V. 937). Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Proven9al poems on his lips, which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in Proven9al. As proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single cantiga of eight lines Senora por amor dios). The other poem of the Cancioneiros (C. C. B. 363 in Castilian (with traces of Galician) is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI En un tiempo cogi flores (C. V. 209). (1312-50), King of Castille and Leon
: :

THE CANCIONEIROS
' :

43

Various phrases seem to imply a double method. C. M. 219 I will have that miracle placed among the others says On the other hand, I ordered it to be written.' C. M. 295
'

'

C.
'

M. 47
I
'

is

'

a fair miracle of which

I

made my song
'

'

CM.

84

a great miracle of which

will
;

made
'

a song
;

of
'

106

'

know
verses

well

that

make
'

a goodly song
I
' ;

of

64

made

and
it

tune

for 188

made
'

a good tune and verses because

'

according to the words I made for 307 caught my fancy of 347 I made a new song with a tune that was the tune my own and not another's '. The inference seems to be that,
'

the personal
attracted
leave
it

poems and the

king he took

loas apart,
it

if
;

a miracle especially

the

to one of the joglares,

its

otherwise he might hand and he would perhaps revise it

in

author to the extent that the Portuguese jograes We know that he had at were authors of the early cossantes.

and be
his

The vignettes^ to these Court a veritable factory of verse. Cantigas show him surrounded by scribes, pen and parchment

Poets thronged to his in hand, by joglares and joglaresas. Court and he was in communication with others in foreign lands. Some of the miracles might come to him in verse, the

work

Siglar,

poet or of a sacred jogral such as Pierres de M. 8 shows reciting his poems from church to en todalas eigreias da Uirgen que non a par un seu church lais senpre dizia,^ and this would account for the variety of
of a friendly

whom
:

C.

metre and treatment.

original.

Of raw material for

his art there

was

never a scarcity, nor was the idea of turning it In France Gautier de Coincy (i 177-1236) had already

into verse

written his Miracles de la Sainte Vierge in verse, and the Spanish poet Gonzalo de Berceo (1180-1247) had composed the Milagros
de Nuestra Sennora.
If
*

But there was no need

for direct imitation.

the starry sky were parchment and the ocean ink, the miracles

Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries ago. es Argote de Molina, Nobleza de Andalvzia (Seuilla, 1588), f. 151 v. un libro de mucha curiosidad assi por la poesia como por los trages de aquella edad q se veen en stts pinturas. * Some of King Alfonso's Cantigas were recited in the same way. C. M. 172 implies this in the lines Et d'esto cantar fezemos Que cantassen os iograres And of this we made a song for the joglares to sing).
Cf.
:

44
could not
collectors.
livre of
all

1185-1325
be written down, says King Alfonso
rival
(C.

M. no).

Churches and

shrines

preserved an unfailing store for

Gautier de Coincy spoke of tant miracles, a grant

them, and King Alfonso chooses one from among 300 in a book (C. M. 33), finds one written in an ancient book (265)

written
(284),

among many others (258), in a book among many others and refers to a book full of them at Soissons. The miracles were recorded more systematically in France, and the books of Soissons and Rocamadour {Liber Miraculonim S. Mariae de Rupe Amatoris) provided the king with many subjects, as did also Vincent de Beauvais' Speculum Historiale, of which he possessed a copy. But the sources in the Peninsula were very copious, as, for instance, the Book of the Miracles of Santiago, of which a copy, in Latin, exists in the Paris Bibliotheque Nationalc. Of other miracles the king had had personal experience, or they were recent and came to him by word of mouth. Thus he often does not profess to invent his subject he merely translates it into verse and sometimes appraises it as he does so. It is a marvellous great miracle' (C. M. 257), very beautiful (82), one in which I have great belief (241), one almost incredible mui cruu de creer (242), or famous (195), 'known throughout Spain' (191). Many of these miracles occurred then as now the humbler the to the peasants and unlettered
: ' ' ' '

'

'

',

'

'

subject the greater the miracle.

in his of

Accordingly

we

find the king

poems dealing not with the conventional shepherdesses

life,
;

the pastorelas but with lowly folk of real

peasants,

gleaners, sailors, fishermen, beggars, pilgrims,

nuns

and

it

is

one of the king's titles to be considered a true poet that he takes an evident pleasure in these themes and retains their graphic, The collection abounds in charming artless presentment.
glimpses of the
there
is

life of

the people.

Indeed, in

many
and

of the

poems

more

of the people

than of King Alfonso,^ and he

usurers, of the

sings diligently of the misdeeds of clerics

incompetence of doctors, and of massacres of Jews. He seems to have followed the originals very closely, and evident traces
1 Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et Cf. also P. Meyer, L. Villalba, Contribution a I'itude dcs Cantigas (1911). Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci {Romania, vol. xvii (iJ paroles pieuses d des miladies profanes. pp. 42937)
:

THE CANCIONEIROS
of

45

their

language

remain,

French,

English,

and

perhaps

Provengal.

The poems

are often of considerable length, some-

verse

times twenty or thirty verses, and as a rule the last line of each must rhyme with the refrain. The attention thus neces-

sarily

bestowed upon the rhymes sometimes mars the pathos of the subject, and the reader is reminded that he has to do with a skilful, eager, and industrious craftsman but not with a great In the remarkable Ben vennas Mayo and in original poet. many of his other poems materialism and poetical ecstasy go

hand

in hand.

Yet

in several of the

more beautiful legends

the poet proves himself equal to his theme.

Some

of these

famous, that of the Virgin taking the place of the nun (C. M. 55 and 94), of the knight and the pitcher (155), of the stone miraculously warded from the statue of the Virgin
legends are
still

and Child (136 and

294), of the

monk's mystic ecstasy at the

lais of the bird in the convent garden (103). Others had probably an equal celebrity in the Middle Ages, as that of the captive miraculously brought from Africa and awaking free in Spain

at
for

dawn

(325),^ of the painter

with

whom

the Devil was wroth

always painting him so ugly

(74), or of

the peasant whose

vineyard alone was saved from the hail (161). Every tenth poem (the collection was intended originally to consist of one hundred) interrupts the narratives of miracles by a purely
lyrical

cantiga de loor,

and some

of

these,

written with the

fervour with which the king always sang as gragas

muy granadas

of the Madre de Deus Manuel, are of great simplicity and beauty The king had not always written thus, and of his profane

poems we possess thirty ^ (since no one who has read the lively essay by Cesare de Lollis will doubt that C. V. 61-79 and The C. C. B. 359-72 ( = 467-78) were written by Alfonso X). most important of these are historical, and invoke curses on
Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of pobres pedintes peregrtnos at Santiago feasting merrily an^ having grandes contendas entre si as to which of them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of them was to declare that, being captive in Turkey, encommendando-me miiito d Senhora achei-me ao oittro dia ao romper da alva em terra de Christaos (Simao de Vasconcellos, Cronica, Lib. I, 22). Cf. Jeronymo de Mendo9a, Jornada de Africa, 1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei Luis de Sousa, Hist, de S. Domingos, i. i. 5. 2 i. e. besides the Spanish caw/Z^a (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359, which belongs to the Cantigas de Santa Maria, and C. C. B. 372, which consists of a single
'
.

line.

46

I185-1325

false or recalcitrant knights,

non ven al mayo ! C. V. 74 is a battle-scene description so swift and impetuous that we must
go to the Poema del Cid for a
parallel.

And

indeed some of the

old spirit peeps out from the Caniigas de Santa Maria, as

when

he prays to be delivered from false friends or praises the Virgin

for giving his enemies
'

what they deserved

'.

From
of

the return and enthronement of Afonso III

in full

imitation

French and Provencal poetry was

of

swing in Portugal.

accompanied by noblemen who figure in the Cancioneiros (as Rui Gomez de Briteiros and D. Joan de Aboim), had an important bearing on the development of Portuguese poetry. He came back determined to act the part of an enlightened patron of letters he encouraged the immigration of men of learning from France and maintained three jograes permanently in his palace.^ Princes and nobles as trohadores for their own pastime, the segreis,^ knights who went from Court to Court and received
the prince
in

The long sojourn

several

France,

payment

for the recital of their

own

verses, the jograes, belonging

to a lower station,

who

recited the

poems

of their patrons the

trohadores, all vied in imitation of the love songs of

Provence.

In general,
is

i.

e.

in the structure of their

poems, the resemblance

close

and

clear enough.

The

decasyllabic love song in three

or four stanzas with an envoi, the satirical sirventes, the tenson

in which two poets contended in dialogue, the which the discordant sounds expressed the poet's distress and grief, the halada of Provence, the balletic and pastourelle of North France, were all faithfully reproduced. If, on the other hand, we look for imitations in detail it is
(jocs-partits)

descort in

perhaps natural
^

that

we should

find

them

less

frequently."^

El Rei aia tres jograes en sa casa e non mats. Riquier's segricrs per tolas cortz (King Alfonso (C. M. 194) speaks of a jograr andando pelas cortes). See also C. V. 556. The word probably has no connexion with scguir (to follow). Possibly it was used originally to differentiate singers of profane songs, caniigas profanas e seculares. Frei Joao Alvarez in his Cronica do Infanle Sanlo has obras ecclesiasticas e segraaes King Duarte counted among os pecados da boca cantar cantigas sagraaes ', The Cancioneiros show that the segrel was far less common than the jogral in the thirteenth century. For segre { = saeculum) see infra, p. 93, n. 2. ^ For instances see H. R. Lang, The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvdres {Modern Language Notes (April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii etseq.
2

'

'

'

THE CANCIONEIROS
The conventional character
sufficiently account for this,
of

47

the Portuguese poems would

their

models were probably more often heard than read, so that reproduction of
the actual thought or words would be
difficult.
is

and moreover

When

Airas

Nunez
(C.

in a

poem

of striking
:

beauty, which

almost a sonnet

V. 456), wrote the lines

Que muito m'eu pago

d'este verao

Por estes ramos et por estas flores Et polas aves que cantan d'amores,
he need not have read Peire de Bussinac's
lines
:

Quan lo dous temps d'Abril Fa 'Is arbres sees fulhar E 'Is auzels mutz cantar
Quascun en son
in order to
lati,

know

that birds sing and trees

grow green

in spring.
is

And

generally

it is

not easy to say whether an apparent echo

of

a direct imitation or merely a stereotyped phrase.

The Portuof

guese trobadores introduced

little

the

true

spirit

the
to
of

Provengal troubadours
the

that

had passed
;

to Palestine
is

and

Lady

of Tripoli.
it

In their cantigas de amor

no sign
of
'

action

unless

be to die of love
'

no thought
in his

Nature.

Jaufre Rudel (1140-70), that prince of lovers, had

school to the

meadows

and might sing

of la flor aiglentina or of flors d'albespis,

but

in

gone to maint bons vers the Portuguese

cantigas nothing relieves the conventional dullness

monotony (which
poets in Sicily).
syllabics

likewise

and excessive marked the Provengal school of

for the

Composed

most part
the

in

iambic decacoita

they describe continually

poet's

d'amor,

grave d'endurar, his grief at parting, his loss of sleep, his pleasure
in

dying for his fremosa sennor.

She

is

described merely as

beautiful, or, at most, as

Tan mansa
Fremosa
e

tan fremosa e de bon sen

e d'outro

(C. C.

B. 206). B. 278).

mansa

ben comprida

(C. C.

Vocabulary and thought are spectre-thin. Indeed, it was part of the convention to sing vaguely. Eu ben falarei de sa fremosura, says one poet ^ (C. C. B. 337) he will sing of her

'

(C.

This poet, Femam Gon9alvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de Sanabria V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7 C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently obtained some
;

48
beauty, but not in such a

I185-1325

way
less

that the curious

who non

poden

adeuinhar should guess his secret

As

to allusions to Nature,

perhaps the climate, with

furnished
less

marked

divisions than in Provence,

incentive to sing of spring

and the

earth's renewal
all

or to imitate

Guiraut de Bornelh in going to school

the

winter {Vivern estavaa escola a aprerider) and singing only with

the return of spring.

King

Dinis, perhaps in reference to that

is

troubadour, declares that his love

independent of the seasons

:

and more

sincere than that of the singers of Provence

-

Proengaes soen mui dizen eles que e Mais OS que troban E non en outro sei An tan gran coita

ben trobar
con amor, no tempo da frol eu ben que non (C. V. 127)
.
.

and even
.

as he wrote the

the thought of the Provengal poet Gace Brule,

of les

words he was unconsciously imitating who had spoken

fans amoureus

d'este.

The exceeding
C. V. 988)

similarity of the
of all this

cantigas de

amor did
(cf.

raise

doubts as to the sincerity

dying of love
a

C. V.

353 and

and

as to

whether

cantar novo or an article at second hand (C. V. Yet the poets evidently had talent and poetic feeling indeed, their skill in versification contrasts remarkably with
819).

poem was a

their entire absence of

to revel in

thought or individuality.

They appear
icy

monotony

of ideas

and pride themselves on the

smoothness

of their verse.

All their originality consisted in the

devices,

introduction of technical
intervals of certain

such as the repetition at

words

[dohre], or of different tenses of .the

same verb {mordohre,

as C. V. 681), to carry
'

stop from beginning to end by means of

on the poem without for ', but ', &c., at

'

the beginning of each verse [cantigas de atafiinda,^ as C. V. 130,

fame by his mystification, unless the object of his devotion was as high-placed as the Portuguese princess for love of whom, according to legend, D. Joan Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia. The latter wrote in the first years of the thirteenth century (C. V. 937, Randglosse xi). They are the only two Galician-Portuguese poets besides King Dinis mentioned in Santillana's

letter.
^ Poetica, 11. 126, 130. Much of the information of this Poetica (printed in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the Cancioneiros, but it shows how carefully the different kinds of poem were distinguished. There were apparently

special

names

for

poems

to trick

and deceive

de logr' e d'artciro,

and

for

THE CANCIONEIROS
C.

49

A. 205), to begin and end each verse with the same line
of

[cangdo redonda, as C. V. 685), to repeat the last line

one

verse as the

first

line of the

next {leixapren), to use the same

(as

word

at the end

of

each line

vi

in C. A. 7).

The poet

who addressed

cantigas de

amor

to his lady also provided her

with poems for her to sing, cantigas de amigo in complicated form, or as the simpler cossante, which the cantigas de amigo

These are poems with more life and action, often in dialogue. Perhaps the dona herself, wearied by the monotonous cantigas de amor, had pointed to the songs of the peasant women,
include.

and the form of these cantigas de amigo was a compromise between the Provengal cantiga de meestria and the popular The peasant woman composed her own cantiga de refran. thus songs, and the poet places his song on the lips of his love we find her describing herself as beautiful, eu velida eufremosa
:

trisV e

fremosa
sings
(11.

fremosa

de

mui bon

prez

men hon
;

semelhar.

Poetical shepherdesses sing these cantigas de amigo

the fair

dona

them

as she sits spinning

(C.

V.

321).

The

old

Poetica

2-12) distinguishes between the cantigas de amor, in

which the amigo speaks first, and the cantigas de amigo, in which Both were artificial forms, but the first to speak is the amiga. the latter are clearly more popular in theme (the amiga waiting and wailing for her lover), and in treatment sometimes convey
a real intensity of feeling.^
de amigo
is

The favourite subject

kept
in the

of the cantiga

that the cruel mother prevents the lovers from

is

meeting.

The daughter
(C.

house

a manda muito

guardar

who

V. 535). She reproaches and entreats her mother, answers her as choir to choir she bewails her lot to her
;

friends,

of love and begs her She is mother to tell her lover. Her mother and lover are reconciled. Her lover is false and fails to meet her at the trysted hour. She waits for him in vain, and her mother comforts her in her

or to her sister.

dying

festive laughter
tillana's

poems de risadelha (or refestela ?) = de riso e mote. Sanmansobre is, it seems, a misprint for ntordobre. It occurs again in the Requesta de Ferrant Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez (Cane, de Baena, i860 ed., i. 253)
: :

'

e. g.

Sin lai, sin deslai, sin cor, sin descor. Sin dobre, mansobre, sensilla o menor. Sin encadenado, dexar o prender. C. V. 300 Por Deus, se ora, se era chegasse Con
:

el

mui

leda seria.

2362

50
distress.

1185-1325
She pines and
dies of love while her
rei.

amigo

is

away

serving the king in battle or en cas' del

sin

The third section by monotony. cantigas de amor are

are
tive
'

of the Cancioneiro

da Vaticana does not

line,

We may
'

divide Pope's
'

since

if

the

correctly cold

many

of the satiric

poems

regularly low

'.

In these verses, containing violent invec-

more covert sarcasm and themes are often scandalous, ridicule [cantigas d'escarnho), the They were written with the language ribald and unseemly. great zest, although without the fiery indignation of the ProvenThey are concerned with persons gal and Catalan sirventeses.
and abuse
[cantigas de maldizer) or
:

the haughty trobador

may

take a jogral to task for writing verses

'

rhyme or scan, but even then it is a personal matter and he rebukes his insolence for daring to raise his thoughts to altas donas in song. Some of these poems should never have been written or printed, but many of them give a lively idea of the society of that time. They laugh merrily or venomously at
that do not
the poverty-stricken knight with nothing to eat
;

at the knight
;

on those who called near dinner-time the jogral who knows as much of poetry as an ass of reading the poet who pretended to have gone as a pilgrim to the Holy Land but never went beyond Montpellier the physician (Mestre Nicolas) whose books were more for show than for use [E sab' os cadernos ben cantar quen^ non sabe por elles leer, C. V. 11 16) the Galician unjustifiably proud of his poetical talent [non sabia ben, C. V. 914) the jogral who gave up poetryshaved off his beard and cut his hair short about his ears in order to take holy orders, in hope of a fat living, but was disappointed the jogral who played badly and sang worse the poet who was the cause of good poetry in others the gentleman who spent most of his income on clothes and wore gilt shoes winter and summer. We read of the excellent capon, kid, and pork provided by the king for dinner of the fair malniaridada, married or rather sold by her parents of the impoverished lady, one of those for whom later Nun' Alvarez provided of the poet pining in exile not of love but hunger of the lame lawyer, the unjust
set his dogs
; ;

who

' g'cot (C. V. M.), qua/ cor (C. V. B.). cellos proposes quifa (cf. C. V. 1006, 1. 8).

D. Carolina Michaelis de Vascon-

THE CANCIONEIROS
judgC; the parvenu villao,

51 the seers and

the knighted

tailor,

These cantigas d'escarnho e de maldizer were a powerful instrument of satire from which there was no escape. A hapless infanQon, slovenly in his ways, drew down upon himself the wit of D. Lopo Diaz, who in
diviners {veedeiros, agoreiros, divinhos).

a series of eleven songs

creaking saddle
till

(C.

at Christmas he

V. 945-55) ridiculed him and his was fain to call a truce.

But the implacable D. Lopo forthwith indited a new song I won't deny that I agreed to a truce about the saddle, but it didn't include the mare ',^ and so no doubt continued till pa^^OdJ fiorida or la trinite. But the majority of these verses are not so
'

innocently merry.
in all three

Many
:

of the poets of the Cancioneiros

wrote
-"^

kinds

cantigas de amor, de amigo,

and de maldizer.

Of Joan de Guilhade ^ (fl. 1250) we have over fifty poems. He imitated both French and Provengal models, and, having learnt lightness of touch from them, would appear to have contented himself with writing cantigas de amigo (besides cantigas de amor and escarnho) without having recourse to the cossante. There is life and poetical feeling as well as facility of technique in his poems.

Pero Garcia de Burgos (fl. 1250) is, with Joan de Guilhade, one of the more voluminous writers of the Cancioneiros. He shows himself capable of deep feeling in his love songs, but
speaks with two voices, descending to sad depths in his poems

His contemporary, the segrel Pero da Ponte, is an accomplished poet of love, in the even flow of his verse far more accomplished than Pero Garcia, and in his satirical poems wittier and, as a rule, more moderate. He placed his
of invective.

also

poetical gift at the service of kings to sing their praises for hire,

and celebrated San Fernando's conquest of Seville in 1248 which, he says, none can adequately tell the praises '. To satire almost exclusively the powerful courtier of King Dinis' reign, Stevam Guarda, devoted his not inconsiderable talent, and the segrel Pedr' Amigo de Sevilha (fi. 1250) shone in the same kind with a great variety of metre as well as in
;

Seville, of

'

'

'

Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa (C. V. 956). Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15. C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1 1 10 ; C. A. 235-9 C. C. B. 373-6.
;

52

1185-1325
Martin Soarez
(first

numerous cantigas de amigo.

half 13th c),

born at Riba dc Lima, and considered the best trohador of his time (by those who could not appreciate the charm of the indigenous poetry), wrote no cossante nor canliga de amigo, and insolence in his satirical poems displayed a contemptuous regarded his inferiors in lineage as towards those whom he A notable or talent which places him in no attractive light. poet at the Courts of Spain and Portugal was Joan Airas of Santiago de Compostela (fi. 1250), of whom we have over twenty Contemporary cantigas de amor and fifty cantigas de amigo. criticism apparently viewed their quantity with disfavour,^ for he complains that Dizen que meus cantares non valen ren porque

tan muitos son

of those of

(C.

V. 533).

But

if

his

poems lack the variety

rival in

King

Dinis,

which they almost

number, they

are nevertheless marked not only by harmony but by many a touch of real life. Of most of the other singers we have far fewer poems. Like Meendinho and Estevam Coelho, Pero Vyvyaes his hailada (first half 13th c.) is known chiefly for a single song (C. V. 336). By D. Joan Soarez Coelho {c. 1210-80) there
:

and numerous other poems. and in the conquest of Algarve, as was also D. Joan de Aboim {c. 1215-87), whose poems are less numerous but include a dozen Cavalgava noutro dia cantigas de amigo and a pastorela (C. V. 278 per hun caminho frances), and Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha,^ whose cantigas de amor show characteristic life and vigour, and a good command of metre. There is an engaging grace and spirit in the cantigas de amigo written in dancing rhythm by Fernan Rodriguez de Calheiros (fi. in or before 1250), who preceded those soldier poets deep feeling and melancholy in the cantigas de amor of D. Joan Lopez de Ulhoa, their contemporary. Neither of these, however, possessed the poetical genius and versatility of the priest of Santiago, Airas Nunez (second half
are two cossantes (C. V. 291, 292)

He was prominent

at the Court of Afonso III (1248-79)

.

monotony

large number of cantigas by the same hand would emphasize the of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he was always dying of love in verse. * Soares de Brito in his Theatriim mentions Ferdinandus Garcia Esparavanha, optimus poeta (= horn trovador).
'

'

'

THE CANCIONEIROS
13th
c.)

53

in a marginal note to one of King Maria (C. M. 223 in the manuscript j. b. 2) whose poems show a perfect mastery of rhythm and a true instinct for beauty. He wrote a pastorela in the manner of the troiiveres, and combined it with some of the most exquisite specimens of the indigenous poetry,^ The fact that one of these was by Joan Zorro makes it probable that Nunez' celebrated

the

name appears

Alfonso's Cantigas de Santa

is but a development of Zorro's (C. V. 761), drew from a common popular source. Another of his poems (C. V. 468) reads like an anticipatory slice out of Juan Ruiz' Libro de Buen Amor. Great importance has been attached to another (C. V. 466) as a remnant of a cantar de gesta, but D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos has shown that it was written to commemorate a contemporary event, probably in 1289.2 More than any other poet of the Cancioneiros, with the exception, perhaps, of King Dinis, Nunez anticipated that doce estylo, the introduction of which cost Sa de Miranda so

bailada (C. V. 462)

unless both

many

perplexities.

The Cancioneiros contain poems by high and low, prince and, one would fain say, peasant, noble trohador and hnmhXe jogral, soldiers
and civilians, priests and laymen, singers of Galicia, Portugal, and Spain, but more especially of Galicia and North Portugal. As in the case of C. V. 466, the interest of many of the poems
is

historical

C. V. 1088, for instance, written

by a partisan

of

the dethroned

King Sancho

or C. V. 1080, a gesta de maldizer

of fifty-six lines in three

rhymes, with 'the exclamation Ef^y / at the change of the rhyme, which was written by D. Afonso

de Roland.^

Lopez de Bayan [c. 1220-80)^ clearly in imitation of the Chanson Almost equally prominent, though not from any historical associations, is the curiously modern C. A. 429 ( = C. C. B.
314)

among

the cantigas de amor.

It tells of a girl forced against

'
:

her will to enter a convent, and

dress

may be

religious,
cf.

who says to her lover shall not have my God but

Its

My

heart.'

(For
*

the metre,

C. V. 342.)

author was the fidalgo

See p. 31. See Randglosse xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem of eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V. B. it is printed in thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of the redondilha. ^ Cf. the Proven9al passage in Mild y Fontanals, De los Trohadores, p. 62.
^

54
D. Rodrig'
poets.

1185-1325
Eanez de Vasconcellos, one
of the

pre-Dionysian

But indeed no further proofs are needed to show that, even had King Dinis never existed, the contents of the early Portuguese Cancioneiros would have been remarkable for their When Alfonso X died his grandson Dinis variety and beauty. (1261-1325) ^ had sat for five years on the throne of Portugal. Plentifully educated by a Frenchman, Aymeric d'brard, afterwards Bishop of Coimbra, married to a foreign princess, Isabel of Aragon (the Oueen-Saint of Portugal), profoundly impressed, no doubt, by the world-fame of Alfonso X, to whom he was sent on a diplomatic mission when not yet in his teens, he became nevertheless one of the most national of kings. If he imitated Alfonso X in his love of literature, he showed himself a far abler and firmer sovereign, being more like a rock than like the sea, to which the poet compared Alfonso. Farsighted in the conception of his plans and vigorous in their
execution, the Rei Lavrador,

whom Dante

mentions, though not

by name

quel di Portogallo [Paradiso xix), fostered agriculture,

increased his navy,

built castles

planted pine-forests, fortified his towns,

legislated for the

and convents and churches, and

safety of the roads and for the general welfare and security of
his people. Among his great and abiding services to his country was the foundation of the first Portuguese University in the year 1290, and in the same spirit he ordered the translation of many notable books from the Spanish, Latin, and Arabic into Portuguese prose, including the celebrated works of the Learned

King, so that

it is

truer of prose than of poetry to say that he

inaugurated a golden age.^

Had

he written no
in

line of verse his

name must have been

centuries later.
It

for ever

honoured

Portugal as the real

fulfilled

founder of that imperishable glory which was

two

But he

also excelled as a poet,

of his

d'amor trobador.
in

had no doubt been part

in in

education to write conventionskill

ally

the Provencal manner, but his

versification,

remarkable even
attained
'
^

an age

exceptional

which Portuguese poetry had proficiency in technique, would have

in

He thus overlapped Dante's life by four years at either end. T. A. Craveiro, Compendio (1833), cap. 5 D. Diniz trouxe a idade de ouro a Portugal.

THE CANCIONEIROS
availed him, or at least us,
little

55

had he not also possessed an perhaps directly encouraged by Alfonso X. The Dedaratio placed by Guiraut Riquier of Narbonne on the lips of that king in 1275 marked the coming
instinct for popular themes,

showed the tendency to air and to cut off his poetry from the life of the people. It was owing to the personal encouragement of Dinis that the waning star of both Provengal and indigenous poetry continued to shine in Portugal for another half-century. The grandson of Alfonso X was the last hope of the trohadores and jograes of the Peninsula. From Leon and Castille and Aragon they came to reap an aftermath of song and panos at his Court, and after his death remained silent or unpaid (C. V. 708). The poems of King Dinis are not only more numerous but far more various than those of any other trobador, with the exception of Alfonso X, and it may perhaps be doubted whether they are all the work of his own hand. In poetry's old age he might well wish to collect specimens of various kinds for his Livro de Trovas. But many of the 138 poems ^ that we possess under his name are undoubtedly his, and display a characteristic force and sincerity as well as true poetic delicacy and power. Among them are some colourless cantigas de amor and others more individual in tone,
asphyxia of Provengal poetry, for
take the jogral
^

it

away from tavern and open

pastorelas (C. V. 102, 137, 150), cantigas de amigo (more Provengal

than Portuguese in their

spirit of

vigorous reproach are C. V. 186

:

Amigo fals' e desleal, and C. V, 198 At fals' amigo e sen lealdade), a jingle worthy of the Cantigas de Santa Maria (C. V. 136),
a

poem

in 8.8.4.8

metre
(C.

(C.

V. 131), atafiindas

(e. g.

C.

V. 130), a

mordohre in querer

Ua

mother que

me

V. 113, Quix hen, amigos, e quef e querrei quis e quer mat E querrd), and cossantes of an
:

unmistakably popular flavour Ay flares, ay flores do verde pino (C. V. 171), two albas (C. V. 170, 172), C. V. 168, 169, with their refrains lougana and ai madre, moiro d'amor, C. V. 173 with its
' A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the jogral is to be found in King Duarte's Leal Conselheiro, cap. 70 Dos Pecados da Obra. These include dar aos jograaees. Nunez de Learn translates joglar as iruao
:

(1606). C. V. 80-208 (= C. D.L. 1-75,77-128, 76) 12Q-38). C. V. ii6 = C. V. 174.

and

C. C. B.

406-15 (= C.D.L.

56
quaint charm:

I185-1325
Vede-la Jrol do pinho

Valha

Deus,

and the

bailada-cossante (C.

V. 195

Mia

niadre velida, Vouni' a la bailia

Do

the king wrote these cossantes he must be reckoned not only as a musical and skilful versifier but as a great poet. And certainly, at least, his graciosas e dukes palavras well earned amor).
If

him the reputation

It

of being

not only the best king but the best

poet of his time in the Peninsula.

would seem

that, unlike his grandfather,

who had begun

with profane and ended with religious verse, King Dinis, no doubt at his grandfather's bidding, who would be delighted

A Semior das Sennores songs in honour of the writing began Por que a non loades ?), His book of Louvores king. Virgin and sent them to the Castilian seen in the Escorial da Virgem Nossa Senhora is said to have been Library and in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, and it is impossible ^ altogether to set aside the statements of Duarte Nunez de Leam and Antonio de Sousa de Macedo, who says that he read religious poems by King Dinis at the Escorial.^ On the other hand, it must be remembered that it was the common opinion that King Dinis had been the first to write Portuguese poetry, and the temptation to attribute ancient poems to him would be
to find a disciple {Dized\ ai trobadores,

strong.

The

possibility of confusion with the Livro de Cantigas

(to

grandson may well have contributed But the statement of Sousa de Macedo, also obvious. poems) who was no passing traveller in a hurry, and who had wide experience of books and libraries,* is very precise. No trace or
of Alfonso

which

his

^ is

Cronica del Rei D. Diniz, 1677 ed., f. 113 v. Mandou hum livro delles escrito por sua mdo a seu avo ... qual eu vi na livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, emfolha depapel grosso, de marca pequena, volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e o que ly era de Louvores a Nossa Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino (Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., pp. 128-9) This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A.M. V. It does not imply that the it is obviously the source of no. 17. ii. 1 12-17 poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four fingers in height have been the Cane, da Ajuda (460 millimetres) from which a section of sacred poems may have been torn ? If so the letters Rey Do Denis (C. A. M. V. i. 141) would explain the attribution to King Dinis. * The language of C. M. and the Portuguese Cancioneiros was of course the same. Identical phrases occur. * He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library, which he describes hiia das grandes cousas do mundo (Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., p. 156). At the Escorial he also examined an original manuscript of St. Augustine
'

'

(ibid., p. 150).

THE CANCIONEIROS
memory
of the existence of this
is.

57

manuscript

exists,

however, at
subjects

the Escorial Library, nor

to be

found

in the Catdlogo de los

Manuscritos existentes antes del incendio de iGyi.

of

The

King

Dinis'

ten^ satirical poems are

trivial,

but he had

too

were

much force of character to descend common among profagadores. (His

:

to such vilenesses as

concise definition of

a bore

falou mutt' e

mal
his

Albuquerque.)

Of

Afonso de illegitimate sons, besides D. Afonso

(C. C.

B. 411)

is

worthy

of

Sanchez, D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos, long had a reputation as a poet almost equal to that of his father, owing to the
association of his

name with

the Cancioneiro

but

of his ten

poems six (C. V. 1037-42) are satirical, and the four cantigas deamor (C. V. 210-13) are perhaps the heaviest and most prosaic in the collection. It was as a prose-writer and editor of the
Livro de Linhagens that he worthily carried on the literary
tradition of

King

Dinis.
1

C. C. B. 406-15.

II

1
Early Prose
With
prose a

new period

opens, since, although there are

^

Portuguese documents of the late twelfth century

earlier,

and the

Latin chrysalis was in an advanced stage of development even

prose as a literary instrument does not begin before the

fourteenth century or the end of the thirteenth at the earliest.

The fragments of an early Poetica'^ clearly show how slow and awkward were still the movements of prose at a time when poetry had attained an exceedingly graceful expression. The
next two centuries redressed the balance in the favour of prose.

The victory

of

Aljubarrota (1385)

made

it

possible to carry

on

the national work begun by King Dinis

Portugal's resources for a high destiny.

the

preparation of
deliberate

In this constructive
its

process literature was not forgotten, and indeed

encouragement, as though it were an industry or a pine-forest, may account for the fact that it consisted mainly of prose
chronicles,

numerous translations from Latin, Spanish, and

other languages, works of religious or practical import.

first

The

kings of the dynasty of Avis,

who

rendered noble service

to Portuguese literature, were not poets,

of

and

in the

second half

the fifteenth

century Spanish influence, checked at Alju-

barrota,

succeeded by peaceful penetration in recovering all and more than all that it had lost, till it became common to hear lyrics of Boscan sung in the streets of Lisbon,^ and uncommon for a Portuguese poet to versify in his mother tongue.^ Prose
*

Portuguese is then uma lingua coherente, clara, um instrumento perfeito para a expressdo do pensamento, cuja maior plaslicidade dependerd apenas da cultura litteraria, F. Adolpho Coelho, A Lingua Portugiieza (1881), p. 87. ' See supra, p. 48. See p. 160. * Cf. for the seventeenth century Galhegos' preface and Mon. Lusit.

EARLY PROSE

59

King Dinis had encouraged translation was more national. into Portuguese, and among other works his grandfather King Alfonso the Learned's Cronica General was translated by his
order. The only edition that we have, Historia Geral de Hespanha (1863), is cut short in the reign of King Ramiro (cap. The first *0' of thp preface in the manuscript ccii, p. 192). contains the king in purple robe and crown of gold, pen in hand, with a book before him. The style is primitive, often a succesIn the convents sion of short sentences beginning with And } brief lives of saints, portions of the Bible, prayers and regulaThus we have thirteenth- or tions were written in Portuguese.
'
'

fourteenth-century fragments of the rules of

de

S,

Bento, Fragmentos
its

uma versdo antiga da

(e. g.

regra de S. Bento, with

traces of a Latin
;

original

the Deos = contemnentes Dewn) Ados dos Apostolos, written in the middle of the fifteenth century by Frei Bernardo de Alcobaga and Frei Nicolao Vieira, that is, the eloquent prayers copied by them from an older manuscript [Libra de Moras) translated by another Alcobaga monk, Frei
os desprezintes
;

Joao Claro (ti520.?); the Historias ahreviadas do Testamento Velho, printed from a manuscript of the fourteenth century, or The translation of the thirteenth retouched in the fourteenth. is close the style foreshadows that of the Leal Conselheiro. The importance of these and other fragmentary versions of the Bible, in which there can rarely be a doubt as to the meaning of the words, is obvious. Extracts from the Vida de Eufrosina and the Vida de Maria Egipcia, published in 1882 by Jules Cornu from the manuscripts formerly in the Monastery of Alcobaga, now in the Torre do Tombo, show that they were A Lenda dos written in vigorous if primitive prose (14th c).
;

Santos Barlaam

Josaphat

is

perhaps a

little later

(end of the

fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century).

Tundalo, of which the Latin original, Visio by Frei Marcos not long after the date of the vision
V. xvi.
:

The Visao de Tundali, was written

(1140),

achandose neste reino poncos que escrevdo versos e nao seja na lingua 3 estranjeira de Castilla. ' e.g. matou a grande serpente dallagoa de lerne que auja sete cabegas. E persegujo as pias filhas de finees que Ihe aujd odio e o querid desherdar. destroyu foy CO jaasson o que adusse o velloso dourado da ylha de colcos.

troya. Sec.

6o
exists in

1325-1521

two Portuguese versions, probably both of the fifteenth century (Monastery of Alcobaga). The Vida de Santo Aleixo also exists in two codices belonging to the middle and beginning of the fifteenth century, and Dr. Esteves Percira, who published the latter, considers that the variants point to an earlier manuscript of the beginning, of the fourteenth or end of the To about the same period (i4th-i5th c.) thirteenth century. belong the Lenda de Santo Eloy, the Vida de Santo Amaro, the Vida de Santa Pelagia, and many similar short devout treatises and legends which concern literature less than the development Both literature and philology are of the Portuguese language.
interested in the early fifteenth-century

work printed by Dr.

Leite de Vasconcellos from the manuscript in the Vienna HoJbibliothek

:

Livro de Esopo, which consists not of direct translaof

tions

from Exopo greguo

Antioch but of

estorias ffremosas

de animalias, told in the

manner of Aesop,

half a century before

William Caxton and Robert Henryson, with great naturalness,

vigour,

and brevity.
earliest entry of the Cronica Breve do

The

Archivo Nacional

is

dated 1391, and both it and the Cromcas Breves e avulsas de Santa Cruz de Coimbra are laconic annals of the
kings of Portugal, a few lines covering a whole reign.

memorias
first

The Livro da

Noa

de Santa Cruz de Coimbra

of the

is

an extract from the Livro das

is,

Heras

same convent, and

as the latter title indicates,

years.^ It begins in Latin,
till

a similar simple chronicle of events

by

then Latin and Portuguese entries alternate

1405.

From

1406 to the end (1444) they are exclusively Portuguese. The Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores (1209-85) is a fifteenthcentury Portuguese translation of a fourteenth-century Latin
chronicle,

and has been carefully edited by Dr.

J, J.
;

Nunes from
the Vida de

the manuscript in the Lisbon Bibliotcca Nacional

D. Tello (15th c), and the Vida de S.

of
'

Isabel, the
'

Queen-consort
'

King Dinis
Cf Por
.

(earlier

15th c),

are

historical

biographies

enxcmplo este doutor nos mostra, or este poeia nos dd cnsinamento, &c. The Fables of Aesop were translated into Portuguese prose by Manuel Vida e I'abulas do Insigne Mendez, a schoolmaster at Lagos (Algarve) Fabulador Grego Esopo. Evora, 1603. * e. g. of an earthquake Era de mil e quatrocentos e quatro desoito dias do ntez de Junho tremeo a terra ao serao muy rijamente e foi por espafo que
este
: :

disserum u Pater

tres vezes.

EARLY PROSE

6i

which contain more legend and less history than the Cronica da Fiindagam do Moesteiro de S. Vicente de Lixhoa {Cronica dos Vicentes), a fifteenth-century version from a Latin original, There is far more life if Indiculum, of the eleventh century. equal brevity in the Cronica da Conquista do Algarve [Coronica tomou este reino de Algarve aos de como Dom Payo Correa Moros) a rapid, vivid sketch which reads almost like a chapter out of Fernam Lopez. Here at last was some one with will and power to make the dry bones live.-^ But meanwhile history of another kind had been written from a very early date. As a first rough catalogue of names the livros de linhagens, books of descent, as they were called by their compilers,^ go back farther than the chronicles or religious prose, but so far asconcerns their claim to literary form they belong like those to the fourOf the four that have come down to us the teenth century. Livro Velho is a jejune family register (iith-i4th c.) the second is a mere fragment of the same kind. The manuscript of the third {0 Nobiliario do Collegia dos Nohres) w^as bound up with the Cancioneiro da Ajuda, and together with the fourth, Nobiliario do Conde D. Pedro, represents the lost original of the Livro de Linhagens of D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos (1289The Nobiliario do Conde has been shown by Alexandre 1354)Herculano, who printed it from the manuscript in the Torre do Tombo, to be the work of various authors extending over more than a century (i3th-i4th), the Conde de Barcellos being but one of them. It was in fact compiled like a modern peerage,^ and was not^ intended to be final, new entries being added as time made them necessary, so that the passage diz Conde D. Pedro em seu livro is as natural as the mention of Innocencio da Silva in a later volume of his great dictionary. But it was
.

this

son of ;King Dinis

far

who with

infinite diligence

searched for

documents
Alfonso

and

and wide, had recourse to the writings of King others, and spared no pains to give the work

* The Cronica Troyana, edited in 1900 by the Spanish scholar and patient investigator D. Andres Martinez Salazar, is a fourteenth-century Galician version of Benoit de Saint-More's Roman de Troie. ^ The name Nobiliario is one of the erudite words which in the sixteenth century, here as in so many other cases, ousted the indigenous. ' Its object was por sabereni os homens fidalgos de Portugal de qual linhagetn vem e de quaes coutos, honras, mosteiros e igreias som naiuraes.

62

1325-1521

an historical as well as a genealogical character. His researches {Ouue de catar, he says, por gram trahalho por muitas terras
escriptiiras que

to

Fernam Lopez.

fallauam das linhagees) set an excellent example Certainly the Livro de Linhagens is a vast
or
*

catalogue of names, with at most a brief note after the name, as

'

he was a good priest

'

a very good poet

' ;

but

it

also gives

succinct stories of the Kings of the Earth from

Adam,

including

Priam, Alexander, Julius Caesar, and the early kings of Portugal,

and

it

contains rare but charming intervals, green oases of

its

legend and anecdote, such as the tale of King Lear with

happy ending, or the account of King Ramiro going to see his Count Pedro, by his wife, who was a captive of the Moors. ^ humanity and his generous conception of what a genealogy should be, really made the book his own. It was naturally consulted by the early chroniclers, its worth was recognized by the ablest author of the Monarchia Liisitana,^ and recently, in the
skilful

hands

of

D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos,

it

has

rendered invaluable service in reconstructing the lives of the

thirteenth-century poets.

The Livro de Linhagens refers not only to King Lear but to King Arthur, Lancelot, and the Isle of Avalon. Many other allusions, both earlier and later, to the Breton cycle,
Merlin,

the matiere de Bretagne, are to be found in early Portuguese

literature
:

to the lovers Tristan

and
in

Iseult, to the cantares de

Cornoalha,^ to the chivalry of the Knights of the

Round
;

Table.

In the fourteenth century

many

Portugal were baptized

with the name

of Lancelot,

Tristan,

and Percival

and Nun'

Alvarez (1360-1431) chose Galahad for his model, and came In as near realizing his ideal as may be given to mortal man. Gil Vicente's time the name Percival had already descended
to

the sphere of the peasants

as

Passival

(i.

11)
:

in

1502

' His successful wile is similar to the stratagem in Macbeth e pots que a nave entrou pela foz cobrio-a de panos verdes em tal guisa que cuidassem que eram ramos, ca entonce o Douro era cuberto de hua parte e da outra darvores. ' A escritura de maior utilidade que tetnos em Espanha (Frei Francisco Brandao, Mon. Lus. V. xvii. 5). * i. e. the copy printed in Portug. Mon. Hist, from the only existing manuscript (= the copy by Caspar Alvarez de Lousada Machado (i 554-1634) in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo). * The songs of Cornwall are mentioned in C. V. 1007. Cf. 1 140.
'
'

EARLY PROSE
{Auto Pastoril Castelhano) and Pessival
(i.

63
117) in 1534 [Auto de

Mofina Mendes). The early Portuguese Cancioneiros contain

this cycle,

many

references to

and the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti opens with five celebrated songs/ imitations of Breton lais, with rubrics explaining their subjects, and mentioning King Arthur and Tristan, Iseult, Cornwall, Maraot of Ireland, and Lancelot. Whether they were incorporated in the Cancioneiro from a Portuguese Tristam earlier than the Spanish version (1343 ?), or, as is more probable, directly from the Old- French Historia Tristani, their presence
here
is

a sufficient witness to the Portuguese fondness for such

It

was but natural that a Celtic people living by the sea, delighting in vague legends and in foreign novelties, should have felt drawn towards these misty tales of love and wandering adventure, which carried them west as far as Cornwall and Ireland, and also East, through the search for the Holy Grail. It was natural that they should undergo their influence earlier and more strongly than their more direct and more national neighbours the Castilians, whose clear, definite descriptions in the twelfth- century Poema del Cid would send those legends drifting back to the dim regions of their birth. (Even to-day connexion with and sympathy for Ireland is far commoner in Galicia than in any other part of Spain.) Unhappily, most of the early Portuguese versions of the Breton legends have been lost. King Duarte in his library possessed Merlim, Livro de Tristam, and Livro de Galaaz. The probability that these were written in Portuguese, not in Spanish, is increased by the survival of A Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda e da Demanda do Santo Graall, as yet only partially published from the manuscript (2594) in the Vienna Hofbibliothek. It was written probably in the fourteenth century, perhaps at the end of the thirteenth, although the Vienna manuscript is more recent and belongs to the fifteenth century, in which the work was referred to by the poet Rodriguez de la Camara.^ It is a Portuguese version of the story of the Holy Grail, and, although not a
themes.
See C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, ii. 479-525. are called lais, layx (C. C. B. 7, 8). ^ En la grand demanda de Santo Greal Se lee. Gral is still a common Portuguese word { almofariz, a mortar).
*

They

64

1325-1521

continuous translation, was evidently written with the French

original (doubtfully ascribed to

Robert de Boron/ author

of

a different
of

work on the same

subject) constantly in view.

Traces

French remain

in its prose.-

This was clearly part of a larger

others that

work,^ perhaps of a whole cycle of works dealing with the search

for the
'

Holy

Grail.

The only

we have

in print are

the Estorea de Vespeseano and the Livro de Josep ah Arimatia,

the manuscript of which was discovered in the nineteenth century in the Torre do Tombo. This, in the same way as the

Demanda do Santo Graall,

is

a later (i6th

c.)

copy

of a thirteenth-

fourteenth-century Portuguese translation or adaptation from

the French, and retains in
its

language signs of French origin.

is

The incunable Estorea

in

de Vespeseano (Lixboa, 1496)

a
*

work
refers

twenty-nine short chapters, which only incidentally

but recounts vividly the event mentioned in the destruction of Jerusalem by Vespasian and the Demanda Titus. It was also known formerly as Destroygam de Jerusalem.^ It is an anonymous translation, made in the middle of the
to the
Grail,
^
:

Holy

fifteenth century, not from the French Destruction de Jerusalem, but from the Spanish Estoria del noble Vespesiano {c. 1485 and 'Dr. Esteves Pereira believes that the 1499 Spanish 1499). edition is a retranslation from the Portuguese text originally translated from the Spanish. Tennyson's revival of the Arthurian legend in England evoked no corresponding interest in Portugal in the nineteenth century, and the primitive and touching story as published in 1887 has left Sir Percival in the very middle of an adventure The descent of the Amadis romances for over a generation. from the noble ideal of chivalry of King Arthur's Court is obvious, but their exact pedigree, the date and nationality of the first ancestor of the Amadis who is still with us, has been the subject
of
*

some
'

little

contention.

is mentioned, 1887 ^d., p. 44. to speak of certas, onta, febre (= faible), a voso sciente, which may be found in other Portuguese works of the fifteenth century, son (p. 136 ad fin.) apparently = Fr. s'en. * Cf. asi como o conto a ja deuisado (1887 ed., p. 7).

ruberte de borem

Not

* *

1905 ed., p. 95. despots uespesiom os eyxerdou 1887 ed., p. 43 1905 ed., pp. 17, 23, 106.
:

e os destruio.

EARLY PROSE
Amadis
de Gaula has indeed been doubly fortunate.

55

The

successor of Lancelot, Galahad, and Tristan as a fearless and loyal knight, he early won his way in the Peninsula he was
;

spared by the priest and barber in the

Don

Quixote scrutiny,
those
'

and now when Vives'

follies
',

'

pestiferous

books

',1

serious

are no longer read widely, he has received a

new span

immortality as a corpse of Patroclus between the contending critics. The problem of the date and authorship has become more fascinating than the book. Champions for Spain and
of

Portugal come forward armed for the fight

Baist are

Braunfels, Gayangos,

met by Theophilo Braga, Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, while Dr. Henry Thomas holds the scales. The ground is thick with their arrows. And beneath them all lies the simple ingenuous story as retold by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo in or immediately after 1492 and published in 1508, still worth reading for its freshness and for its clear good style, which Braunfels, following up the praise in Juan de Valdes' Didlogo de la Lengua [c- 1535), declared could not be a translation. ^ The argument,
conclusive in the case of the masterpiece of prose that
De
:

is

Palmeirim

' Institutione Christianae Feminae, Bk. I, cap. 5 Turn et de pestiferis libris cuiusmodi sunt in Hispania [= the whole Peninsula], Amadisius, Splan-

Florisandus, Tirantus, Tristanus, quarum ineptianim nullus est quotidie prodeunt novae Caelistina laena, nequitiarum parens, career amorum in Gallia Lancilotus a Lacu, Paris et Vienna, Ponthus et Sydonia, Petrus Provincialis et Magelona, Melusina, domina inexorabilis in hac Belgica Florius et Albus Flos, Leonella et Cana morus. Curias et Floreta, Pyramus et Thisbe (loannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia, A Portuguese Tristan may 7 vols., Valentiae Edetanorum, 1782-8, iv. 87). have existed, a Portuguese original of Tirant lo Blanch less probably, although Pedro Juan Martorell, who began it in the Valencian or Lemosin a ii de Giner de lany 1460, declares that he had not only translated it from English into Portuguese but (mas encara) from Portuguese into Valencian. He dedicated it to the molt illustre Princep Ferdinand of Portugal. Very probably the fame and origin of Amadis accounted for this 'English' original, as mythical as the Hungarian origin of Las Sergas de Esplandian, and for its alleged translation into Portuguese. ^ Braunfels, Versuch: 'Montalvo hatte, um ciner Uebersetzung den Ruhm des mustergiltigen Styls und des reinsten Kastilianisch zu verscliaffen, ein Geist ersten Rangs sein miissen, was er nicht war.' Montalvo was probably not the real author even of the fourth book. The words (in this Prdlogo of his Amadis), que hasta aqiii no es memoria de ninguno ser visto, refer not to the fourth book but to Montalvo's Sergas de Esplandian, which is conveniently replaced by dots in T. Braga, Questoes (1881), p. 99, and Hist, da Litt. Port., i (1909), p. 313, and which the priest in Don Quixote properly consigned to the flames.
dianus,
finis
;
: :

'

2362

66
de Inglaferra, loses
its

1325-1521
force here, since

Montalvo himself

tells

us

that he corrected the work from old originals.

are curious to

Naturally

we
:

know what

these antiguos originales were, but the

question did not arise in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries

readers did not then concern themselves greatly with the origin

and

they were content to enjoy it. authorship of a book Evidently Amadis was enjoyed both in Spain and Portugal.
;

It is

mentioned

in the

middle

of the fourteenth

century in the

Spanish translation, by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz, of Egidio Colonna's De regimine principum, at the very time, that is, when the Spanish poet and chronicler, Pero Lopez de Ayala
(1332-1407), was reading
later, in

Amadis

in his youth. ^

Half a century

the last quarter of the fourteenth century, a

poem by

Pero Fcrrus in the Cancionero de Baena refers to Amadis as written in three books. This is one of the most definite early
references to Amadis, but of course reference to the

a Spaniard does not necessarily imply that

a French or Anglo-French original.
in the

it

book by was written in

Spanish, and indeed some of the vaguer allusions

references occur in the Cancionero de Baena, which

may

refer to

The most frequent Spanish was compiled

is,

middle of the fifteenth century, at a period, that

all

which

the last Galician lyrics written in Spain connected with the time

when

eyes were turned to Portuguese as the universal language

Because the Portuguese language was used throughout Spain in lyric poetry, it is sometimes argued as if the Portuguese had no prose, could only sing. (The more real division was not between verse and prose but between the Portuguese lyrical love literature and the Spanish epic battle
of Peninsular lyrics.

and the early romances of chivalry, although written belong essentially to the former.) The prose rubrics of the Portuguese Cancioneiros and the Poetica of the Cancioneiro
literature,

in prose,

Colocci- Brancuti are sufficient to dispel this delusion.

this Poetica

Whether
of

be contemporary (13th
offers a striking contrast

c.)

of the lyrics or later

(14th c),
its

it

between the clumsiness

prose and the smooth perfection of the poetry for which

His connexion with Portugal was not voluntary. It was probably when he was a prisoner after the battle of Aljubarrota (1385) that he wrote the Rimado de Palacio, in which (st. 162) Amadis is mentioned.
'

EARLY PROSE
it

67

theorizes.
is

Amadis

contemporary with the

Miguel Leite Ferreira's statement (1598) that lyrics is therefore remarkable.

He

says that the archaic (time of King Dinis) language of the

two sonnets
trebelhando

Bom

Vasco de Loheira and Vinha

his father,

Amor pelo campo

Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), is the same as that in which Vasco de Lobeira wrote Amadis of Gaul. We know that King Dinis encouraged not only lyric poetry but also translations into Portuguese prose, but all the early Portuguese prose works are assigned to the fourteenth,
not the thirteenth century.

written by

One

of the earliest, the

Demanda

do Santo Graall, the language of which bears a close relation to

that of the Cancioneiros,
still

belongs to the fourteenth century.

of prose misled Leite Ferreira

Probably the later development

into

making fourteenth-century prose contemporary with thirteenth-century verse. The Infante whom he here on the strength of the passage in Montalvo's Amadis identifies with the son of King Dinis, not with the earlier Prince Afonso [c. 1265-1312),

may

as Infante

have expressed
in the

dislike of a certain incident (the

treatment of Briolanja)
his preference

already well-known story, and

in

would be borne

mind when the Portuguese

If

version was written in his reign (1325-57).

version of

the

first

Peninsular

Amadis was composed

it

in

of the fourteenth century,

may
^

Portuguese in the middle have been eagerly read as

lyrics

a novelty

by Lopez de Ayala.

In the fourteenth century most

Spaniards read, a few wrote

Portuguese

and there

seems to be no reason

why we

should rigorously confine them

to the reading of verse, to the exclusion of

Portuguese prose.

There is no means of deciding with certainty whether Lopez de Ayala and Ferrus read Amadis in Spanish or in Portuguese, but there are inherent probabilities in favour of Portuguese. No one without a thesis to support would deny that, generally, the

Round Table, to which Amadis is so closely related, was more congenial to the Portuguese than to the Spanish temperament, that the geographical position of Portugal facilitated its introduction, and that, in the particular case of Amadis, the style and subject of the work, certainly of the first three
cycle of the
^ For the later writers of Galician (second Lang's Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano (1902).

half

14th

c.)

see

Professor

68
books,
page.
are

1325-1521
Melancholy inPortuguese rather than Spanish. and tears occur on nearly every
critics

cidents, sentimental phrases

Some
if

even discern traces

that

of

Portuguese in the
1350,
it

language.^

But
its

we admit
?

Amadis was written

c.

who was
had been

author

It

is

noteworthy that while in Spanish

of Lobeira.

attributed to

many

persons, in Portugal tradition has persistently

hovered round the name

Unfortunately the Lobeira

authorship has given far more trouble than that of prince, Jew, Zurara, basing his statement on an earlier or saint in Spain.
fifteenth-century authority, in a perfectly genuine passage of

Conde D. Pedro de Meneses,^ written in the middle Amadis to Vasco de Lobeira. Barros^ (not the historian) and In the next century Dr. Joao de Leite Ferreira agree with Zurara.^ There was no reason why According they should say Vasco rather than Pedro or Joao. to Nunez de Leam, Vasco de Lobeira was knighted on the field of Aljubarrota (1385), according to Fernam Lopez he was already a knight in 1383.^ If he was not a young but an old knight at
his Cronica do of the fifteenth century, ascribes
' Lua (glove), cedo, &.C., of course occur in early Spanish prose. Soledad certainly occurs in the first three books more frequently than in other Spanish prose. The Portuguese atmosphere is altogether absent in Las Sergas. Livra d' Amadis, como quer que soomentc este fosse feito a prazer Cap. 63 de hum homem que se chamava Vasco Lobeira em tempo d' El Rev Dam Fernando, sendo todalas cousas do dito Liiiro fingidas do Autor. ^ Libro das Antiguidades E daqui \do Porto] foi natural (1549), f. 32 v. uasco lobeira q fez os prim'"' 4 libros de amadis, obra certo muj subtil e graciosa e aprouada de todos os gallantes, mas comos [so] estas couzas se secao em nossas ma<>s os Castelhanos the mudarao a linguoagem e atribuirao a obra assi [so]. This passage is, however, absent in the earliest manuscript. The spelling cour.as implies a late date for its introduction. * So did Faria e Sousa, but he, too, had his Lobeira doubts, and after noting that Vasco de Lobeira was knighted by King Joao I says si ya no es que era otro del mismo nombre. Pero la Escritura do Amadis sc tiene por del tiempo deste Rey don luan (Fvcnte de Aganipc (Madrid, 1646), 10). The obviou.s sympathj' of the author for the cscudero viejo who is knighted in Amadis (ii. 13, 14) amidst the laughter of the Court ladies is perhaps
:

'

'

significant.

Cronica de D. Fernando, cap. 177. The year of his death, given as 1403, quite uncertain. Scares de Brito in the Theatrum fornxs no independent opinion Vascus de Lobeyra inter Lusitanos Scriptores enumeratur a Faria. Floruit tempore Fernandi Regis.' Antonio Sousa de Macedo, in Flores de Espaha, also follows Faria \^asco de Lobeira /m^ el primero que con gentil habilidad escribid libros de caballerias. Nicolds Antonio (1617-84), Bib. Nov., 1688 ed., ii. 322, says that Vasco de Lobeira vtdgo inter cives suos existimari solet auctor celeberrimi inter famosa scripti Historia de Amadis de
*

is

'

EARLY PROSE
Aljubarrota,
it is

69

just possible that he wrote the

book

thirty-five

years earher, in the same

way

that the historian Barros wrote

Clarimundo in his youth. If he Hved on through the reigns of Pedro I (1357-67) and Fernando (1376-83), and acquired new distinction in battle in the reign of the latter, this might account for Zurara's assertion that he wrote Amadis in the reign of Fernando. But the chief obstacle to the authorship of Vasco is the existence in the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti (Nos. 230 and 232 a) of a song by Joan de Lobeira, Leonoreta, fin roseta.y^hich. reappears with slight

Amadis [lAh. II, cap. xi este villancico). would seem then that Joan, not Vasco, wrote Amadis. Joan de Lobeira,^ or Joan Pirez Lobeira, flourished in the second half of the thirteenth century, and so we have Amadis dating not only from the reign of King Dinis but from the first half of his reign. But does the existence of the poem entail that of a prose romance ? The early mention of Tristan, e.g. by Alfonso X,
variations in Montalvo's
It
:

does not necessarily imply the existence of a thirteenth-century

Peninsular Tristan in prose.

May we

not accept the poem,

written in the stirring metre, dear to

men

of action,

used by

Alfonso

M. 300), as merely a proof of the popularity of the story, fondness for an episode perhaps treated in greater detail in the Anglo-French original than in Montalvo's version } Certainly it is in the highest degree improbable that a Spaniard,
(C.

writing at the end of the fifteenth century,

a

should extract
it

poem from
;

the Portuguese Cancioneiros and insert

in his

but the improbability disappears if in the middle of the fourteenth century a Portuguese (Vasco de Lobeira), perhaps
prose

drawn
in his

to the story

romance.

by the poem of his ancestor, incorporated it The late Antonio Thomaz Pires in 1904 dis-

covered at Elvas the will of a Joao de Lobeira, mercador,

. .
.

who

died

Osiendere Gaula cuius laudes nos inter Anonymos curiose collegimus. autem Lusitanos Amadisium hunc Lusitane loquentem, uti Castellani Castellanum ostendunt, ins et aequum esset in dubia re ne verbis tantum agerent. The challenge in the last sentence is of interest, as coming in date between the two statements (by Leite Ferreira and the Conde da Ericeira) asserting the existence of the Portuguese text. There was a Canon of Santiago of this name in 1295, and he may have come to the Portuguese Court on business concerning certain privileges of the Chapter which King Dinis confirmed in 1324.
1

70

1325-1521

there in 1386, and in Dr. Theophilo Braga's latest opinion^ there

were three Portuguese versions

Amadis that of the father, this Joao de Lobeira, written in the time of King Dinis (a long-lived race these Lobeiras !), that of the son," Vasco, and a third by Pedro de Lobeira in the first half of the fifteenth century. The threefold authorship of this family heirloom is even more cruu
of
:

de creer than the theory that a single Lobeira

it

Vasco wrote
A
certain note
:

in

the middle of the fourteenth century.

of

disapproval of Amadis as fabulous, shared by Portuguese

writers,^ perhaps indicates a fairly late date
its

and Spanish

would be less excusable if it was written in an age which was beginning to attach serious importrue chronicles. Moreover, if the tance to nohiliarios and Portuguese adaptation of an Anglo-French legend had been even remotely as developed as the form in which we now have the Infante Afonso must have seen at once that the faithit, But fulness of Amadis was absolutely essential to the story.
irresponsible fiction
'

'

especially the fact that the Portuguese Cancioneiros, familiar

with Tristan and the matiere de Bretagne, are silent on the subject
of

Amadis

is

significant.

In Gottfried Baist's argument, based on a rigid division between early lyric poetry (as Portuguese) and early prose (as Spanish), the Leonoreta lyric, far from being a stum^bling-block, is actually a sign of the Spanish origin of Amadis as a fragment (14th c.) of a prose Tristan exists in Spanish, and five Portuguese
:

Tristan lais figure in the Cancioneiro

Colocci-Brancuti, so the

Leonoreta poem belongs to a Spanish Amadis in prose. But although the priority and relations of early Portuguese and Spanish prose works are intricate and have not yet been thoroughly studied, it is clear that in many cases versions have been more carefully preserved in conservative Spain, while the Portuguese through neglect, fire, and earthquake have perished, and also that the natural tendency and development of prose, in view of

Hist, da Litt. Port,

(1909).

In the document the only son mentioned is named Gon9alo. * Zurara, loc. cit., cousas fingidas; Lopez de Ayala, mentiras probadas. According to D. Francisco de Portugal {Arte de Galanteria, p. 146) such lies could only be written in Spanish {en la Portuguesa no se podia mentir Portugal was writing in Spanish. tanlo).
*

EARLY PROSE
And

71

the growing power of Castille and the greater pliancy of the

Portuguese, was from Portuguese to Spanish, not from Spanish

to Portuguese.
in

Portuguese prose work of the

Santo Graall, which with
its

one instance at least we have an early first importance, the Demanda do

gallicisms
of
is

can by no stretch It imagination be accounted a version from the Spanish,

plainly legitimate to hold that the story of

Amadis was

first

reduced to book form in the Peninsula in precisely the same way as was the story of Galahad, i.e. as a fourteenth-century Portuguese adaptation with the French text in view.
Nicholas

d'Herberay des Essarts, we know, claimed to have discovered fragments of Amadis en langage picard, Jorge Cardoso (160669) declared that Pero Lobeira translated Amadis from the
French,^ and Bernardo Tasso, whose Amadigi appeared in 1560,
believed
{71071 e

duhbio)

Amadis

to be derived da qualche istoria di

Nor would the Portuguese, for all their familiarity with the story and topography of the Breton cycle, be likely to compose original works dealing with Vindilisora (Windsor) or Bristoya (Bristol). Unhappily, however deep may be our
Bretagna.

conviction (a conviction which stands in no need of antedating

Hebrew
was

versions of the 1508 Amadis) that the Peninsular A7nadis

Portuguese, it has now ceased to belong to Portuguese literature another instance, if we may beg the
originally
;

question, of the gravitation to Spain.

The Portuguese
Ferreira,

text, of
in

which

a copy,

according

to

Leite

existed

the

library of the

Duques de Aveiro
in the

in the sixteenth

century (1598),
missing, as

and, according to the Conde da Ericeira, in the library of the

Condes de Vimieiro it was in 1726.

seventeenth (1686),

is still

* Agiologio Lusitano, i E por sen mandado [of the Infante (1652), p. 410 Pedro, son of Joao I] trasladoii de Frances em a nossa lingtia Pero Lobeiro [so], Tabalido d'Eluas, liiiro de Amadis.
:

2
Epic and Later Galician Poetry
we have seen, but they are all written from a personal point of view. Portuguese history, with its heroic achievements such as the conquest of Algarve, seems to have begun just too late to be the subject of great anonymous epics, or rather the temperament of the Portuguese people eschewed them. Of five poems, long believed to be the earliest examples

Some

of the

poems

of the early Cancioneiros^ as

have an

historical character,

of

as genuine, only one belongs to epic poetry.

Portuguese verse but no longer accepted by any sane critic This Poema da

since

Cava or da Perda de Espanha was an infant prodigy indeed, it was supposed to have been written (in oitavas) in the eighth century. With a discretion passing that of Horace it kept itself from the world not for nine but nine hundred years, and was first published in Leitao de Andrada's Miscellanea rougo da Cava imprio de tal sanha, &c. (1629) ^ Of the four other spurious poems, two ^ were alleged to be love letters of Egas Moniz Coelho, a cousin of the celebrated Egas Moniz Coelho of the twelfth century another, published by Bernardo de Brito,^ Tinherabos nam tinherabos, has

a real charm as gibberish.

attaches also to the
fifth
:

Fascination, of

a different kind,

No
for
if

figueiral figueiredo,
nifias encontrara,

no

figueiral entrei

Tres
this

tres ninas encontrei,

it

poem

is

not genuine, and the fact that

it

was

first

published by Brito^ at once lays

open to grave suspicion, it is nevertheless undoubtedly based on popular tradition of a yearly

1867 ed., p. 333. Ibid., pp. 304-7. Cronica de Cister, Bk. VI, cap. i, 1602 ed., f. 372. It has been several times reprinted cf. J. F. Barreto, Orlografia (1671), p. 23; Bellermann, Die

'

alien Liederbucher, p.
*
;

Grundriss, p. 163.
ed.,
ii.

Monarchia Lusitana, 1609 Bellermann, pp. 3-4). pp. 25-6

296 (also in Miscellanea, 1867 ed.,

EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRV

tribute of maidens to the

73

Moors such

as the Greeks paid to the

Minotaur, and must be the echo of some Algarvian song. Its simple repetitions have a haunting rhythm, but they are perhaps
a Httle too emphatic.

The impression
him

is

that
oji

its

author had

been struck by the repetitions in songs heard

people, perhaps crooned to
p.

the hps of the

in his infancy (cf. Miscellanea,

25

sendo en miiito menino), and worked them up in this

poem.
the

One early epic poem Portugal undoubtedly possessed, Poema da Batalha do Salado, by Afonso Giraldez, who himself probably took part in the battle (1340). The subject of the poem is the same as that of the Spanish Poema de Alfonso Onceno, but whether its treatment was similar we cannot say, as only forty lines of the Galician-Portuguese poem survive. Since the authorship of the Spanish poem is doubtful and its
rhymes run more naturally
theory has arisen,
in Galician

than

in Spanish,

the

among others, that Rodrigo Yannez, whose name perhaps denotes a connexion with Galicia, merely transBut against this it is lated the poem of Afonso Giraldez. argued that Yannez or Eanez was a Galician or wrote Galician lyrics (there are several poets of that name in the Cancioneiro da for Spain Vaticana), and when called upon to compose an epic
a late epic
poetry,

chose
in

Castilian,

the traditional language of such

and

executing his design found that his enthusiasm

had outrun

his

knowledge

of Castilian.^

It

is

not strange

if

so

brilliant a victory inspired two poets independently with its theme. It is perhaps more extraordinary that both should have

chosen a metre (8 + 8) which has called for remark as showing the romance through the cantar de gesta.^ Frei Antonio Brandao, indeed, called the Portuguese poem a romance, a type of poem

which did not exist in the fourteenth century. Since the battle was fought in Spain it would be considered in Brandao's day a proper subject for a romance, but would be noticeable as being written in Galician. Castilian was throughout the Peninsula
regarded as the fitting
the epic, just
'

medium

for the romance, as for its father

as,

a century earlier, Galician was the universal

of

SeeGrundriss, p. 205. D. Ramon Menendez Pidal supports the suggestion Leonese authorship (Revista de Filologia Espanola, i. i (1914), pp. 90-2). * See J. Fitzmau rice- Kelly, Litterature Espagnole, 1913 ed., p. 64.

74
language
instance
of

1325-1521
the
lyric.^

Portuguese poets,

if

they wrote a

romance, would usually do so in Spanish.

is

The best-known
which only belongs
'

Gil Vicente's fine

poem(wMy

sentido y galan as the

1720 editor says) of D. Duardos

the Cavalheiro dc Oliveira
fessed to have found
it.

e Flerida,

to Portuguese literature through the excellent

',

translation of

among whose papers

Garrett pro-

Portugal possessed no epic cantares

de gesta of her own, had not therefore the stuff out of which the

romances were formed, and the birth of the romance coincided with the predominance of Spanish influence in Spain. It is therefore surprising to find in Portugal a large number of romances

unconnected with Spain, the explanation being that, having accepted with characteristic enthusiasm the new thing imported from abroad, the Portuguese turned to congenial themes, of love, religion, and adventure. Had the romances been elaborated in the same way as in Spain, we might have expected a large number of anonymous Portuguese romances dealing with the Breton cycle, and indeed with early Portuguese history, so rich in heroic incidents. The fact that this is not the case and the number of romances collected in Tras-os-Montes alike point to their Spanish origin, while their frequency in the Azores denotes how popular they became later in Portugal. In the sixteenth century their Spanish character was recognized. The poor
escudeiro in Eufrosina
is

bidden go to Spain to gloss romances,

if

and

in the seventeenth century, as a passage in Mello's Fidalgo

Aprendiz well shows, they were better liked

written in Spanish.

The partiality for Spanish applied to poetry of other kinds, and Manuel de Galhegos says (1635) that it is a bold venture to publish poetry in Portuguese.^ But it did not as a rule
extend to popular poetry. It is therefore noteworthy that the nurse in Gil Vicente sings romances in Spanish.^ Dr. Theophilo Braga, who considers Spanish influence on the romances in
Cf. Rodriguez Lobo, Primavera (1722 ed.), p. 369 guardadores por muyto diffictdtoso fazcremse em a lingoa Sousa de a tern por menos engragada para os romances. Romance he poesia propria de Hespanha, but Hespanha and Portugal and he instances G6ngora and Rodriguez 1676 ed., p. 130). ^ See infra, p. 258. ' Obras, 1834 ed., ii. 27.
:

tinhdo os nossos Portugueza, porque Macedo says that here means Spain Lobo {Eva e Ave,

EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY

Portugal to have been
'

75

late

and

insignificant '/

is

obliged, in

order to support his argument, to quote not Portuguese but

Spanish romances." Nor is it a happy contention that Portuguese romances were not printed owing to desleixo, since the publication of Spanish romances at Lisbon cannot be attributed merely
to a craze for things foreign.

More persuasive

is

the theory,

developed

many romances
Don

by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos,^ that in Spanish were the work of Portuguese poets,
and those
of a soft

especially those related to the Breton cycle, such as Ferido estd Tristan, those concerned with the sea,

lyrical character, as

Fonte Frida and

La

Bella Malmaridada.

However that may

be, the fact that ro?nances

is,

appear on the

lips

of the people in Gil Vicente, that

before the publication of

the romanceros, indicates

how

rapidly their popularity spread,*

and accounts
in

numerous progeny in Portugal, collected the nineteenth century. True historical romances the Portufor their

guese did not possess, unless

we

are to consider that certain lines

of

which occur
in

in Vicente's

parody

Yo me

estaha alia en Coimbra,

Garcia de Resende's Trovas, and elsewhere, are echoes of

a Portuguese romance on the death of Ines de Castro.^

is

But that

not to say that they did not possess romances, and

many

of

these might be almost as old as their Spanish models, although

not derived directly from cantares de gesta.

These Portuguese

romances or xacaras
differ

(in

the Azores estorias and aravias) often

in a certain

from the Spanish

vagueness of outline and

sentimental tone.

They

are frequently of considerable length.

Many
a large
1

of

them number

are undoubtedly of popular origin

and have
If

of variants in different parts of the country.

^

Hist, da Liu. Port., ii (1914), pp. 267-87. Estudos sobre Romanceiro Peninsular.

Ibid., pp. 280-5. Romances velhos de Portugal,

Madrid, 1907-9.
* Lucena {Vida, Bk. Ill, cap. 3) speaks of romances velhos em que elles [the natives of India] como nos, por ser ordinario caniar da gente, guardam The expression romance velho successo das memorias e cousas antigas. in the sixteenth century may mean a romance that has gone out of fashion. Cf. Vicente, Os Almocreves Hei os de todos grosar Ainda que sejam velhos. Antigo may similarly mean antiquated ' rather than ancient. Barros, Grammatica, 1785 ed., p. 163, mentions rimances antigas. D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos considers that the romances came from Spain to Portugal at the latest in the third quarter and perhaps in the first half of the fifteenth centu ry * See Estudos sobre Rom. Renins, (the lines are Polos campos do Mondego Cavaleiros vi somar).
: '

76

1325-1521

there are none to compare with Fonte Frida or Conde Arnaldos

(which belong to CastiHan

tion,

literature,

whatever the nationahty

of

their authors), they nevertheless, with a total lack of concentra-

present

many

natural scenes and incidents of

affecting

and most characteristically Portuguese is A Nau Catharineta, and others almost equally famous are Santa Iria, Conde Nillo, and Brancaflor e Flares. The second edition of Dr. Theophilo Braga's Romanceiro runs to nearly two thousand pages. The first two volumes contain over 150 romances (together with numerous variants). Of these 5 belong to the Carolingian, 8 to the Arthurian cycle,
of the best

pathos and an attractive simplicity.

One

63 are romances sacros or ao divino,

11

treat

of

the cruel

husband or unfaithful wife. In the third volume are reprinted romances composed by well-known Portuguese authors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It must be admitted that
Spain generously repaid to Portugal the loan of the Galician language for lyrical composition although in each case it was

the lender's literature that profited (especially

if

some

of the

most beautiful Spanish romances were the work of Galician or Portuguese poets). But even after the birth of the romance
Spain continued to cultivate the Galician lyric, until the second half of the fifteenth century. The last instance is sup-

posed to be a Galician poem by Gomez Manrique (1412-91), uncle of the author of Recuerde el alma dormida, No. 65 in the This collection, published by Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano.
Professor

Lang

at the suggestion of D. Carolina Michaelis de

Vasconcellos, contains the meagre crop of Portuguese verse of

the transition period from 1350 to 1450, meagre in quality and quantity. One name dominates the period. The love and tragic
fate of

Macias (second

half 14th c),

<?

N amorado,

idolo de los

amantes, gave him a renown similar to but far exceeding that

Joan Soarez de Paiva in the preceding century. As the is met with at every turn in the Portuguese poetry of the fifteenth century,^ and later became the subject of Lope de Vega's Porfiar hasta morir (1638). Of his story we know definitely nothing, but some lines in one of his poems. En men
of D.

ideal lover he

In later Portuguese his name was often written Mansias. transforms Mile de Macy's name into Mansi.

So Moraes

EPIC

AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY

. . .

77

cor tenno ta langa

to have inspired the

the fifteenth

me ferio, would appear and Aquesta langa famous legend which dates from the end of Imprisoned at Arjonilla in Andalucia for century.
in

paying court to his sennora, he continued to address her

song

and was

killed

by the lance that her

infuriated

husband hurled

through the prison window. In an older version, that of the Constable D. Pedro in his Satira de felice e infelice vida, he

saved the lady of his heart from drowning, and afterwards, as

he lingered where she had stood, was struck down by the jealous husband. According to Argote de Molina,^ both he and the husband served in the household of D. Enrique de Villena (1385-1434), who was perhaps only six when Macias died.

Most

of the

twenty poems ascribed to Macias that survive are

doubtful.
Clearly his

written in Galician, and of many, as Loado sejas amor,^ the

authorship

is

fame would act

as a strong
of the less

magnet

to

poems

of uncertain origin.

The matter

is

importance

in that these

poems, however love-sick, have but

little literary

merit.

If

the Galician

Juan Rodriguez de la

was the real author of Conde Arnaldos (which is improbable), he was Both the lyrics and the a far greater poet than his' friend. prose of his El Sieruo lihre de Amor are in Castilian. Of the other two fourteenth-century Galician poets mentioned by Santillana, Fernam Casquicio and Vasco Perez de Camoes (ti386 >)^^ no poems have survived. The latter, a knight well known at the Court of King Ferdinand and an ancestor of Luis de Camoes,
Camara, a
native, like Macias, of Padron,
of

the romance

Aljubarrota,

played a leading part in the troubles preceding the battle of He had come to Portugal from Galicia, and his

name appears frequently

it is

in the

pages of Fernam Lopez (where

written Caamooes)
is

till

sixteenth century he

In the middle of the the year 1386. mentioned by Sa de Miranda's brother-

Juan de Mena in Spain. But there were other poets whose verse was probably not inferior
in-law as a Court poet corresponding to
Nobleza de Andalvzia (1588), ii, f. 272 v. This and two other Macias poems (Ai que mal aconsellado and Crueldad* trocamento) are in C. G. C. (Nos. 33, 38, 41) ascribed to Alfonso Alvarez de
*

Villasandino.
^ The Cancionero de Baena contains poems addressed to Vasco Lopez de Camoes, un cavallero de Galizia, and an answering poem by him.

78
to that of Perez de

1325-1521
Camoes and
Casquicio.

Besides Macias the

distinction but prove

Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano contains the names of sixteen

writers

whose poems may not attain high

that the Galician lyiic continued to be cultivated by poets in

the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth century in Castille and Leon, Aragon and Catalonia. The Archdeacon of Toro, GoNgALO Rodriguez (fl. 1385)/ was one of a group of such a man with a keen zest of living and capable of vigorous poets verse, in which he took a characteristic delight [a minna boa arte de Undo cantar). In his farewell poem A Deus Amor, a Deus el Ret, which Cervantes perhaps remembered, he bids good bye to the trohadores con quen trobei, and in a quaint humorous testament he mentions a number of friends and relatives, two of whom, at least, his cousin Pedro de Valcacer or Valcarcel and Lope de Porto Carreiro, also wrote verse. In the last of the sixteen stanzas [ahhacca] of this testamento the Archdeacon appoints his namesake Gongalo Rodriguez de Sousa and Fernan Rodriguez to be his executors. He may have been alive in 1402, for a Doctor Gongalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Almazan, is mentioned as one of the witnesses to the oath taken by the city
;

Burgos to the Infante Maria in that year.^ In that case he must have been transferred to Almazan, some 150 miles farther up the Duero. More chequered was the career of Garci FerranHaving married one of DEZ DE Gerena [c. 1340-C. 1400). King Juan I's dancing girls [una juglara) in the belief that she was rich, he repented when he found que non tenia nada. He next became a hermit near Gerena, and, this not proving more congenial than married poverty, he embarked ostensibly for the Holy Land, but in fact landed at Malaga with his wife and
of

children.
faith,

At Granada he turned Moor,

satirized the Christian

and deserted

his wife for her sister.

After such proven

Castille at the

inconstancy
tance

we may perhaps doubt

of this hitherto

the sincerity of his repen-

when he returned

to Christianity

and

end

For the name

anonymous poet

sec The
del

Modern Language
Rev Don Henriqve

Review (July 1917), pp. 357-8. * Gil Gonzalez Davila, Historia de la Vida y Hechos

The name was a common one. The Tercero, &c. (Madrid, 1638), p. 173. Spanish translator of Pero Menino's Livro de Cetreria, Gongalo Rodriguez de Escobar, may have been a relation. There was also a fourteenth-century
poet called Ruiz de Toro.

EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY

of the fourteenth century.

79
folly

But

for all his

weakness and

he seems not to have sunk utterly out of the reach of finer feelings he sang various episodes of his life, e.g. when he went
;

some charm, and addressed the nightingale in a dialogue, as did his contemporary,
to his hermitage {puso se beato), in lyrics of

Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino

Castilian Court
poet,

{c. 1345-c. 1428). This born at Villasandino near Burgos and

possessed of property at Illescas, was of a sleeker and more

mind than Garci Ferrandez and prospered accordt en ben e en alto estado. He wrote to order and was considered the crown and king of all the poetas e trovadores who had ever existed in the whole of Spain '. This extravagant
subservient
ingly,

en onra

'

claim of his admirers need not prevent us from recognizing that there is often real feeling and music in his poems, of which the

Cancionero de Baena has preserved over twenty. He writes in varying metres with unfailing ease and harmony, rarely sinks into mere verbal dexterity, and well deserves to be considered
the best of these later Galician poets.
lyric

Side by side with the

Alvarez

flourish. Alfonso upbraids Garci Ferrandez for renouncing the Christian faith and leaguing himself with the Devil [gannaste
(C. G. C. 48)

the

cantiga

d'escarnho continued to

privanga

do demo mayor) Pero Velez de Guevara ( 11420), uncle of the Marques de Santillana, addresses a satiric poem to an old ma'd, and an anonymous poet in a vigorous sirventes
;

attacks degenerate Castille, cativa, mezela Castela, perhaps, as Professor Lang thinks, immediately after the Portuguese victories of Trancoso, Aljubarrota, and Valverde in 1385. Five fragmentary poems belong to the Infante D. Pedro (1429-66), Constable of Portugal. There are, besides his three short Portuguese poems in the Cancioneiro de Resende, only fortyone lines in all, for while Galician, already separated from her twin sister of Portugal, went to sleep a sleep of nearly four

centuries

muse preserved in the Cancionero de Baena, the Infante Pedro turned definitely to
in

these last accents of her

the

new forms

poet he

Duke
place

of

of lyric appearing in Castille. As a transition be mentioned here before his father D. Pedro, Coimbra, since his prose works, which would naturally

may

him with

his father

and with D. Duarte,

his uncle, belong.

8o

1325-1521

together with most of his poetry [prosas and metros) to Spanish

literature.

By

stress

of

circumstance rather than any set

purpose

he inaugurated the fashion of writing in Castilian,

a fashion so eagerly taken up

by

his

fellow-countrymen during

the next two centuries.

sister Isabel

After the tragic death of his father

from Portugal, of which his was queen, ^ spent the next seven years as an exile in Castille, and after returning to his native land died an exile, but now as King of Aragon (1464-6). His life of thirty-seven years was thus as full of wandering adventure as that of any troubadour of old. To him Santillana addressed his celebrated letter on the development of poetry, and his own influence on Portuguese literature was important, for he introduced not only
at Alfarrobeira (1449) he escaped

new

style of poetry, including oitavas de arte maior,

but the

habit of classical allusion and allegory.

de felice e infelice vida,

His

first

work, Satira

was written
This

in

Portuguese before he was

of his studies

twenty, but re-written by himself in Castilian, the only form

in

which

it

has survived.
sister,

firstfruit

was

dedicated to his

Queen Isabel, whose death (1455) he

mourned in his Tragedia de la Insigne Reyna Dona Isabel (1457), a work of deep feeling and some literary merit, first published by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos 444 years after Queen Isabel's death. His longest and most important poem,
in 125 octaves,

Coplas del menosprecio

(1455), reflects the

contempto de las cosas

life

fertnosas del

mundo

misfortunes of his

and

the high philosophy they had brought him.

attribution to his father, the

Under a

false

Coimbra - (his Portuguese poems were also wrongly ascribed to King Peter I of Portugal, through confusion with the later King Peter, of Aragon), it was incorporated in the Cancioneiro de Resende, which appeared half
of

Duke

a century after the Constable's death.

Another sister, D. Philippa de Lencastre (1437-97), lived in retirement convent of Odivellas near Lisbon, and as a dedicatory poem to her translation of the Gospels wrote the simple, impressive lines beginning Non vos sirvo, nnn vos amo,
'

in the

Mas
^

desejo vos amar.

:

Ribeiro dos Santos, Obras (MS.), vol. xix, f. 205 A /rente de todos os Poetas deste Seculo apparece como hum Ds [Deusi da Poezia Infante D. Pedro, In reality he was not gifted with greater poetical filho do Snr. Rev D. Jodo I
Cf.
.

talent than his brothers.

3
The Chroniclers
Fernam Lopez {c. 1380had grown up with the generation that succeeded Aljubarrota, and from his earliest years imbibed the national enthusiasm of the time. He had himself seen Nun' Alvarez as a young man and the heroes who had fought in a hundred fights to free their country from a foreign yoke, and he had
father of Portuguese history,
c.

The

1460),

listened to
siege.-"-

many

a tale of Lisbon's sufferings during the great

(the State Archives), for in that year he

Since 1418, at latest, he was employed in the Lisbon

Torre do

Tombo

was

appointed keeper of the documents [escrituras) there.

years later. King Duarte,

Sixteen

encouraged him to collect materials for the work,^ entrusted him with the task of writing the chronicles of the Kings of Portugal {poer em caronycas as esiorias dos reys), and at the same time (March 19, 1434^) assigned him a salary of 14,000 reis. His work at the Torre do Tombo covered a period of over thirty years. He won and kept
as prince

who

the confidence of three kings,

was secretary

to

Joao

{escrivam

dos livros) and to the Infante Fernando [escrivam da puridade),

whose will exists in Lopez' handwriting.'* His son Martinho accompanied the Infante to Africa as doctor, and died (1443) in prison soon after the prince. The last document signed by Lopez as official is dated 1451 in July 1452 he seems to have resigned his position at least temporarily, and on June 6, 1454, he was definitely superseded by Zurara as being so old and
;
'

' Lopez himself was probably of humble birth. It appears from a document presented by Dr. Pedro de Azevedo at a meeting of the Sociedade Portnguesa de Estudos Historicos in July 1916 that his wife's niece was married to a shoe.

maker.
^ Zurara, Cron. D. Joam, cap. 2. i.e. eighty-nine years before the first English translation of Froissart was published. Needless to say, no English translation of Lopez exists. ' A facsimile of a page of this lengthy document is given in Snr. Braamcamp Freire's excellent edition of the Primeira Parte da Crdnica de D. Joam I

(1915)-

2362

82

1325-152I
well
fulfil

weak that he cannot

of a

the duties of his post

'.

That

he lived for at least five years more

we know

from the existence

document (July

3,

1459) referring to the pretensions of an

illegitimate son of Martinho which Fernam Lopez rejected.^ Of the chronicles of the first ten Kings of Portugal written by Lopez 2 only three survive the Cronica del Rei Dom Joam de boa memoria, Cronica del Rei Dom Fernando, and Cronica del Rei Dom Pedro. The latter is but a brief sketch, and lacks the unity which the subject-matter gives to the other two. His
:

chronicles of the seven earlier kings disappeared in the revised

versions of subsequent historians.

Although they no doubt

little alteration,

incorporated large slices of his work with

coats of paint.

the

freshness and the style are gone, the good oak hidden beneath
It was a proceeding the more deplorable in that Lopez had been at great pains to discover and record the truth, the naked truth '.^ His successor, Zurara, represents him as 'anotable person', 'a manof some learning and great authority';* he travelled through the whole of Portugal to collect information and spent much time in visiting churches and convents in search of papers and inscriptions, while King Duarte had documents brought from Spain for his use. Whatever sources he utilized, Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, he stamped his work with his
'

own

individuality.

He

himself frequently refers to previous

and often expresses his disapproval of their methods.^ He seems to have drawn largely from a Latin work of a certain Dr. Cristoforus. Keenly alive to the dignity and responsibilities
historians,
See A. Braamcamp Freire, ibid., pp. xl-xlii. Fez todas as chronicas dos Reis td seu tempo, come^ando do Conde dom Henrique, coma prova Damiao de Goes (Caspar Esta90. V arias Antigvidades de Portugal (1625), cap. 21, i) cf. Goes, Cron. de D. Manuel, iv. 38. ' Nosso desejo foi em esta obra escrever verdade nuamente a nua verdade {Cr. D. Joam, Prologo). * Zurara, Cr. D. Joam, cap. 2. Cf. Lopez' preface to his Cr. D. Joam Oo com quamto cuidado e diltgemfia vimos gramdes vollumes de livros, de desvairadas lingtiagees e terras ; e isso meesmo pubricas escprituras de muitos cartarios e otitros logares nas quaaes depois de longas vegilias e gramdes trabalhos mais (ertidom aver nom podemos da contheuda em esta obra (19 15 ed., p. 2). * tlsually he does this ^vithout naming the offender, but he refutes the razoes of Martim Afonso de Mello, a person well known at the Court of King Joao I and author of a technical book on the art of war. Da Guerra (see Zurara, Cr. D. Joam, cap. 99). Mello refused the governorship of captured Ceuta in 141 5. A work on a similar subject, Tratado da Milicia, is ascribed to Zurara's friend and patron. King Afonso V (Barbosa Machado, i. 19).
*

THE CHRONICLERS

83

of history, he was anxious that his work should be well ordered and philosophical.^ He has been called the Portuguese Froissart, but he combines with Froissart's picturesqueness moral philosophy, enthusiasm, and high principles, is in fact a Froissart with something of Montaigne added, and easily excels Giovanni Villani or Pero Lopez de Ayala. The latter must descend from the pedestal given him by Menendez y Pelayo,^ since he only

Fernam Lopez, as in the account of the murder of the Infante Fradique, which Lopez copies very closely (although abbreviating it as really foreign to
occasionally rises to the height of
his history),

evidently appreciating such dramatic touches as

in his

the sentence which describes how, as the murdered

through the palace, ever fewer went

side
of

company. the laborious prose and precocious wisdom

and
his

man advanced By the

of

King

Duarte but it is

this child of genius

his greatness

seems to give free rein to his pen, title to rank above all contemporary

chroniclers, not only of Portugal but of Europe, that he could

combine
historian,

this

spontaneity with the scruples of an accurate

at once careful

and be

and impetuous,

or, as

Goes

calls

him, copious and discreet.

He

assigns speeches of considerable

^

length to the principal actors, but they contain not mere rhetoric
;

but arguments such as might well have been used and the frequent shorter sayings of humbler persons, often anonymous and as illuminating as graffiti, have the stamp of truth and
bring the scenes most clearly before us.
is

Indeed, every sentence

living

his

unfailing qualities are rapidity

and

directness.

Sometimes the sound

of a

of galloping horses or the in his pages.

loud

murmur

throng of

reader's

by
faz)

his

ever and anon rivets the some captivating phrase, quaintly expressed wisdom, by his personal keenness and
is

men

the

He

listener's

attention by

delight in the

'

marvellous deeds of

God

'

{maravilhas que Deos

or in the actions of his heroes [Oo que fremosa cousa era de

/).

veer
*

His chronicles are not only a succession of imperishably

: ; :

Cy. del Rei D. Fern., cap. 2 a ordenariQa de nossa obra Cr. D. Joam, Certo he que quaaesquer estorias muito melhor se entemdem 191 5 ed., p. 51
se som perfeitamente e hem hordenadas Cr. del Rei D. Fern., cap. gnardando a regra do philosopho [of cause and effect]. ^ Antologia, iv, Nada hay semej ante en las liter atur as extranjeras p. xx antes de fin del siglo xv. The words apply more accurately to Fernam Lopez. ' Leixados os compostos e afeitados razoamentos (Cr. D. Joam, Prologo).
e
;

nembram
:

39

F2

84
vivid scenes

1325-1521

King Pedro dancing through his capital by night,

the escape of Diogo Lopez, the punishment of D. Ines' murthe murder of D. Maria Tellez and with skilful care the character of the actors, pleasure-loving King Ferdinand, cunning, audacious, and accomplished Queen Lianor Tellez, wise and noble Queen Philippa, even morose Juan I, and principally the popular Mestre d'Avis and his great Constable, Nun' Alvarez Pereira. And the Portuguese people is delineated both collectively and
derers,

the siege of Lisbon,

but

describe fully

as individuals, in
sity,

its

generous enthusiasm, unreasoning impetuo-

style

and atrocious anger. That Lopez paid attention to his is proved by his modest disclaimer bidding the reader
e

expect no fremosura
the facts breve
style
is

afeitamento das pallavras, but merely

sdamente contados,

em bom

e claro estilo.

His

always clear and natural, the serviceable handmaid of his subject, admirably assuming the colour and sound of the
events described, and his longest sentences are never obscure.

He wrote
His

his history

on a generous

scale, for in the rapidity of

his descriptions this inimitable story-teller preserved his leisure.

The kernel

ended with the expedition to Ceuta (1415). had been the illustrious deeds and character of Nun' Alvarez, also described in the hitherto anonymous Coronica do condestabre de purtugal, of which the earliest Large tracts of this chronicle are edition is dated 1526. included, with alterations, in Lopez' Chronicles of King Fernando and King Joao L Dr. Esteves Pereira and Snr. Braamcamp Freire have now independently come to the conclusion that it is the work of Lopez, clearly an earlier work ^ written shortly after the death of Nun' Alvarez (1431), i. e. before he concluded the Cronica de D. Fernando^ and wrote the Cronica de D. Joam, at which he was working in 1443.^ We are forced to accept this view, although of course it is no argument to say that the conscientious and scrupulous Fernam Lopez could not be a plagiarist since it was the duty of the official chronicler of the day to incorporate the best work of other historians. Lopez'
last chronicle of that chronicle
* The references in cap. 76 and 80 to events of 145 1 and 1461 are evidently later additions. ' Cf. Cr. do Cond., cap. 14 and 15, with Cr. del Rei Fern., cap. 166. ' A. Braamcamp Freire, Cr. de D. Joam (191 5), Inirodufdo, p. xxi.

THE CHRONICLERS
authorship
is

85

borne out by two passages which at a first glance In chapter 55 of the Cronica de D. Joam (1915 it. ed., p. 120) he introduces the version given in the Cronica do Condestahre (cap. 22) with the words now here some say [ora aqui

seem

to refute

'

'

dizem

algiis),

and then

cites hufi outro estoriador, cujo fallamento

i.e.

nosparege mats rrazoado,

he
his

now

rejects the version (of algiis)

which he had adopted

ed., p. 281)

in

earlier

work.

In chapter 152
algiis

(1915 then the version of huU outro compillador destes

garfos per mais largo
estillo

he similarly quotes what dizem aqui

and

feitos,

de cujos

exertamos nesta obra segundo que

is

compre, rrecomta

isto

per esta maneira, a manner which

not

that of the Cronica do Condestahre.

But indeed the

style of the

two works is conclusive. A single age does not produce two Fernam Lopez any more than it produces two Montaignes or two Malorys. Those who read the continuation of the Cronica de D. Joam e. the Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta, completed
( i.

in

1450)

by Gomez

Eanez de Zurara

{c.

1410-74)
are told
^

find

themselves in a very different atmosphere.

this soldier,

We

that

turned historian, acquired his learning late

it

in life,

and he parades

like a

new

toy.
;

Aristotle, Avicenna,

and

all

the Scriptures are in his preface

Job,

Ovid, Hercules, and

Xenophon, a motley company, mourn the death of Queen Philippa (cap. 44). Sermons extend over whole chapters,
although, as he
into Lopez'
is

careful to state, the exact v/ords of the preachers

Philosophy had been graciously woven but here it stands in solid icebergs interrupting the story. And if he wishes to say that memory fails in old he must quote St. Jerome often age a date
could not be given.^
narrative,
;

occupies half a page, being calculated in nine or ten eras

^
;

* By Matheus de Pisano (whom some have considered the son of Christine de Pisan). He wrote in Latin: De Bello Septensi {Ined. de Hist. Port., vol. i, 1790), Portuguese tr. Roberto Correia Pinto Livro da Guerra de
:

Ceuta (1916).
seja porem algum de tarn simples conhecimento que presuma que este propria, &c. (cap. 95). ' But he can also be picturesque in expressing time (like Lopez, who for 'early morning says, at the time when people were coming from Mass '), e.g. Cr. D. Joam, cap. 102 ad fin. Ceuta had been captured so swiftly that many had left the corn of their fields stored in their granaries and returned in time for the vintage '. The whole description of the expedition against Ceuta and the attack and sack of the city are extremely clear.
-

Ndo

I o teor

'

'

'

86

1325-1521
style
'

so that next is sometimes similarly inflated, becomes When Night was bringing the end of its obscurity and the Sun began to strike the Oriental horizon (cap. 92). He also delights in elaborate metaphors.^ But it in must not be thought that Zurara is all froth and morals between his purple patches and erudite allusions he tells his story directly and vividly, and, what is more, he has his enthusiasm and his hero. Nun' Alvarez has faded into the background, but in his place appears the intense and fervent spirit
'

and the morning

'

'

of Prince

Henry the Navigator.

Cronica
de
e

His partiality for Prince Henry

it is

appears in the
Descohrimento

D. jfoam, and in his Cronica do

still

Conquista da Guine

more

evident.'^

In this chronicle, written at the request of King Afonso

finished in the king's library in

and

February 1453, he made use of a lost Historia das Conquistas dos Portugueses by Afonso Cerveira,

and profited by much that he had heard from the Infantes Pedro and Henrique and other makers of history. For Zurara was a sincere and painstaking historian,^ and when the king bade him record the deeds of the Meneses in Africa (the Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses was completed in 1463, and the
Cronica dos Feitos de D. Duarte de Meneses about five years
later)

he was not content with the

first

'

recollections of- courtiers

',

but set out for Africa (August 1467) and spent a whole year
there gathering material at
*

hand.

An

affectionate letter^

Manuel escrevia com razoamentos prolixos e cheos de Cr. do Princ. figuras que no estilo historico ndo tern lugar D. Joam, cap. 17 com a superfltia abundancia e copia de palavras poeticas e metaforicas que usou em todalas cousas que screveo. His style is less involved than is often said. Some of his sentences may contain as many as 500 words and yet be perfectly plain and straightforward, whereas Mallarme could be obscure in five words. * Cf cap. 2 Oo tu principe pouco menos que devinal ! and Tua gloria, teus louvores, tua fama enchem assi as minhas orelhas e ocupam a minha vista que nam sei a qual parte acuda primeiro. This chronicle has the same plethora of learned quotations. Chapter i quotes St. Thomas, Solomon, Tully, the Book of Esther, and introduces Afonso V, King Duarte, the French duke Jean de Lan^on, the Cid, Nun' Alvarez, Moses, Fabricius, Joshua, and King Kamiro. ^ He re-wrote the Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses twice. Joao de Barros, who was inclined to slight earlier and contemporary historians, acknowledges his great debt to Zurara. Damiao de Goes regards him less
Cf
.

Goes, Cr. D.
:

tnetaforicas

favourably.
*

November

22, 1467 {Coll. Liv. Ined.

ate letter from

King Pedro

of

Aragon

iii. 3-5). There is also an affectionto Zurara, dated June 11, 146O, or 1460.

THE CHRONICLERS
from King Afonso
grateful librarian.
oratoria,^

87

to the historian in his

voluntary exile shows

the pleasant relations existing between the liberal king and his

He

praises

him

as well learned in the arte

and promises to look after the interests of his sister while he is away. Zurara was a Knightof theOrderof Christ, with a comendane2ir Santarem, owned other property, and suffered himself to be adopted by a wealthy furrier's widow, an unusual proceeding for a person But if, as this indicates, he had a love of riches in his station. (satisfied by the king's generosity and this fortunate adoption), this in no way interfered with his work of collecting and verifyHe had ing evidence nor affects the truth of his chronicles. proposed to write that of Afonso V, but the king, wisely considering that his reign was not yet over, Jrefused his consent,^ and this chronicle was reserved for the pen of Ruy de Pina Herculano's crow in peacock's feathers has [c. 1440-1523 }).^ treated by modern critics. Not he but harshly been somewhat the taste and fashion of his time was to blame if he laid desecrating hands on the invaluable chronicles of Fernam Lopez, and
as a punishment,
'

and for undertaking which was imposed on others

of his

own

free will a

journey

'

thus became the

'

author

'

of the chronicles of the six kings,

is

Sancho
well
*

to Afonso IV.
least

The mischief

irreparable,

but

it is

at

that

these chronicles

should have been dealt

Zurara, on the other hand, with feigned diffdence represents himself a poor scholar ', a man almost entirely ignorant and without any knowledge ', and if he has any learning it is but the crumbs from King Afonso's He can rise to real eloquence, as in the table [Cr. D. Pedro, cap. 2). Oo iu cellestrial padre, que com beginning of cap. 25 of the Cr. da Guin6 tua poderosa maao, sent movimento de tu devynal essencia, governas toda a infiinda companhya da tua sancta cidade, &c., or sober down into a Tacitean phrase such as that of cap. 26, describing the fate of natives of Africa brought to Portugal morriam, empero xrados (they died, but Christians). He has autor ', meaning himself. a misleading trick of saying The author says diz ^ Nunca me em ello quis leixar obrar segundo meu desejo (Cr. D. Pedro, cap. I). * His son Fernam de Pina became Cronista Mor in 1523. The immediate successor of Zurara as Cronista MSr was Vasco Fernandez de Lucena, whose life must have coincided almost exactly with the sixteenth century. He represented King Duarte at the Council of Basel in 1435, and according to Barbosa Machado, who calls him um dos varoes mais famosos da sua idade assim na profundidade da litteratura como na eloquencia da frase, he was Unfortunately none of his works have survived. His still living in 1499. manuscript translation of Cicero's De Senectute and other works were destroyed in the Lisbon earthquake (1755).
as
'

'

'

88
with by

1325-1521

Ruy de Pina, and not, for instance, by the uncritical DuARTE Galvao {c. 1445-1517),' the friend of Afonso de Albuquerque, who died in the Arabian Sea when on his way as Ambassador to Ethiopia, and who as Cronista Mor revised the Ruy de Pina has Cronica de D. Afonso Henriquez (1727).
further been attacked because the people no longer figures, and

the king figures too prominently, in the chronicles for which he was more directly responsible Cronica de D. Duarte, Cronica That is to de D. Afonso V, and Cronica de D. Jodo II. censure him for faithfully recording the changed times and not writing as if he were his own grandfather. Pina was no flatterer,
:

but the chronicle

and, in spite of

of
its

Joao
is

II inevitably

centred round the king,

excellence and of the

less attractive

moving incident

of

Prince Afonso's death,

a record of freer,
Castille in 1482

jollier times.

than those which are Born at Guarda, of a family

originally Aragonese, Pina served as secretary

on an embassy to and on two subsequent occasions, and in the

same capacity in a special mission to the Vatican in 1484. He became secretary [escrivao da nossa camara) to King Joao II, and succeeded Lucena as Cronista Mor in 1497. Both King Joao II and King Manuel showed their appreciation of his services, and Barros lent authority to a foolish story that Afonso de Albuquerque sent him rubies and diamonds from India as
a reminder, in Correa's phrase, to glorificar as coiisas de Afoiiso

Ruy de Pina in his chronicles of King Duarte and Afonso V used material collected by Fernam Lopez and Zurara, and he in turn left material for the reign of King Manuel of which Damiao de Goes availed himself, while his Cronica de D. Jodo II was laid under contribution by Garcia de Resende. It may be doubted whether the Cronica de D. Afonso V contains much that is not Ruy de Pina's own. It was poetical justice that the interest of the story should be transferred from the Infante Henrique to the Infante Pedro. ^ His death and that of the Conde de Abranches at Alfarrobeira are told with the most impressive simplicity, which produces a far greater effect than
de Albuquerque.

DE Landim wrote a

the first third of the seventeenth century, Caspar Diaz copiosa relagao from a point of view unfavourable to O Infante D. Pedro, D. Pedro and dedicated it to the Duke of Braganza Chronica Inedita, 3 vols. (1893-4).

Much

later, in

THE CHRONICLERS
the long exclamagao that follows.

89

Lacking Lopez' genius, but possessed of an excellent plain style, which only becomes flowery on occasion, and on his guard against what he calls the vicio e avorrecimento da proluxidade, Pina relates his story straightforwardly, almost in the form of annals. He does not attempt to eke out his matter with rhetoric and has chapters of under
fifty

The Cronica de D. Afonso V effectively contrasts weak and chivalrous Afonso, who is praised as man but not as king, and the vigorous practical Joao H, and has an inimitable scene of the meeting of the former and Louis XI at Tours in 1476. The glow of Fernam Lopez is absent, but Pina none the less deserves to be accounted an able and
words.
the characters of the impartial historian.

To
Santo.

the
It
is

fifteenth

century belongs the Cronica do Infante

impossible to read

unmoved

the clear and unaffected

story of the sufferings and death (1437-43), as a captive of Fez, of this the most saintly of the sons of King Joao I and Queen
It was written at the bidding of his brother. Prince Henry the Navigator, with the skill born of a fervent devotion, by Frei Joao Alvarez, an eyewitness ^ of D. Fernando's misfortunes and one of the few of his companions to survive

Philippa.

(till

1470 or

later).

curious indication of the writer's accuracy

Basque name,^ of the meaning which he was probably ignorant. The founder of the dynasty of Avis, King Joao I (13651433), found time in his busy reign of forty-eight years to encourage literature, ardently assisted no doubt by English Queen Philippa, and was himself an author. His keen practical spirit turned to Portuguese prose, and while as a poet he confined himself to a few prayers and psalms, in prose he caused to be translated the Hours of the Virgin and the greater part of the New Testament, as well as foreign works such as John Gower's
in detail is the correct spelling of a

of

contheudo no siguiente trautado eu o uy e ouuy (191 1 ed., p. 2). Ichoa (= Blind). The fact that no other name is given shows that then as now Basques were known by their nicknames. The same name figures in Pierre Loti's Ramuntcho (1897) Itchoua. In the sixteenth century Martim Ichoa and Joao de Ychoa appear among the moradores of King Manuel's household (1518). The substantive ichd ( armadilha), derived from ostiolum, is used by Diogo Fernandez Ferreira [Arte da Ca(a) and Garcia de Resende (Cron. Joao II).
'

Tudo
191
1

ed., p. 117:
'

'

90
Confessio Amantis
{c.

1325-1521
1383),

and himself wrote a long

little

treatise

on the chase.
title in

This Livro da Montaria, which has

but the

common
by
is

with Alfonso XI's Libro de Monteria, lay unis

published for four centuries, but

edition
Dr.

now

available in a scholarly

Esteves Pereira from the manuscript in the

Valuable and interesting in itself, book of great significance in Portuguese literature by reason of the impulse thus given to Portuguese prose. It is

Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional.

this

impossible as yet to estimate the

that followed
:

full

value of the prose works

many

are lost, others remain in manuscript, as

the Orio do Sposo

das Aves.
prose

by Frei Herrnenegildo de Tancos, or the Livro But with King Joao's son and successor Portuguese
into
its

came

kingdom.

Punctilious and affectionate, gifted with

graces, the half-English

many

virtues

and

King Duarte

(1391-1438),/? Eloquente,

shared the high ideals of all the sons of Joao I. Liable to fits of melancholy, and of less active disposition than his brothers

Henrique and Pedro, he proved himself not less gallant in action than they at the taking of Ceuta in 1415, and had even earlier been entrusted by his father with affairs of State. His scruples
as philosopher- or rather student-king during his
of five years

unhappy
but

reign

may have hampered

his decisions,

his love of

The corroding him from giving all the time he would have wished to literary studies, but he was a methodical collector of books ^ and papers written by himself and others, and his great
truth
the saying palavra de rei proverbial.
cares of State prevented

made

work. Leal Conselheiro {c. 1430), consisted of such a collection on moral philosophy and practical conduct, addressed to his wife,

Queen Lianor.

It contains

102 chapters, often stray papers,

sometimes translated from other authors. ^ Besides a detailed consideration of virtues and vices which are treated with an Aristotelian precision, and always with preference for the
' The extremely interesting list of liis important library has been published in Provas Genealogicas, i. 544, in the 1842 ed. of Leal Conselheiro, and edited
.

byDr.T.Bragain Historiada Univ.de Coimbra,i.20g. It contained O Acypreste de Fysa {= the Archpriest of Hita) and O Amante, i.e. the translation by Robert Payne, Canon of Lisbon, of Gower's Confessio Amantis. " p. the Vita Christi, 9, Fiz tralladar em el algiius capitnllos doutros livros St. Thomas Aquinas, Diogo Afonso Mangancha on Prudence, Cicero, De
:

Officiis, St.

Gregory.

THE CHRONICLERS

91

Portuguese as opposed to the latinized word, it has chapters on the art of translation, food, chapel services, and other subjects.^ The book reveals a character of rare charm, combining humility
with a clear instinct for what was right, humanity with common he His literary genius was akin to that of his father sense.
;

scarcely possessed poetical talent,

although he translated

in

verse the Latin

hymn

Juste Judex, and possessed in his library

all

a Livro das Trovas del Rei, in

probability a collection of the

Wit and originality he also lacked. But as a prose-writer he ranks among the greatest Portuguese authors, and in style was indeed something of an innovator, using words with an exactness and scrupulous nicety hitherto unknown in
poems
of others.

He gave the matter long and serious consideration, and the directness of his style corresponds to his sincerity of thought. His clear, concise sentences and careful choice of words show a true artist of unerring instinct in prose. ^ King Duarte
Portugal.

wished to be read as Sainte-Beuve recommended that one should pen et souvent {pauco read the Caracteres of La Bruyere tornando alguas vezes). The first part of the precept has been
:
. .

followed, but unhappily for Portuguese prose the second has

In his youth the king was noted for his horsebeen neglected. manship, and his Livro da Ensinanga de bem cavalgar toda sella is a practical treatise based on his personal experience [nom screvo do que ouvi, as he says) begun when he was prince, laid
aside after his accession,

and

left

unfinished at his death.

It

is

remarkable, like the Leal Conselheiro, for the excellence of

style

its

and the manly, thoughtful character of its author. But for his premature death, King Duarte might have done for Portuguese prose what Alfonso X and Don Juan Manuel had done for Castilian. An excellent translator himself, he encouraged the Bishop translations into Portuguese, in Portugal and Spain
;

of
'

Burgos,

Don Alonso

de Cartagena, translated Cicero for him,

It contains

The date 1435 occurs

papers written at various times (between 1428 and 1438). Cf. p. 169, King Joao I (ti433), citja alma p. 474.

Deos aja. ^ His modern editor. Jose Ignacio Roquette (1801-70), comments (p. sy) on the passage he bem de lavrar e criarem as a great grammatical discordancia and eno, but it is by no means certain that King Duarte did not omit one of the personal infinitives deliberately, for the sake of euphony, as the -mente is omitted in the case of two or more adverbs.

92

1325-1521
Aristotle.
his

and the Dean of Santiago Duarte, more Hterary than

the Navigator

More active than King younger brother Prince Henry

Duke

of

Coimbra

(1394-1460), D. Pedro (1392-1449), created after the capture of Ceuta in 1415, became

midou as
stable.

almost a legendary figure owing to his extensive travels (1424-8) and his equally exaggerated sete partes do mundo

reputation as a poet, through confusion with his son the Con-

Regent from 1438 to 1448, he resigned when the young His king, his nephew and son-in-law, Afonso V, came of age. enemies succeeded in effecting his banishment from Court. Civil strife followed, and D. Pedro fell in a preliminary skirmish Had he been granted a peaceful at Alfarrobeira in May 1449. old age he would probably occupy a more important place in Portuguese literature.' Apart from the historical value of his letters, his chief claim to be remembered literarily consists in the translations from the Latin, principally from Cicero, undertaken under his supervision or by himself personally, as the De Officiis, which was dedicated to King Duarte and is still The Trauctado da Uirtuosa Benfeyturia was unpublished.
originally a translation

Except the dedication

the
since he

to

by the prince of Seneca's De Beneficiis. King Duarte (between 1430 and 1433),

work as it stands in six books is properly not D. Pedro's, had not leisure for the corrections and additions which he wished to make, and accordingly handed over his translation and the original to his confessor, Frei Joao Verba, who made the necessary alterations,^ and expanded the book from a literal The reader translation to a paraphrase of the De Beneficiis. who does not bear this in mind might be startled to find references in a work of Seneca's to St. Thomas, Nun' Alvarez, the noble knight Abraham, or the virtuous knight Cid Ruy Diaz. The work lacks King Duarte's gift of style which set the Leal
Conselheiro high above contemporary prose.

Lopo DE Almeida, created

' Corregendo adeante scripto.

first

Count

of

Abrantes

in 1472,^
liuro

acrecentando

que entendeo ser compridoiro acaboii

^ DamiaodeGoes(C'. ^o Pr. D. Joam, cap. 88) says 1476. His father Diogo Fernandez was Reposteiro Mor at the Court of King Duarte, and his mother a half-sister of the Archbishop of Braga. One of his sons was the famous and unfortunate Viceroy of India (1505-9), D. Francisco de Almeida.

THE CHRONICLERS
accompanied D.
Lianor,

93 Duarte,

daughter of King

on her
1452)

marriage to the Emperor Frederick

written to King Afonso

HI

in 1451.

In four letters

from Italy (February to

May

he displays a keen eye for colour and

tion, so

much

directness in descripprice of

that the
or the

Emperor bargaining miserly over the

two wealthy Italian dukes so sorrily horsed {em sima de senhos rocins magros) remain in the memory, and the letters are more original than most of the Portuguese prose of
the century.

damask

One

of the

most important early prose works

It

is

the Boosco
is

Delleytoso (1515).

consists of
of

153 short chapters,* and

dedicated (on
*

the
')

verso
to

the frontispiece
of

portraying

the

delightful
is

wood

Queen Lianor, widow

life

It

a homily in praise of the hermit's

traffics,

of solitude

King Joao II. and against

worldly joys and

ness,

and

is

marked by a pleasant quaint-

an intense and excellent style, a fervent humanity and love of Nature. The hermit's independent and healthy life ^ is contrasted with that of the merchant in cities.^ In chapter i the
repentant sinner
fair trees in fair field full of
is

introduced in

'

a very thick

wood
'

of
'

very

which many birds sang very sweetly near a very many herbs and scented flowers frolles de boo odor. He prays to be delivered from this darkness of death, and a very fair youth appears clothed in clothes of gleaming fire and his face shone as the sun when it rises in the season of
' '

His glorious guide ', grorioso guyador, leads him dona sabedor and to dom francisco solitario, who in a fre?noso fallamento praises the solitary life and condemns those who are puffed up with the conceit of learning, in itself a very fair
great heat
to a
'.
'
'

1 Seventy-four black-letter double column folios, unnumbered, of fifty lines each. The colophon runs Acaboiise do [so] emprimir este lyuro chamado boosco delleytoso solitario p. Hertna de capos bomhardeiro del Rey nosso Sehor CO gra^a preuilegio de sua alteza em ha muy nobrem [so] &> sempre leal fidad [so] de lixboa co muy grande dilligencia. A no da encarnaga de nosso ScUuador 6- Redentor jhesu xpo. De mil 6- quinientos & quinze a vinte quatro de Mayo (Bib. Nacional de Lisboa, Res. 176 a [lacking f. i]). Nicolas Antonio thus refers to the work (Bib. Nova, ii. 402) Anonymus, Lusitanus, scripsit nuncupavit Serenissimae Eleonorae Reginae loams II Portugalliae Regis Coniiigi librum ita inscriptum. Bosco deleitoso. Olisipone 1515. He can do ho que Ihe praz at sunrise he goes up alguii outeiro de boo saaom aar far from the delleytagooes do mundo, arroydo do segre and as aiiollimentos & trasfegos das fidades. ' The malauefurado negociador que qr seer rico tostentete.
:

&

& &

"^

94
thing
St.

1325-1521

He Thomas
'.

tells of

the lives of saintly hermits

St.

Bernard,

Aquinas,

Dom

Seneca,

Dom

Cicero, a

mui comis

fortosa donzella,

and others exhort the sinner

In
its

to leave the world,

and he ends by
the solitary
to
life,

relating his frequent raptures until his soul

carried to the terra perduravil.

main

subject, praise of

the book recalls the

title of

the treatise ascribed

D. Philippa

de

Lencastre

Tratado
Solitaria

da
is,

Vida

Solitaria,

a translation or adaptation from the Latin of Laurentius Justinianus.^

different

The

latter's

De

J^ita

however, quite

from the Boosco

deleytoso,

which was probably composed

the

before the birth of D. Philippa (1437). Another remarkable early work is

anonymous
its

Corte

Imperial (14th or early 15th c), the language of which often

bears traces of a Latin original.^
veritable dohres

Many

of

sentences are

and mordobres in prose, ^ and to a superficial but in fact this mystic treatise reader will have little meaning It may have some connexion with similar is closely reasoned. works by Juda Levi, Ramon Lull, and Don Juan Manuel. In a corte or parliament the Church 'Militant, in the person of a glorious Catholic Queen argues with Gentile, Moor, and Jew on the nature of God and the Trinity. The Gentiles and Moors gradually accept her doctrines, but the Jewish rabbis prove more contumacious. Saints and angels and all the company of heaven discourse sweet music in the intervals of the discussion.
;

'

'

One

of the best

known

of the

many

other important translations

was the Flos Sanctorum (1513),* which begins ^ with extracts from the Gospels and has a [savour of the Bible about its prose. There were many later versions of the Gospel story, Paxd as A de Jesu Christo Nosso Deos e Senhor, &c. (1551)
of this time
;

* See Grundriss, p. 249, and Divi Lavrentii Ivstiniani Protopairiarchae De Vita Solitaria. Veneti opera Omnia (Coloniae, 1616), pp. 728-70 * Cf. 1910 ed., pp. I, 4. The writer claims to be only a compiler comedo este livro nom como autor e achador das cousas em elle contheudas mas como simprez aiuntador dellas em huii vellume. It has been attributed to the Infante D. Pedro and to Joao I. ' e.g. p. 85 Ca per entender entende entendedor e per entender i entendido entendedor entende que elle mesmo i Deos. entendido e * The title is simply //o Flos Sctorj em lingoaje porgue\ The colophon says that it se chama ystorea lombarda pero comuumente se chama flos sanctorum. ' Aqui se comefa ha payxam do eterno Principe christo Jhesu nosso Senhor &' saluador segundo os sanctos quatro euangelistas.
: : :

THE CHRONICLERS
Tratado en que se comprende breue
e

95

deuotamente a Vida, Paixdo

Resurreigao, &c. (1553)

xpo,

&c. (1589?). incunable of which Portugal has reason to be proud on account

of its beautiful print,

Traatado em q se conte a paixam de But the earliest and most splendid, an

;

lated
of

em

the Vita Christi (Lixboa, 1495), translingoa materna e portugues linguagem from the original
is

Ludolph von Sachsen by the Cistercian monk Frei Bernardo de Alcobaga (ti478 ?), at the bidding of Queen Isabel, sister of
the Constable D. Pedro, in the middle of the fifteenth century
(1445).

Another notable translation

for the

same queen

is

the Espelho
:

de Christina {1^18), ^irom the French of Christine de Pisan

Livre

des trots vertus pour V enseignement des princesses (1497).

The
was
II),

Portuguese manuscript, translated from the French manuscript

nearly half a century before the latter appeared in print, ^

published at the bidding of Queen Lianor (wife of Joao

who
ture.

so keenly encouraged Portuguese art, language,

Her squire Valentim Fernandez' version of Marco Paulo, was published at Lisbon in 1502, The Espelho de Prefeygam (1533) was translated from the Latin by the Canons of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, and edited by Bras de Barros {c. 1500-59), Bishop of Leiria and cousin of the historian Joao de Barros. A Portuguese version of a scriptural work entitled Sacramental, originally written in Spanish by Clemente Sanchez de Vercial, was published apparently in 1488 (it would thus be one of the earliest books printed in Portugal), and was
reprinted at Lisbon in 1502.

and literaMarco Polo,

* The only known copy exists in the Bibhoteca Nacional, Lisbon. The colophon (in Spanish) gives the alternative title [das tres 'virtudes) The French original was also called Tresor de la Cite des Dames. ' See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Lifoes de Philologia Portuguesa, p. 137.
.

4
The Cancionetro Geral
The
silence that falls

on Portuguese poetry after the early

Cancioneiros lasts for over a century, scarcely interrupted by

the twilight murmurings of the later Galician poets, and is only broken for us by the publication of the Cancionetro Geral five years before the death of King Manuel. The native trovas had no doubt continued to be written by many poets in a country where poetry is scarcely rarer than prose, far commoner than good prose. But no one had cared to preserve them in a collection corresponding to the Cancionero de Baena in Spain. When Portuguese poetry again emerges into the clear light of day Spanish influence is infuU swing and behind it looms that of Italian poetry, the natural continuation of one side of the Cancionetro da Vaticana. No Spanish poet now writes in Portuguese, many Portuguese in Spanish. Popular poetry and royal troubadours have alike disappeared, leaving a narrow circle of Court .rhymesters. It is to one of these that we owe the collection which embraces the poetry of the day, from the middle of the fifteenth century Stout, good-natured to the actual year of publication, 1516. Garcia de Resende [c. 1470-1536), a favourite alike with king

and

courtiers,

often the butt of the Court poets' wit

a tunny, a barrel, a wineskin, a melon in August

he belonged to

is

an old family which

in literature.

in the

sixteenth century distinguished

itself

Evora and brought up in the palace as page and then as secretary of King Joao II, he had every opportunity of observing the events which he so graphically describes Talented and many-sided, in his Vida de Dom Joao II (1545).^ Resende continued in high favour during the succeeding reigns in 1498 as secretary he accompanied King Manuel to Castille and Aragon, and in 15 14 was chosen for the much coveted post
at
The book has as many titles as editions, that of 1545 being Lyuro das Obras de Garcia de Resede que trata da vida e grddissimas virtudes, &c.

Born

THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL

of secretary to Tristao
ful presents for

97

da Cunha's mission to Rome with wonderPope Leo X. Resende not only drew and wrote verses but was a musician and an accomplished singer de tudo
:

intende laughed his friend Gil Vicente.

Perhaps

it

only required

the stress of adversity to inspire to greatness this blunted, pros-

perous courtier
poet,

He was not a great fidalgo da casa del Ret. although he excelled the Court poets of the fifteenth
As historian he has been unjustly condemned.
If in his

century.

Chronicle of Joao

he

made

use of
it

Ruy

de Pina's manuscript

chronicle, first published in 1792,

it

must be remembered that

Hercu-

was customary

for the official historians to regard their pre-

decessors as existing mainly for purposes of plagiarism.

lano called Resende's chronicle a poor bundle of anecdotes,^ and no

doubt Resende was not a Herculano nor a Fernam Lopez but He is none the less delightful because he deals not in tendencies and abstractions but in concrete details and persons. Court persons. With an artist's eye for the picturesque he makes his readers see the event described, and his chronicle is throughout singularly vivid and dramatic. He is certainly an attractive writer, and perhaps he is also instructive. The incident, for instance, of the Duke of Braganza
a more limited Court chronicler. being kept waiting while a scaffold of the latest Paris pattern
is

being erected for his execution (1483), which a grander historian might have omitted, is possibly not without its significance and

shows francesismo

in action four centuries before

Ega de Oueiroz.

Besides various minor works in prose Resende composed, not

without misgiving,^ a long survey of the events of his day in some 300 decimas Miscellania e Variedade de Historias, which throws
:

curious and valuable light on the times.

His literary work was His delicate

prompted by a

real desire to serve his country.

appreciation of the past appears in his remarkable and charming

verses on the death of Ines de Castro lay in his

and wishing in so far as remedy the Portuguese neglect which had allowed so many poems and records and gentilezas to perish, he collected what he could of past and present poets and published
;

power

to

Historiadores Portugueses in Opusculos (1907), ii. 27. The author of the Theatrum has a similar verdict Scripsit Chronicam loannis II ut quidem potuit sed longe impar regis et rerum niagnitudinis * Sent letras e sem saber, he says modestly, me fui nisto meter.
'
:

2362

98

1325-1521
in

them

one great volume which he dedicated to the Infante Joao

Cancioneiro Geral (1516), often known as the Cancioneiro de Resende to distinguish it from the Spanish Cancionero General
(1511).

Resende wrote

them

in verse to

to the poets of his acquaintance requesting send him their poems, and they sent him answers,

also in verse,

accompanying

their poems.^

The

receipt of these
verse, to

he would acknowledge as editor, promising,

still in

have

him to include more than his judgement warranted, for his own poems are superior to those of most of his contemporaries. A large number of the Cancioneiro' s poems some 1,000 poems by between 100 and 200 poets should scarcely have been included, for, however well they might answer their purpose as occasional verse, they were not intended as a possession for ever, and massed together produce an effect of dull and endless triviality. These love poems can indeed be as monotonous, the satiric poems as coarse, licentious, and irreverent, as those of the Cancioneiro da Vaticana. One of the poets, D. Joao Manuel, like King Alfonso X of old, does beseech his colleagues to cease singing of Cupid and Macias and turn to religious subjects. But it was not Garcia de Resende's purpose to include religious verse. Poems recording great deeds and occasions he would gladly have printed in larger number, but, as he (among others) complained in his preface, it was character-

them

printed.

Politeness no doubt induced

istic of

the Portuguese not to record their deeds in literary form.

Satiric verses he included in plenty, satire being one of the

recognized functions of the poet's art

per trouas sani castigados.^

But

if

we

turn to the poems of his collection

the pettiness of the subjects, and our

we are amazed by amazement grows when

we remember

that this was the period in the world's whole

awe and inspire men's minds with the thought of vast new horizons. While Columbus was discovering America, Bartholomeu Diaz rounding the Cape of Good Hope,
history most calculated to
' Or he would seek to obtain them through a friend as in the case of o Cancioneiro do abade frei Martinho of Alcobafa. It is improbable that Resende, who valued friendship above good poetry, altered the manuscripts he received, in spite of Francisco de Sousa's permission as quaes podeys enmcndar. " Prologo. Had you forgotten that irovas are still written in Portugal ? asks Nuno Pereira of one of his victims ; and of a dress it is said that it would be certo de leuar Trouas de riso e mole. Cf. the phrase dar causa a trov adores.
: '

'

THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL

99

Vasco da Gama sailing to India, or Afonso de Albuquerque making desperate appeals for men and money to enable him to maintain his brilliant conquests, the Court poets were versifying on an incorrectly addressed letter, a lock of hair, a dingy headdress, a very lean and aged mule, the sad fate of a lady marrying away from the Court in Beira, a quarrel between a tenor and soprano, a courtier's velvet cap or hat of blue silk, a button

more

or less on a coat, the length of spurs, fashions in sleeves

'

themes, as Jose Agostinho de Macedo might say,

frivolous'.

prodigiously

When news
^

D.

Francisco

de Almeida and

reached Lisbon of the tragic death of of the defeat of Afonso de

Albuquerque

and the Marshal D. Fernando de Coutinho before da Costa wrote to this rate would prefer to have no he Garcia de Resende that at pepper, and Resende answered that for his part he certainly had
Calicut, with the death of the latter, Bras

no intention of embarking. But, as a rule, such events received not even so trivial a comment, and no doubt the poets felt that the verse which served to pass the time at the seroes was inBut the trovador segundo as adequate to any great occasion.
trovas de aquelle tempo
^

had

little

idea of

what subjects were

suitable or unsuitable to poetry.

typical instance of the

themes in which they delighted is an event which seems to have produced a greater impression than the discovery of new worlds the return from Castille of a gentleman of the Portuguese Court wearing a large velvet cap. For over 300 lines of verse this cap It must weigh four is bandied to and fro by the witty poets. hundredweight, says one. Another advises him to lock it up
:

em arcaaz
sell it in

until he can turn

it

into a doublet

another bids him

in a fourth,
'

the Jews' quarter.

Small wonder, chimes

that no galleys

come now with velvet from

'

Venice.^
'

would

not wear

it

at a serdo, not for a million, says another.

it

A Samson
Lucian)

could not wear

all

one summer,'

is

the

comment

of a sixth.
(or

Another remarks that he would rather read Lucan

*

Or Albuquerque would be mentioned

India

in
:

game

of Porqtte's (why's)
d' Albuquerque

common among the praguentos da Da parens a el rey de Fez ?

^

Porque Afonso

Zurara, Cr. de D. Joam, cap. 29.

The Cancioneiro contains many references to Venice. The pimenta de Veneza mentioned in one of the poems must have sounded strange to Portu*

guese readers in 15

16.

G 2

100
{antes
'

1325-1521
leria

por lugam) in the heat of the day than wear

it

it.

He

will

need a cart to bring

it

to the serdo,' says yet another.

it

The

wit,

will

be seen,

is

not brilliant, although

may have
of

effectively

nipped this budding Castilian fashion and enlivened

an evening. But there were duller contests.

For score on score

pages the rival merits of sighing and of loving in silence arc

cussed by poet after poet {0 Cuidar e Sospirar).
the Cancioneiro also contains

dis-

Such a subject

once started tended to accumulate verses like a snowball.

But

poems on

serious topics, although

{sutiles

they are rarer, as well as delicate, airy nothings

like

nadas)

There are two poems on the death of King Joao II, there is Luis Anriquez' lamentation on the death of the Infante Afonso (1491), that of Luis de Azevedo on the death of the Infante Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, at Alfarrobeira, and a few poets, like Resende himself, stand out from the rest. Besides the elaborate Spanish poem by that noble prince the Constable D. Pedro we have several long poems dealing with high matters
Vimioso's vilancetes}
of the soul or the State.

The sixty-one

interesting stanzas

by
of

the querulous, satirical, intolerant

Alvaro de Brito Pestana

and the decay

treat of the condition of the city of Lisbon

The correspondent of Gomez Manrique and contemporary of his nephew Jorge, in the metre of whose famous Coplas His he wrote, he was present at the battle of Alfarrobeira.
morals.
trovas

on the death

of Prince Afonso,

with the recurrent choremos

perda tamanha, are wooden and

artificial

and

his sixteen allitera-

tive verses scarcely belong to literature, but at least he chose

themes which were not concerned with passing Court fashions. The few simple lines written as he lay dying show him at his His friend and distant relative Fernam da Silveira, best.2 Coudel Mor, is concerned with more mundane matters. A man of noble birth and high character, he was held in great honour by Afonso V and Joao II. The latter, a keen judge of men, had
implicit confidence in the justice of this upright magistrate,
*

who

e. g.

e so/rendo

Meu bent, sent vos ver Se vivo urn dia, Meu mal sem medida. Mil mortes na

V'iver

nam

vida Sinto

Caland' queria. nam vos vendo,

pois que vivendo Moiro toda via, Viver nam. queria. La t'arreda Satanas, Cristo Jesu a ti chamo, A ti amo, O sinal da cruz espante Minha torpe teniafam, salvards. Espero dir adianie.
'

Tu Senhor me Com deuafam

THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL

was
also a soldier, a poet,

loi

and a finished courtier. He deals with affairs of State, writes an account in trovas of six syllables of the Cortes held by the king at Montemor in 1477 and a short poem, on the appointment of various bishops in 1485. Or he sends a poem to his nephew Garcia de Mello with detailed instructions His trovas are as to how he should dress and behave at Court. thoroughly Portuguese, vigorous, concise, and picturesque. He is
less at

home

in the trovas de poesia

(i. e.

de arte mayor) written on a

journey from Evora toThomar, but he could skilfully turn a short

love poem, and for a wager of capons for Easter (with Alvaro de
Brito) wrote a stanza containing as

many rhymes

as

it

has words.

In fine he belonged to his age, but his poetry bears the impress of
his strong character

and

his love of

Portuguese ways.

On

the

other hand, the younger brother of the Conde de Cantanhede,

D. JoAO DE
or Spanish.
slight love
of action,

Meneses

(ti5i4), wrote indifferently in Portuguese

many years in Africa, although his poems, fluent and harmonious, give no sign of a ]ife
He
fought for

soldier, courtier,

and died in the expedition against Azamor.^ Another and poet marked out by birth and ability was D. JoAO Manuel [c. 1460-99), son of the Bishop of Guarda. Legitimized in 1475 and brought up at Court with the prince

Manuel, he continued to be a favourite after the latter's accession, became Lord High Chamberlain, and was sent to the Court of
Castille in

daughter
feeling

of

1499 to arrange the marriage of the king with the Ferdinand and Isabella. In Spanish octaves he had

written a lament on the death of Prince Afonso, which both in

and technique excels the verses of Alvaro de Brito on the Towards the end of his poem he introduces the saying of St. Augustine that our soul exists not where it lives but where it loves which in the following century was quoted by two writers so different as Ferreira de Vasconcellos and Frei Heitor Pinto and soon became a commonplace. In other works he shows a high seriousness, sometimes a sententious strain, combined with a very real poetical talent. His death during his mission to Castille was a loss for the Court and for Portuguese poetry. Byanotherwriter, Fernam da Silveira (11489), we have

same

subject.

'

',

* One of his poems has the heading antes q se fynasse.

Ontro vilanfete

sett

estado

em Azamor

102

I325-I52I

but a few poems, the principal of which is a lament for his own death, in the metre of Manrique, which he places on the lips of various ladies of the Court. His death was tragic, for, having succeeded his father as secretary to King Joao II, he took part
in the ill-fated conspiracy of the

Duke

of Viseu.

After lying

hidden

he fled in disguise to Castille and thence to France, but, although he thus succeeded in prolonging
in the

house

of a friend

his life for five years, the king's justice relentlessly

pursued and
II,
(fl.

he was stabbed to death at Avignon.

especially before his accession,

favourite of Joao

was Nuno Pereira

1485),

homem galante,
of the Coudel

cortesao e horn trovador,

who married

the daughter

Mor and

valiantly sustained the part of Cuidar

against his relative Jorge da Silveira's Sospirar in the

literary

great

tournament of the courtiers. Later, after serving as Governor {Alcaide) of the town of Portel, he retired to live in the country, and presents a happy picture of himself in the midst of harvesters and pruners. He finds, he says, more pleasure in his vines, in the chase, in digging and watering his garden, than in being a favourite at Court. He had not always thought thus, for when the lady he was courting married a rival he could devise no worse fate for her than to bid her go and die among
the chestnut groves of Beira.
himself

He

had, indeed,

made

name

for

which he turned to good use in ridiculing those who came back from Castille with a supercilious disdain for everything Portuguese. It is pleasant to find him bidding them not speak their insipid Castilian in his presence. DiOGO Brandam (ti53o) of Oporto wrote an elaborate poem in octaves on the death of King Joao II. He also used the octosyllabic metre with breaks of single lines [quehrados) of four syllables, so familiar in Gil Vicente's plays, and in his Fingimento de Amores[2y verses of 8 octosyllabic lines), under SpanishItalian influence, he touches a richer, more generous vein of
his courtly satire,
' '

by

poetry

the poet-lover descends into the region of Proserpine,

in the

the dominion of Pluto, and sees the torments of Love's followers.

His vilancete to the Virgin

is

that the verses have seven lines only {abbaacc).

same metre with the difference The spirit of

Jorge de Manrique is absent from the stanzas written in the metre of his Coplas by Luis Anriquez on the fatal accident which ended

THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL

the
life

103

of Prince

Afonso

in his teens.

His lamentation on the

Both poets invoke Death O morte que morte que matas quern e prosperado (Brandam) matas sem tempo e sazam (Anriquez). Other historical poems by Anriquez in the same metre are the verses written on the occasion of the transference of the remains of Joao H and thirty:
;

death of King Joao H is written Brandam, which they resemble.

in octaves, as that of

Diogo

five stanzas

addressed to James,

left Lisbon with his fleet to from these somewhat heavy pieces

Duke of Braganza, when he attack Azamor in 15 13. If we turn

to Anriquez' other

we find manner
of

hymn

in praise of the Virgin, written

D.
a

of Alfonso X, and various love cantigas. Joao de Meneses, Joam rroiz de saa, that

poems more in the The nephew

is,

Joam

Rodriguez de Sa
as

Meneses (1465

?-i576), studied in Italy

Angelo Poliziano (ti594) and died a cena poem in decimas describing the arms of the noble families of Portugal, and translated into trovas three long letters from the Latin which by their spirit of saudade Penelope to Ulysses, Laodamia appealed to Portuguese taste He was also versed in the to Protesilaus, and Dido to Aeneas. Greek language, and for his noble character and courtly ways as well as for his learning and poetical talent was venerated by Antonio Ferreira the younger generation into which he lived salutes him as the ancient sire of the muses of this land '. The most discreet D. Francisco de Portugal, first Conde de Vimioso (|'i549), although he did not live to be a centenarian, also survived most of the poets of Joao IPs reign and died towards the end of that of Joao HI. Son of the Bishop of Evora and greatgrandson of the first Duke of Braganza, he was created a count by King Manuel in 1515, and was equally renowned as soldier, statesman, courtier, and poet, wise and prudent in peace and war '. His Sentengas (1605), over one hundred of which are rhymed quatrains, were published by his grandson D. Anrique de Portugal. Some of these moral sayings have considerable subtlety, and they reveal a fine character and insight into the character of others.^ Most of his poems, in Spanish and Portuguese,
disciple
of

tenarian.

He wrote

'

'

'

'

' e.g. A culpa de quern se ama doe mats perdoase mais asinha, louvor quern o merece. Da fee nace a rezam da fee, &c.

&

Nam pede

104

1325-1521

preserved in the Cancioneiro are brief cantigas which prove him

to

have been a

skiU'ul versifier

and a typical Court

poet.

On

the

other hand, a feehng for Nature, a constant

command

of metre,

and a certain passionate sadness mark out an earHer poet, DuARTE DE Brito (fl. 1490), the friend of D. Joao de Menescs, from most of the other writers in Resende's song-book. The redondilha in his hands is no wooden toy but a living, moving instrument. His most celebrated poem, em que conta o que a ele & a outro Ihacontegeo com huu rrousinol & muitas outras cousas que vio, is written after the fashion of Diogo Brandam's Fingimento de Amoves and Garci Sanchez de Badajoz' Infierno de Amor, in imitation of the Marques de Santillana's El Infierno de los Enamorados; but there is real feeling in these eighty verses of eleven lines (of which the eighth and eleventh are of four, the rest of eight syllables). The Italian influence, working through Spanish, was already present in Portuguese poetry in the fifteenth
century,

although Brito writes exclusively in redondilhas, as

style,

indeed does the introducer of the new

neiro immediately before
its

Sa de Miranda,

in

the few and short poems which he contributed to the Canciopublication.

Duarte de Brito did

not condescend to those

Cancioneiro a
stanzas,

artificial

devices which give us in this

poem

of sixty lines all

ending in dos, alliterative

and other verbal tricks. The real busmess of the seroes, so far as poetry was concerned, was ouvir e glosar motes. These glosas and the similar cantigas and esparsas, short poems of fixed form, often written with skill and spontaneous charm, were merely one of the necessary accomplishments of a courtier. Such a view of poetry could scarcely give rise to great poets, and these versifiers

indeed styled themselves trovadores, reserving the

name

of

poet for those

cioneiro

who

wrote, often but clumsily, in versos de arte

mayor, de muita poesia.

But, worse still, the poets of the Canwere often scarcely Portuguese.* Many wrote in Spanish, and Spanish influence is to be found at every turn that of Juan de Mena, Gomez and Jorge Manrique, Rodriguez de la Camara, Macias, Santillana. Unlike Macias, who is but a name, Santillana
:

* D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos goes so far as to call the Portuguese Cancioneiro Geral a mere supplement or second part of the Spanish Cancionero General {Estudos sobre o Romanceiro, p. 303).

THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL

is

105

not mentioned, but his influence is constantly felt. On the other hand, King Dinis, unexpectedly introduced once as a poet

by Pedro
Daretusa

invoco el rei dom Denis Da licenga (fl. 1490) nowhere imitated. By method, subject, and foreign imitation, this Court poetry was thus inevitably artificial and Perhaps in the whole Cancioneiro the only poem uninspired. authentic fire is that of the obscure Francisco de marked by

Homem
is

SousA the few lines beginning monies erguidos, Deixai-vos cair. The contributions of Sa deMiranda, as those of three other famous poets, give no sign of the coming greatness of the contributor. The names of the other three are Bernardim Ribeiro, Cristovam Falcao, and the prince of all these poets, here the humblest of
Cinderellas, Gil Vicente.

Ill

The

Sixteenth Century [1503-80]

1
Gil Vicente
In Portugal a splendid dawn ushered
in the sixteenth century,
it

The discovery
to science

of the sea route to India, while

gave an impulse

and

literature, also increased religious fervour, since

who contended against the Moors in India were but carrying on the work of their ancestors five centuries earlier
the Portuguese
in Portugal.

Old-fashioned Portugal thus only gradually wel-

comed the Renaissance and stood firm against the Reformation. But in the reign of Joao III (1521-57) the University of Coimbra came to be one of the best-known universities in Europe. Andre de Gouvea (11548), whom Montaigne called sans comparaison le
'

plus grand principal de France',^ and Diogo de Teive returned

from the College de Sainte-Barbe to inaugurate its studies, and many of its chairs were offered to distinguished Portuguese and foreign scholars, such as Ayres Barbosa (ti54o) and George Buchanan (1506-82), as well as to Portuguese humanists such as Antonio de Gouvea and Achilles Estago (ti58i). Nicholas
of

Cleynarts or Nicolaus Clenardus (1493 or 1494-1542), Professor Greek and Hebrew at Louvain, came to Portugal from
as tutor to the Infante

Salamanca

Henrique
letters.^

in 1533,

and from

Portugal wrote some of his wittiest

He found Coimbra

a second Athens, and few great Portuguese writers of the century

had not spent some years there or at the University before it was transferred to Coimbra from Lisbon in 1537. King Joao III and especially his son, the young prince Joao (1537-54), Cardinal Henrique (1512-80), and the many-sided Infante Luis (1506-55),
favorecedor de toda habilidad, himself a poet of no
'

mean

order

Essais,

I.

XXV.

Nicolai Clenardi Episiolarum libri duo. Antuerpiae, 1561. Several fine sonnets have been ascribed to hini (cf. Fenix Renascida, iii. 252, or as breves, and, with more reason, iii. 253,^ redeasulta corre o pensamento), as was also Gil Vicente's Dom Dttardus and a manuscript Tratado dos modos, proporfdes e medidas.
*

GIL VICENTE
and pupil
'

107
;

Pedro Nunez, eagerly patronized letters the household of the accomplished Infanta Maria (1521-77) became the home of the Muses i; learned Luisa Sigea (fiS^o), of French origin, but born at Toledo and brought up in Portugal, wrote her sister Angela, Joana Vaz, a Latin poem in praise of Syntra and Publia Hortensia de Castro were likewise noted for their learning, and D. Lianor de Noronha (1488-1563), daughter
of
'

did good service to of Fernando, Marques de Villareal, Portuguese prose by her encouragement of translations. But Portuguese literature lost something by its latinization, and it is pleasant to turn back half a century to a time when it was

humbler and more national. The very prosperous Manuel I, Lord of the Ocean,^ Lord of the East,=^ had been seven years king, Vasco da Gama had returned triumphantly from Calicut (1497-9), Cabral had discovered Brazil for Portugal (1500), Afonso de Albuquerque (ti5i5) stood on the threshold of his career of conquests and glory, the Portuguese Empire was advancing from North Africa to China,* the gold and spices were beginning to arrive in plenty from the East, and hope of honour and riches was drawing nobleman and peasant to Lisbon, when Gil
'

'

Vicente

[c.

1465-1536?) introduced the drama into

dear, dear land,
for its reputation

his

Dear

through the world.

Dressed as a herdsman on the night of June 7, 1502, he congratulated the queen on the birth of the Infante, later King Joao III (born during the night of June 6), in a Spanish monologue of 114
lines.

This speech gives promise of two qualities

apparent in his later work: extreme naturalness (the embarrassed peasant wonders open-mouthed at the grand palace and his thoughts turn at once to his village) and love of Nature (mountain

and meadow are aflower

for joy of the

new

prince born).
:

But,

Duarte Nunez de Leam,

Descripgao, 2* ed. (1785), cap. 80

Da habilidade

das molheres portuguesas para as letras e artes liber aes. Severim de Faria speaks praerogatitias The author of Dos prinilegios of her sancto desejo de saber. se pode estranhar esta hidade q ho genero femenino tern (1557) says (p. 9) na qual as molheres ndo se aplicam aas letras e sciencias coma faziam as antigas Romanas e Gregas. ^ Ibid. iii. 350. 2 Gil Vicente, Obras (1834), ii. 414. De (^eita atee * Cf Joao Rodriguez de Sa e Meneses in the Cancioneiro Geral

&

OS Chijs.

io8
it

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

reasonably be asked, where
pastorale.
its
is

may

the

drama

It consists

principally in the vaqueiro,

in a

Basque
is

who is restless as one of the wicked He rushes into the queen's chamber,
in gladness,

has a look at
that he
in a

luxuries, turns to address the queen, declares

hurry and must be going, leaps

and

finally introduces

some

thirty courtiers in herdsman's dress

who

offer gifts of milk, eggs, cheese,

simple piece

and honey. There is little in this the Visitagam, or Monologo do Vaqueiro to fore-

shadow the sovereign genius,^ the Plautus, the Shakespeare ^ of Portugal that was Gil Vicente. His life is wrapped in obscurity, and the known existence of half a dozen contemporary Gil ViThere was a page centes makes research a risky operation. King II, an official at an escudeiro of and Joao (1482) (1475) Santarem, a Santarem carpenter (f 1500), there was a Gil Vicente We in India in 1512,^ and a Gil Vicente goldsmith at Lisbon.

know

that the poet spoke of himself as near death {visinho da

morte) in 153 1, although apparently in good health.

This would seem to place his birth a few years before 1470.'* Unfortunately the Auto da Festa, in which he says that he is over sixty, is undated. As, however, it was written before the Templo de

Apolo (1526) we

may

place

it

probably about 1525.

{c.

We

are

thus brought back to about the same date

Almost certainly he was not of exalted parentage.^ Indeed, he would appear to have been slighted for his humble birth, and sarcastically spoke
1465).
'

M. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia,

vol. vii, p. clxiii.

A. Herculano, Historia da Inquisif&o, 3* ed. (1879), i. 238. Cf. Camillo No one of course thinks of Castello Branco, A Viuva do Enforcado, ad init. comparing Gil Vicente with Shakespeare, but one may perhaps say that he resembles what Shakespeare might have been had he been bom in the fifteenth The shipwreck in the Triunfo do Inverno recalls the opening century. scene of The Tempest, as the mad friar recalls poor Tom, and the magnificent fidalgo Falstaff. In the Farsa de Inis Pereira Ines, without being a shrew, is tamed by her husband, who says
*
:

Esto e novello Se eu digo Vos aveis de confirmalo. In 1 5 3 Afonso de Albuquerque writes of the son of Gil Vicente in India. 1 * It is customary in Portugal to fix the date of his birth in 1470 owing the to the statement of the judge in the Floresta de Enganos (1536) that he judge was already sixty-six. It is a method which might lead to comical Was results if further pressed in the case of Vicente or other dramatists. Mello seventy-three when he wrote the Fidalgo Aprendiz ? * A gentleman of good family (Ticknor) hijo de ilustres padres (Barrera y Leirado); na qualidade nobilissimo (Pedro de Poyares).
:
'

'

'

'

GIL VICENTE
of himself as the son of a pack-saddler

109
at Pederneira

and born

(Estremadura).^
of

He may have been

'

the son of Luis Vicente or

'

Martim Vicente, said to have been a silversmith of Guimaraes (Minho).^ The frequent mention of the province of Beira is, however, noticeable in his plays. If it were only that his peasants use words such asnega, nego, which according to the grammarian
it might pass remarks that old-fashioned words will not be out of place if we assign them to an old man of Beira or a peasant.* Indeed, the grammarian seems to have had Gil Vicente especially in view (he mentions him in another connexion) since three of the six words that he notes ahem, acajuso, algorrem occur in three successive lines of the Barca do Purgatorio, and another, samicas, is as great a favourite with Vicente as at first was soncas,^ derived from Enzina. But it is impossible

Fernam

d'Oliveira were peculiar to Beira (in 1536),^

for a dramatic device, since Oliveira

to explain all the references to Beira

is

by the supposition that heirdo

equivalent to rustic and Beira to Boeotia, for Beira and the

Serra da Estrella intrude constantly and indeed pervade his work.

He shows
'

personal knowledge of the country between Manteigas and Fundao, and we may suspect that it was in order to connect

Portuguese
'

Fame

desired of

all

nations

'

with Beira

'

our

province

rather than with rusticity that he

makes her keep

ducks as a mocinha da Beira. We do not know when Vicente to Lisbon, nor whether, as Jose de Cabedo de Vasconcellos, another (17th c.) genealogist, would have us believe, he became

came

Pederneira is mentioned again in ii. 390 and iii. 205. is Cristovam Alao de Moraes in his manuscript Pedatura Lusitana (1667) (No. 441 in the Public Library of Oporto). This genealogist, says Castello Branco, era as vezes ignorante e outras vezes mal intencionado. He does not say that Martim Vicente exercised his alleged profession of silversmith at Guimaraes, or that Gil was bom there. What more probable than for Guimaraes, proud of its poetical traditions, to invent a silversmith father for the famous poet-goldsmith ? Pedro de Poyares, Tractado em louvor da villa de Barcellos (1672), says that Gil Vicente, em tempo de D. Jodo terceiro poeta celehre, foi natural de Barcellos e andam algumas cousas suas impressas. ' Grammatica, ed. 1871, p. 118. * Ibid., p. 81 See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Gil Vicente e a Lingnagem Popular, Feo, Trattados Quadragesimais (i6i9),f. 10, mentions the somsonete de 1902. pronunciafao of the ratinhos. ' Soncas occurs no less than seven times in the brief Auto Pastoril Castelhano. It occurs twice in the first twenty-eight lines of one of Enzina's eclogues {Canctonero de todas las obras (Carag09a, 1516), f. Ixxviii, and again f. Ixxviii verso and Ixxx)
*

iii.

275.

The authority

no
Beja.

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Duke
of

the tutor {mestre de rhetorica) of King Manuel, then

Of

his

life

at

Lisbon our information

is

almost as

meagre.
set

We

to Evora,

know, of course, that he accompanied the Court Coimbra, Thomar, Almcirim, and other towns to
in his plays,

up and act he wrote songs

that he

that besides acting in his plays

for the songs.
in

for

them and music

considerable gifts

We know

in kind both from King Manuel and from Joao HI, in whose reign he complains of being penniless and neglected. Some hold that he married his first wife, Branca Bezerra, in 15 12, that he owned the Quinta do Mosteiro near Torres Vedras (a supposition no longer tenable), that the name of his second wife was Melicia Rodriguez, but we have no certainty as to this, nor as to the number of his children. The accomplished Paulabecame musician and lady-in-waiting to the Infanta Maria before the death of her runs the legend in the composition father, whom she helped of his plays,^ as she helped her brother Luis in editing them in From a document concerning another brother, Belchior, 1562. we know that Gil Vicente {sen pae que Deus haja) died before April 16, 1540. There is some reason to believe that he died in the year of his last play (1536) or early in 1537. From his assertion that the mere collection of his works was a great burden to his old age^ we might judge him to have been very oM, but he may have been worn out with labour in many fields and his health had not always been good. He suffered from fever and plague, which brought him to death's door in 1525, and he had grown stout with advancing age. An incident at Santarem on the

received

money and

occasion of the great earthquake of 1531, so vividly described by

Garcia dc Resende, shows him in a very attractive

light,

for

and eloquent words he succeeded in restraining the monks and quieting the half-maddened populace, and thus saved the new Christians from ill-treatment or
his personal prestige
' '

by

massacre.
A. dos Reis, Entkusiasmus Poelictis {Corpus III. Poet. Lus., torn, viii, pp. 18-19): Quern iuvisse ferunt vehtt olim Polla maritum. Manuel Tavares, Portugal illustrado pelo sexo fcminino (1734), calls her a discretissima mulher. * Com muita pena de minha velhice. Ruy de Pina calls a man mui vclho whose father (King Joao I) would have been but ninety-one in that year {Cr. de Afonso V, cap. 105). Cf. Jorge Ferreira, Ulysippo, iii. 3 vclho se pode chamar pais vai aos cincoenta anos.
:

GIL VICENTE
We know
a
little

iii

more about him if \vc identify him with Gil Vicente, the goldsmith of Queen Lianor (1458-1525), sister of King Manuel and widow of King Joao II, whose most famous work is the beautiful Belem monstrance, wrought of the first The tribute of gold from the East (from Quiloa or Kilwa).^
probabilities in favour of identity are so convincing that we are bound to assume it unless an insuperable obstacle presents itself. Our faith in manuscript documents and genealogies is not increased by the fact that one investigator, the Visconde Sanches de Baena (1822-1909), emerges with the triumphant conclusion that the two Gil Vicentes were uncle and nephew, while another,

Dr. Theophilo Braga, declares that they are cousins.

Perhaps

we may be permitted
Vicente to himself.
cousinly love.

to believe in neither

and

to restore Gil

For indeed this was a singular instance of The goldsmith wrote verses the poet takes a remarkable interest in the goldsmith's art.^ The goldsmith
;

is

appointed inspector [vedor)

of all

works

in gold

and

silver at

the convent of Thomar, the Lisbon Hospital of All Saints, and

Belem.

The poet

is

particularly fond of referring to Thomar,^

convent in 1523 staged his Farsa de Ines Pereira (who lived at Thomar with her first husband), while at the Hospital of All Saints was played the Barca do Purgatorio in 15 18. The gold-

and

in its

smith was in the service of the widow of Joao who mentions two of his chalices in her will
in a poetical contest

II,
;

Queen Lianor,

the poet at the

request of the same Queen Lianor wrote verses, probably in 1509,

her to write his early plays.*

'

about a gold chain and was encouraged by The goldsmith was Mestre da

See Barros, Asia, i. vi. 7. Beckford has glowing praise for 'this gold Nothing could be more beautiful custodium of exquisite workmanship as a specimen of elaborate Gothic sculpture than this complicated enamelled mass of flying buttresses and fretted pinnacles {Italy, with Sketches of Spain and Portugal, Paris, 1834). ^ Reference to gold, jewels, sapphires, pearls, rubies is frequent in his plays. The goldsmith in the Farsa das Almocreves uses the technical word hastiaes which occurs in the Livro Vermelho of Afonso V E porqiie alguns Ouriueses It occurs, however, in the tern ora feita algua prata dourada e de bastiaes. Cancioneiro Geral (galantes bastiaes), in Resende's Miscellania (bestides), and
' '
:

'

other writers.
127, 130; ii. 391, 488; iii. 151, 379. unfortunate interpolation by the 1834 editors in the rubric of the Auto da Sibila Cassandra was largely responsible for the belief that his patroness was not Queen Lianor but King Manuel's mother D. Beatriz.
^ *

Cf.

i.

An

112
Balan<;a

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

from 1513 to 1517;
the poet

to refer to os da Aloeda, familiarly

goes out but not as one

of his of

way

them, in

1521.

He

henceforth devoted himself more ardently to the

literary side of his genius, speaks of himself as Gil Vicente

who

writes autos for the king,

and with an occasional sigh* that

he can no longer afford to stage his plays as splendidly as of old (in KingManuel's reign) produces them with increasingfrequency.
'

Had

Gil Vicente

said the

late Marcelino

been a goldsmith and a goldsmith of such skill,' Menendez y Pelayo (1856-1912), 'it

would have been impossible for him to leave no trace of it in his dramatic works and for all the contemporary writers who speak of him to have kept complete silence as to his artistic talent.'^ But his work is essentially that of an artist (Menendez y Pelayo himself well calls him an alma de artista) ^ involuntarily one his likens sketches to some rough terra-cotta figure of Tanagra or sculpture in early Gothic, and his lyrics are clear-cut gems,
:

a thing very Vare in Portuguese literature.

in his lyrism

Intensely Portuguese
in

and

his satire,

he

is

almost un-Portuguese

the

extreme plasticity of his genius. Concrete, definite images spring from his brain in contrast to the vaguer effusions of most Portuguese poets. And if Queen Lianor's goldsmith, like the troubadour ourives Elias Cairel, or, to come to the fifteenth century, like Diogo Fernandez and Afonso Valente of the Cancioneiro de Resende,* set himself to write verses, this would call for no comment. Every one wrote verses. Had a celebrated poet say the Gil Vicente of 1520 wrought the custodia his contemporaries might have recorded the fact, but Gil Vicente was not a famous

Yet the rubric of the Auto dos Quafro Tempos say? clearly that a sobredila senhora is King Manuel's sister. * Mas ja ndo auto hofi Coma os autos que fazia Quando elle tinha com que {Auto Pastoril Portugues, i. 129). * Antologia, vii, p. clxvi. It should be said that Dr. Theophilo Braga, the late General Brito Rebello, and the late Dr. F. A. Coelho agree with Menendez y Pelayo. Dr. Theophilo Braga even declares that he can prove an alibi. D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos opposed identity in 1894, and has not definitely expressed herself in its favour since. On the other hand, Snr. Braamcamp Freire is a convinced supporter of identifying poet and ' Antologia, vii, p. clxxvi. goldsmith. * And later Jeronimo Correa (ti66o) at Lisbon, author of Daphne e Apollo (Lisboa, 1624) and other prosaic verses, Xavier de Novaes (1820-69) ^t Oporto, and others. Perhaps the gold-beater of Seville, Lope de Rueda (1510 ?-65), whose pasos are akin to Vicente's /arsas, was fired by his example and success.

GIL VICENTE
poet

113
Stress

when

the custodia was begun in 1503.

was therefore

naturally laid on the plays of Gil Vicente the goldsmith, not on

The historian Barros refers in 1540 to Gil Vicente comico,'^ and since 1517 he had certainly been more comico than ourives. But the comico who was dramatist and lyric poet, musician, actor, preacher in prose and verse,
the art of Gil Vicente the poet.

may

also

have been a goldsmith.

little later

His versatility was that of

Damiao de Goes a
in

or of his

own contemporary Garcia de

document

Resende, with genius added.

The

fact that the official

which Gil Vicente lavrador da Rainha Lianor is appointed to his post in the Lisbon Casa da Moeda (Feb. 4, 1513 ^) has above it a contemporary note Gil V'" trouador mestre da balaga should in itself be conclusive evidence that the poet was the goldsmith This modest but intimate position at Court of the queen. accords well with what we know of the poet and with the production of his plays. The offerings at the end of the Visitagam seem to have suggested to Queen Lianor the idea of its repetition on Christmas morning, but Gil Vicente, considering its matter inappropriate, wrote a new play with parts for six shepherds. This Auto Pastoril Castelhano is four times as long as the Visitagam. The shepherds pass the time in dance and song, games, riddles, and various conversation (the dowry of the bride of one of them is catalogued in the manner of Enzina ^ and the Archpriest of Hita). To them the Angels announce the birth of the Redeemer, and they go to sing and dance before aquel garzon. The principal part, that of the mystic shepherd Gil Terron, inclined to the life contemplative ', well read (letrudo) in the Bible, with some knowledge of metaphysics and perhaps of the Corte Imperial, devoted to Nature and the sierras benditas, was evidently played
'

by

Gil Vicente himself.

fortnight later, for the

Day
'

of Kings,

he had ready the Auto dos Reis Magos (1503), again at the request of Queen Lianor, who had been very pleased with what
'

Vicente himself called a pobre cousa.

limited the length of the

This brief interval of time

Its action
is

new

play.

as slight.

shepherd enters who has

^

lost his

way

to Bethlehem.

He meets

Dialogo em lovvor de nossa linguagem, 1785 ed., p. 222. Registers of the Chancellery of King Manuel (vol. xlii, f. 20 v.) in the ' Cf. Cancionero, i. Ixxxvi v. Torre do Tombo, Lisbon.
^

2362

114

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

whom
they ply with irreve-

another shepherd and then a hermit,

rent problems.

To them

enters a knight of Araby,

and

finally

the three

kings, singing a vilancete.

The Auto da

Sihila Cas-

sandra has been assigned to the same year, but is probably a later play (15 13 ?). Nearly twice as long as the Auto Pastoril CasteIhano,
of a

apparato it combines the ordinary scenic display todo Christmas representagdo with a presentment of the early prophecies now to be fulfilled, and introduces Solomon, Isaiah,

Abraham, and Moses, who describes the creation of the world. The play includes a profane theme, since Cassandra in her mystic
aversion from marriage realistically portrays the sad
life

of

Although Cassandra appears as a shepherdess and her aunt Peresica as a peasant, they speak a purer, more flowing Castilian than the toscos, rusticos pastores of the preceding autos, and the play is remarkable for the beauty of its lyrics Dicen que me case yo, Sanosa estd la nina, Muy graciosa es la doncella, and A la guerra. For the Corpus Christi procession of 1504 was provided, at short notice from Queen Lianor, the Auto deS. Martinho. The subject of this piece, merely ten dodecasyllabic oitavas followed by a solemn prosa, is that of El Greco's marvellous picture St. Martin dividing his cloak with a beggar, whom Vicente treats with characteristic, sympathy and insight (jCriante rocio, que te hicc yo ^
married
in Portugal.

women

Que

Y
Court
in the

las hiervecitas fioreces por Mayo sobre mis carnes no echas un sayo }

The Auto dos Quatro Tempos,

of uncertain date, acted before the

Lisbon palace of Alcagova on Christmas morning in or after 15 11, opens with a mystic ode on the Nativity and a vilancete [A ti dine de adorar) and proceeds rapidly with snatches of song in a splendid rivalry between the four seasons.

The

praises of Spring are

sung with a delightful freshness, as

in a

are Winter's rages, while

Summer

straw hat appears sallow

and fever-stricken. Jupiter comes with countless classical allusions and David with much Latin, and they all worship together An effective instance of a line shortened by emotion. The long pause
'

on tardus

in Oo morte que tardas, quien te detien ? is equally impressive, but the 1562 ed. has de quien and Vicente may have written Oo morte que tardas, di ( quien te detien ?

GIL VICENTE
the new-born King.
for
of

115

Very different is the Auto da Alma, written Queen Lianor and acted in King Manuel's Lisbon palace Ribeira on the night of Good Friday, 1518 (Snr. BraamFreire's plausible suggestion
in

camp
and

place of the

commonly
of its

accepted 1508).
sin.

It represents the eternal strife

between the soul

The

soul,
is

slowly journeying in the

company

guardian angel,
of the world,

alternately tempted
fine

with
guilt,

Angel,

till it

arrives at

by Satan with the delights dresses and jewels, and exhorted by the the Church, the Innkeeper of Souls, and
in a restless

confesses
zenreiche

its
!).

imploring protection [Ach neige, du schmerfury of disappoint-

Then, while Satan

celestial fare

ment makes a
is

last effort to secure his victim, the

ransomed soul

Augustine and other The w'hole theme, to which the language rises fully doutores. adequate, is treated with great delicacy and with a mystic
fortified

with

served by

St.

fervour.

In 1505 King Manuel and his Court in his Lisbon palace had witnessed the first of those farsas in which Gil Vicente has sketched for all time Portuguese life in the first third of the
sixteenth century.
It rapidly

became popular and went from

from the people the

hand

to

hand

as a folha volante, receiving

name of Quem tem farelos ? i.e. the first three words of the play. The plots of the tv^eWt farsas written from 1505 to 1531 are so
slight that only

one

calls for detailed notice, the

Farsa de Ines
It

Pereira^ (1523), which in its developed story more closely resembles a

tells

carefully defined characters and

modern comedy.

how

the hapless Ines, having rejected a plain suitor for

a more romantic lover, a poor but deceptive escudeiro presented

to her

by two Jewish marriage

agents, learns
'

by

bitter experience

the truth of the old proverb that

an ass that carries me is better than a horse that throws me '. But the types and persons in all these farces are etched with so much realism and humour that they bite into the memory and rank with the living malicious sketches of Lazarillo de Tormes. Who can forget the famished escudeiro Aires Rosado with !his book of songs (cancioneiro) and
Auto de Ines Pereira in the 1562 ed. So Auto dos Almocreves. It will, however, be convenient to call them farsas, since auto is a more general
'

term applicable to

all

the plays.

ii6

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

beneath the window of
fall

guitar, continuing to sing

his love while

the curses of her mother

thick as snowfiakes on his head,^

or the lady of his affections, vain

[nio^o]

and

idle Isabel, or his

servant

Apari^o
'

who draws

so cruel a picture of his master, or

that other penniless escudeiro palace

verses
fidalgo

who

considers himself

'

the very

and calls up his mogo Fernando at midnight to light the lamp and hold the inkstand while he writes down his latest
? -

Equally well sketched

is

the splendid poverty-plagued

six pages,
his

who walks abroad accompanied by

^
;

but canservile,

not pay his chaplain or his goldsmith;

ill-used,

ambitious chaplain

the witch Genebra Pereira mixing the

hanged man's
ingredients:

ear,

the heart of a black cat,

and other grim

the

Algnidar, alguidar^ que feito foste ao luar'^;

household of the Jewish tailor who delights in songs of battlesat-a-distance and is filled with pride when the Regedor salutes

him

in the street^;

Felipe, Fernando,
ful wife of

M. Diafoirus' lineal ancestors Mestres Anrique, and Torres^; the sporting priest'^; the unfaiththe Portuguese who has embarked for India with
;

Tristao da

Cunha
life

the vainglorious, grandiloquent Spaniard

who
all

takes the opportunity to pay his court to her.^

They

are

with a master hand, even the more insignificant figures, the girl keeping ducks, the mogos, the gipsy horse-dealers,^ the old man amorous,^" the carriers faring leisurely along with
their mules, the braggart

drawn from

who disables six of

tiitti

his fourteen

imaginary

opponents, the Frenchman and Italian with their stock phrases

Par ma foi,
*
^

la belle France,

quanti,^^ the wily

and impudent

Quern tem farelos ? Jtiiz da Beira, a continuation suggested by the success of the Farsa de Inds Pereira and acted at Almeirim in 1525. ' Farsa dos Almocreves (or do Fidalgo Pobre) acted at Coimbra (1525). It is curious to compare the sterner type of chaplain denounced in Don

* Auto das Fadas (151 1). Auto da Lusitania (1532) acted in honour of the birth of Prince Manuel * Farsa dos Fisicos ( 1 5 3 1 ( 1 5 1 2) ' O Clerigo da Beira * Auto da India (1509). (1529 ?). ' Farsa das Ciganas (or, in the 1562 edition. Auto de huas ciganas), a very slight sketch acted in a scram before the king at Evora (1521). O Velho da Horta (1513). " Auto da Fama (Lisbon). Its date has been given as 15 10, but internal evidence shows that it is later, probably 1515 or 15 16 (although perhaps prior to the knowledge of Albuquerque's death in India (December 16, 1515) since so splendid a paean in honour of the Portuguese victories would be out

Quixote.
s
)

of place afterwards).

GIL VICENTE
negro, the poor ratinho

117

^ Gongalo, who loses his hare and capons and his clothes as well, the page of peasant birth ambitious to become a cavaleiro fidalgo, the roguish and pretentious palace pages. Side by side with these farces Vicente continued to write religious aiUos as well as comedies and tragicomedies. The difference between these various pieces is less of kind than of the occasion on which they were produced, the obras de devagdo on Christmas morning or other solemn day,^ the farsas de folgar, comedias, &c., at the evening parties those famous seroes of King Manuel's reign to which the courtiers thronged at dusk, and which Sa de Miranda remembered with regret.^ All

provide us with realistic sketches since the backgrcjund

is filled it

with the
is

common

people, the real hero of Gil Vicente's plays as

of

Fernam Lopez' chronicles.

Thus the Auto da Mofina Mendes

(Christmas, 1534), besides its heavenly gloria with the Virgin, Gabriel, Prudence, Poverty, Humility, and Faith, has a very
life-like

peasant scene in which Mofina Mendes,

personifying
et

Misfortune, represents a Portuguese version of Pierrette

son pot
is

au

lait.

The Auto

Pastoril

Portugues (Christmas,

1523)

a similar scene of peasant

life,

relating the cross-currents

of

the shepherds' loves and the finding of an image of the Virgin

The Auto da Feira, acted before King Joao at Lisbon a more elaborate Christmas play. Mercury, Time, Rome, and the Devil attend a fair, and this furnishes opportunity for a vigorous attack upon the Church of Rome, wath her indulgences for others and her self-indulgence, who has not the kings of the Earth but herself to blame if she is rushing on ruin, ruin that will be inevitable unless she mends her ways. But to the fair also come the peasants Denis and Amancio, as dissatisfied with their wives as their wives are dissatisfied with them (their conversation is most voluble and natural), and marketgirls, basket on head, come down singing from the hills. Another
on the
hills.
is

in 1527,

' = labourer from Beira. He figures in comedy as the slow-witted (or malicious) clod-hopper, to the delight of an urban audience. * In the palace (at Lisbon, Almeirim, Evora) or in convents (Enxobregas, Thomar, Odivellas), once (as part of a procession) in a church (Auto de S. Martinho). ^ Os momos, os seroes de Portugal

Tam E as

fallados

no mundo, onde sao idos, gra9as temperadas do seu sal ?

ii8

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Christmas play, the Auto da F^, was acted in the royal chapel at Almeirim in 15 lo, and consists of a simple conversation between Faith and two shepherds. The Breve Summario da Historia de Deos^ (1527) and the Auto da Cananea (written for the Abbess of Odivellas in 1534) are both based on the Bible the former, which contains the vilancete sung by Abel [Adorae mo)itanhas), outlines the story of the Fall, of Job, and of the New Testament to the Crucifixion, sometimes in passages of
;

The latter develops the episode of the woman Canaan (Matt. xv. 21-8). The great trilogy of Barcas, which ranks among Vicente's most important works, is of earlier The^ first part, Auto da Barca do Inferno, was acted date. before Queen Maria pera consolagao as she lay on her death-bed
great beauty.
of in 15 17, the second.

Auto da Barca do Purgatorio, at Christmas of the following year in Lisbon, and the Auto da Barca da Gloria at Almeirim in 1519. The plot, again, is of the simplest the Devil, combining the parts of Charon and Rhadamanthus, ferryman and judge, invites Death's victims to show cause why they should not enter his boat and the interest is in the light thus thrown upon the earthly behaviour of nobleman, judge, advocate, usurer, fool, love-lorn friar, the cheating market-woman, the
: ;

cobbler

who throve by
tithes,
',

deceiving the people, the peasant

skimped his the little shepherdess who had seen often and often of Count, King,^ and Emperor, Bishop, Cardinal, and Pope. The first part ends with a noble invocation to the knights who had died fighting in Africa, and the second begins with the mystic jewelled romance Remando vam
' :

who God

remadores.

The comedies and tragicomedies vary

de Rubena (1521)
is,

greatly.

The Comedia

like

Winter's Tale, quite without unity of

* This play is written in lines of 10, 11, or 12 syllables with a break of a line of 5 or 6 syllables after every four lines. Most of Gil Vicente's plays are in octosyllabic redondilhas with or without breaks of a line of four syllables, as in the poems of Duarte de Brito and others in the

Cancioneiro Geral. Lightness, grace, hands. * This splendour-loving king bears Manuel, before whom the play was Vicente allow his satire to touch the
coHio

and ease mark

this

metre in Vicente's

an unmistakable resemblance to King acted, but in no other instance does cumpre attentat king or royal family
:

poemos as maos {Cortes de Jupiter).

GIL VICENTE
mention Plato, did not reverence the Stagirite
'

119

time or place (for this primitive humanist, although he might

'),

into three acts (called scenes) as in a

modern

play.

but is divided Cismena, like

first scene, is conveyed by fairies to Crete, where she is wooed and won by the Prince of Syria. The Comedia do Viuvo (15 14) is much more compact and has a delicate charm. Don Rosvel, a prince in disguise, serves in the house of a widower at Burgos for love of his daughters. (He is in love with both, but his brother in search of him arrives and marries the second.) On the other hand, the Comedia sobre a divisada cidade de Coimbra, acted before King Joao III in his ever-loyal city of Coimbra in

Perdita born in the

1527,

is

a lengthy, far-fetched explanation of the city's arms,

at

and the Floresta de Engafios (played before the king

1536)
is

Evora

in

a succession of scenes of pure farce

the deceit practised

'

upon a merchant, the ludicrous predicament to which love reduced the grave old judge who had taken his degree in Paris ^with a more serious theme, a Portuguese version of the two, Dom story of Psyche and Eros. Of the tragicomedies Duardos (1525.?) and Amadis de Gaula (1533), dramatize

'

romances
is

of

chivalry

Primaleon,
',^

that

'

dulce

&

aplacible

historia translated

from the Greek

and Amadis}

The work

natural,

done with skill, for Vicente succeeds here as always in being and in this twilight atmosphere of garden flowers and romance keeps his realism.^ Both plays contain passages of great lyrical beauty, and Dom Duardos ends with the romance beginning Pelo mes era de Abril. Thus in his latter age he successfully adapted himself to pastures new. In his letter dedicating Dom Duardos Since, excellent Prince and most to King Joao III he wrote powerful King, the comedies, farces and moralities which I wrote
'

for {en servicio de) the

Queen your Aunt were low

figures

in

1598 ed. (colophon). The date of the first edition is 15 12. Montalvo's Amadis clearly. Vicente, who invariably suits his language to his subject, would have written in Portuguese had the text before him been Portuguese. If Montalvo's Amadis became fashionable in Portugal this was characteristic of the Portuguese, who would welcome foreign books while they despised and neglected their own. ' When Flerida meets D. Duardos disguised as a gardener she supposes that his ordinary fare is garlic. * For the words quanta en caso de amores the Censorship is evidently respon* ^

sible.

120

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

which there was no fitting rhetoric to satisfy the dehcate spirit of your Highness, I realized that I must crowd more sail on to my poor bark.' For us the words have a tinge of irony, and however much some readers may admire the hushed rapture of these idyllic scenes we miss the merry author of the farsas, and gladly turn to the Romagem de Aggravados (1533) in which Vicente This tragiproves that his hand had lost none of its cunning. comedy is a satire says the rubric, and it introduces us to the inimitable Frei Pago, the mincing courtier-priest with gloves, gilt sw^ord, and velvet cap (one of Sa de Miranda's clerigos per' '

fumados), to the discontented peasant

who

brings his son to be

made

a priest, the talkative fish-wives, the hypocrite Frei Narciso

scheming to be made a bishop, and awkward Giralda, the peasant Aparicianes' daughter, whom Frei Pago instructs so competently This long play was written for a special in Court manners.
occasion, the birth of the Infante Felipe.
years, as poet laureate,
Gil Vicente for

many

When
da

the

tion against
Giierra,

Duke of Azamor
which
is

had celebrated great events at Court. Braganza was about to leave with the expediin 15 13

he wrote the eloquent Exhortagam

introduced by a necromancer priest and ends

with a rousing

call to

war

{soiga)

Avante avante, senhores, Pois que com grandes favores Todo o ceo vos favorece El Rey de Fez esmorece E Marrocos da clamores.
;

When King
the
in

Manuel's daughter, the princess Beatrice, married

in 15 21 Vicente wrote the Cortes de Jupiter which the Providence of God bids Jupiter, King of the Elements, speed her on her voyage, and the courtiers and inhabitants of Lisbon accompany her ship, swimming, to the mouth of the Tagus. The Fm^cia ^^ yim(?r( 1525) was written on the occasion of the betrothal of King Joao and Queen Catherina (who replaced Queen Lianor as Vicente's protector and patron). Into the forge, to the sound of singing, goes a negro, and then Justice in the form of a bent old woman who is forced to disgorge all her bribes and reappears upright and fair. A similar play, Nao de Amor (1527), in which courtiers caulk a miniature ship on the stage, was played

Duke

of

Savoy

GIL VICENTE
before their Majesties in Lisbon two years later.
de Apolo (1526)

121

The Templo was acted when another daughter of King Manuel left Lisbon to become the wife of the Emperor Charles V. The author introduces the play and excuses its deficiencies on the
plea that he has been seriously
ill

with fever.

He

then relates

the dream of fair

women

las

hermosas que son miiertas

that he

had seen in his sickness. Apollo then enters, and after declaring that he would have made the world otherwise mounts the pulpit and preaches a mock sermon. The world, Fame, Victory, come to his temple and bear witness to the greatness of the Emperor Charles V. A Portuguese peasant also comes and has more
difficulty in obtaining admittance. The author called the play an ohra doliente, and it was propped up by a passage from the earlier Auto da Festa (1525 .?), edited by the Conde de Sabugosa from the unique copy in his possession. Its figures are Truth, two gipsies, a fool, and seven peasants. Their speech is markedly beirdo and the old woman closely resembles the velha of the tragi-

comedy

Triuiifo do Invenio, written to celebrate the

birth

of

Princess Isabel in 1529, as the Auto da Lusitania celebrated that of Prince Manuel in 1532 and the Tragicomedia Pastoril da Serra

da Estrella that of Princess Maria in 1527. The latter is a wholehearted play of the Serra with a cossante, a baile de terreiro and
chacota,

and continual fragments of song one of the most Portuguese of Vicente's plays. The Triunfo do Inverno contains some most effective scenes and a bewildering wealth of
: :

and the w^hole triumph of Winter is on the hills, the Serra da Estrella {serra nevada) the second, on the sea, affords a telling satire against the pilots on India-bound ships. The pilot here begins by stating that the storm will be nothing, then he says that he is not to blame for Winter's conduct, finally he falls to imploring the Virgin and St. George and St. Nicholas and but for his incompetence the ship might have been lying safe at Cochin. The second part of the tragicomedy
lyrics

before one

is

finished another has begun,

long play goes forward at a gallop.

The

first

is

the

Triumph

of

Spring in the Serra de Sintra.

Spring enters in

a lyrical profusion singing

Del rosal vengo, mi madre,

Vengo

del rosale.

122

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

off into Afiiera,

breaks

afuera iiublados, and resumes his song

riberas de aquel rio Viera estar rosal florido, Vengo del rosalc.

Enough has perhaps been

plays, the

said to suggest the variety of these

glow

of colour that

pervades them, and to show

how

far their author, although his genius

his aiitos,
in

was never

fully realized in

had travelled from the

first

first

glimmerings of the drama

Portugal and from his

model, Enzina.

Rudiments

of

dramatic art existed in the Middle Ages in the ceremonies provided by an essentially dramatic Church and
in the

mummeries

and mimicking jograes that delighted the people. Bonamis and his companion furnished some kind of extrernely primitive play [arremedillum) for King Sancho I, and they were probably only the most successful of hundreds of wandering mimics and players. Mimicry and scenic display^ were the principal ingredients of the momos in which Rui de Sousa excelled - and the they scarcely beentremeses for which Portugal was famous longed to literature, although they might include a song and prose breve such as the Conde do Vimioso's, printed in the Cancioneiro Geral. Religious processions and Christmas, Epi:

phany, Passion, or Easter scenes ^ gave further scope for dramatic display, as also popular ceremonies such as that in which Em'

perors

be seen in Spanish processions

no doubt, to those still to were carried in triumph to the churches, accompanied hy jograes who invaded many the pulpit and preached profane sermons containing ', in progress. even while mass was iniquities and abominations The popular tendencies darkly suggested in the Constituigoes the Christmas representagoes, are manifest in Vicente's plays
'

and

'

Kings

'

figures

similar,
(e. g.

at Valencia)

'

the preaching of burlesque sermons, parodies of the mass, pro-

fane litanies, parodies and paraphrases of the Lord's Prayer.

Like the Clercs de

la

Bazoche in France, he represents the drama

' Cf. Zurara, Cronica de D. Jodo I, 1899 ed., i. 116: Alii houve momos de tao desvairadas maneiras que a vista delles fazia mui grande prazer. Cancioneiro Geral, 1910 ed., i. 326. ' The Portuguese in the East in the sixteenth century maintained these read of Christmas autos in India and a representafam dos Rets customs. in Ethiopia. Cf. the Good Friday centurios in Barros, 11. i. 5.
''

We

GIL VICENTE
breaking
of
its ecclesiastical fetters.

123

It

was, however, from Spain

that the idea of his autos first

came

to him, as the direct imitations

Enzina (1469 ?-i529 ?) in Vicente's early pieces and the Resende in his Miscellania prove he speaks of the representagoes of very eloquent style and new devices invented in Portugal by Gil Vicente, and adds the

Juan

del

explicit statement of Garcia de

qualifying clause that credit for the invention of the pastoril

belongs to Enzina.

burst the old bottles, and

But the wine of Vicente's genius soon when his plays ceased to be confined to

the pastoril he naturally turned elsewhere for suggestion. himself towards the end
moralidades, and the real

He
as

of his life called his religious plays

name

of the

play popularly

known

the Farsa da Alofina

introduction of

Mendes was Os Mysterios da Virgem} The Lucifer as Maioral do Inferno and Belial as his
derived from French mysteres
;

meirinho

"

may have been

the

conception of his Barcas certainly owed more to the Danse

de la Muerte) than to Dante.

macabre (probably through the Spanish fifteenth-century Danza The burlesque testamento of Maria Parda ^ is one of a long list of such wills (of which an example is
the mule's testament in the Cancioneiro Geral),^ but in

some

of its

expressions appears to be copied from the Testament de Pathelin.

like his

His knowledge of French was perhaps more fluent than accurate, Latin which, albeit copious, did not claim to be pure
'

TuUy

'.

But there

are

many

references to France in his plays,

as there are in the Cancioneiro Geral, and, although the enselada

from France with which the Auto da Fe ends (i. 75) and the French song (i. 92) Ay de la nohle ville de Paris ^ were no doubt some fashionable courtier's latest acquisition, Vicente in literary
* i. The word was of course not new in the Peninsula. Cf. the 103. thirteenth (?)-century El Misterio de los Reyes Magos. ^ Breve Summario da Historia de Deos (i. 309). ^ In the Pranto de Maria Parda because she saw so few branches on the taverns in the streets of Lisbon and wine so dear and she could not live
'

without
*

it

'.

rrugo de Luys Freyre estando pera niorrer. See also Dr. H. R. Lang, C. G. C, pp. 174-8, note on the will of the Archdeacon of Toro and the extract from a manuscript testamento burlesco in J. Leite de Vasconcellos, De Campolide a Melrose (191 5). ^ As neither of them is printed in his plays we cannot say whether they were two or one and the same, or whether the French of his song was more intelligible than the version preserved in Barbieri's Cancionero Musical
;

Do macho

(No. 429).

124

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

frontiers
of

matters probably shared the curiosity of the Court as to what

was going on beyond the

majority of his songs
are,

Portugal.

The great
His

however, plainly indigenous.

knowledge of Italian certainly enabled him to read Italian plays and poems. We know that he was a great reader he mentions the written works that I have seen, in verse and prose, rich in style and matter In Spanish he did not confine himself to Enzina. He read romances of chivalry, imitated the romances with supreme success, mentions Diego de San Pedro's La Carcel de Amor, had read the autos of Lucas Fernandez, the comedias of Bartolome de Torres Naharro probably, and without doubt the Archpriest of Hita's Libra de Buen Amor, possessed by King Duarte, and the Celestina. Indeed, for some time past barriers between the two literatures had scarcely existed and Vicente enriched both. Celestina would have spoken many proverbs had she foreseen that he would allow two men [jiideos casamenteiros) to take the bread out of her mouth, but he copies her in his Brigida Vaz, Branca Gil, the formidable Anna Diaz, and the beata alcoviteira of the Comedia de Rubena, although he may also have had in mind the moller viiii vil of King Alfonso X's Cantigasde Santa Maria (No. 64), with the spirit of which their fondness for popular types and satire Vicente had more in common than with the Cancioneiro Geral, compiled by his friend Resende. With this collection he was naturally familiar, and must have heard many of its songs before it was published in 1516. A line here and there in Vicente seems to be an echo of the Cajicioneiro,^ although the fact that it mentions some of his types (as in the Arrenegos - of Gregorio Afonso) merely means that he drew from the life around him. His satire of doctors and priests, although essentially popular and mediaeval both are present in the Cantigas de Santa Maria was also due to his personal observation that is to say, he gave realistic expression to a satire of which the motive was literary (since satire directed against priests had long been one of the chief resources of comic

'

'.

' For instance, the following lines and phrases of the Cancioneiro Geral Hirmee a tierras eslranas, Oo morte porque tardais, Vos soes mesmo pafo,

outras cousas que calo,

poet by
'

O eco pelos vales. The Portuguese fifteenth-century he was most influenced was probably Duarte de Brito. They were pubhshed separately in the following century Lisboa, 1649.

whom

GIL VICENTE
writers in France, Italy, Spain,

125

and Portugal). ^ The type of the poor fidalgo or famishing escudeiro on which Vicente dwells so fondly we have the latter as Aires Rosado in Quem tern farelos? and anonymous in the Farsa de Ines Pereira and jfuiz da Beira ^ is another instance of literary tradition combined with observation at first hand. Of the priest-satire Vicente was the last free exponent in Portugal. That of the poor gentleman was even The It dates from Roman times. older and survived him.

amethystinatus of Spanish Martial^ reappears in the Cancioneiro

da

Vaticana, in the Archpriest of Hita's

Don Furon,

in

the

lindos fidalgos que viven lazerados of Alfonso Alvarez de Villasan-

and just before Vicente's death is ^ wittily described, as the raphanophagus purpuratus, by Clenardus, and less urbanely in Lazarillo de Tormes. With no Inquisition for instance, to crush him he continued to starve in literature in the anonymous later sixteenth-century play Auto do Escudeiro Surdo he and his mogo come on the scene in thoroughly Vicentian meio tostdo gasto quinze dias ha ^ guise a vossafome de pam
dino, in the Cancioneiro Geral,

as he starves in the real

life

of the

Peninsula to-day.^
;

In a sense

doubt borrowed widely he was no sorcerer to make bricks without straw, and straw, like poets, is not manuBut the homens de horn saber factured it has to be gathered in. who, as we know from the rubric to the Farsa de Ines Pereira, doubted his originality must have been very superficial as well as envious critics, for the bricks were essentially his own. Indeed,
Gil Vicente no
:

is

> Many writers note the large number of priests. The north of Portugal chea de muitos sacerdotes says Dr. Joao de Barros in his Lihro de Antiguidades, &c., a book full of curious information collected by the author when he was a magistrate (ouvidor) at Braga, and written in 1549. [A different work, Compendio e Summario de Antiguidades, Sec, variously attributed to Ruy de Pina and to Mestre Antonio, surgeon to King Joao II, appeared in 1606.] Gil Vicente was never in India, otherwise he would certainly have borne witness to the devotion and courage of monks and priests in the East and on the dangerous voyages to and from India. 2 The anonymity may have been intentional, to emphasize the fact that there was no personal allusion to any of the poor escudeiros who thronged the capital and Court. * Letter from Evora, March 26, ' Ep. n. 1535. $7. * In the same play reappears Vicente's Spaniard Castelhano muy fanfarrdo. ' According to the Arte de Fiirtar, decimas and sonnets were written on the subject of a poor fidalgo who was in the habit of sending his mofo to two shoemakers for a shoe on trial from each, since they would not trust him with
:

a pair.

126

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

his,

every page of his autos is hall-marked as could say with King Alfonso X:

ca non alheo,

and he

Mais se o m'eu mclhoro fago ben E non 800 per aquesto ladron.
Besides the Auto da Festa

we have 42 plays

12 farsas, 16 obras

de devagam, 4 comedias, 10 tragicomedias. Some of them were staged with much pomp and grande aparato de musica in the

spacious times of King Manuel, but they lose

read.

little in

being merely
for

They contain a few

scenes of dramatic insight and power,

all

a few touches of real comedy, but above

their types

we value them

man and and that particular period of man's history, and for the lyrics and lyrical passages, fragments of heaven-born poetry thrown
characters, the insight they afford us into

out tantalizingly at random as the dramatist passes rapidly,

carelessly on.

We

do not possess

all

Vicente's plays.

farce

which in a poem to the Conde de Vimioso (?I525) he says that he had in hand, A Caga dos Segredos, was perhaps never finished, or perhaps it was produced seven years later as the Auto da Lusitania (1532). Others were probably lost as folhas volantes before the edition of 1562 could collect them. Three at least, the Aiito da Aderencia do Pago, Auto da Vida do Pago, and Jubileu de Amor or Amores, were suppressed. ^ The latter, in Spanish and Portuguese, was probably the cause of the loss of the two other plays, for, having ventured far away from the natural piety of Portugal, it was acted in Brussels on December 21, 1531, in the house of the Portuguese Ambassador, D. Pedro de Mascarenhas, and in the mind of the Nuncio, Cardinal Aleandro, who was among those manifest satire against Rome caused such cominvited, this motion that, as he wrote, he seemed to be in mid-Saxony listening to Luther^ or in the horrors of the sack of Rome '.* Yet in
'

'

'

If theDiaiogo da Resurreifamhe counted separatelywehavcforty-fourinall. Index of 1551. See C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Notas Vicentinas, But here again the Auto da Vida do Pago might be the (1912), p. 31.
*

Romagem
'

de Aggravados.

Cf. Barros, prefatory letter to

solto

tam
*

como

se estivessem

Ropica Pnefma (May 25, em Alemanha nas rixas de Luthero.

1531)

falam

Notas Vicentinas, p. 21, where the letter is given in the original Italian The Legate had lent a cardinal's hat for the occasion, in Portuguese. little realizing that it was to be worn by one of the actors in such a play (a witness to the realism with which Vicente's plays were staged).

and

GIL VICENTE

127

1533 impenitent, the incorrigible Vicente is pillorying the Court The fact is that in Portugal no one could priest, Frei Pago. suspect the sheep-dog, who had for so long and so mordantly

kept watch over the Court flock, of turning wolf and encouraging the seitas and cismas against which Alvaro de Brito had already
inveighed.

He was

himself deeply,
for

mystically religious and

perhaps cared the

service

less

creeds and dogmas.

His mystic

philosophy appears as early as 1502.

Yet they do him a poor

His plays show us

who

represent

him

as

a profound theologian, a great

philosopher, an authoritative philologist.

man

lovable and

human,

tolerant of opinions, intolerant of

abuses,-*-

man

country.

We

with a passionate devotion to his have only to turn to the ringing Exhortagam da
of
gifts,

many

Guerra or the Auto da Fama. The whole of the latter is written in a glow of pride and patriotism at Portugal's vast, increasing

empire and the victories of Albuquerque

Ormuz, Quiloa, Mombaga,

Sofala, Cochim, Melinde.

Clearly the words to

of

him are a sweet music. ^ From one point view Gil Vicente's position exactly tallied with Herculano's description of the bobo. He was a Court jester, expected to render the idle courtiers muy ledos. To this purpose he was compelled to saddle his plays with passages which for us have lost their savour and significance but almost every line of which must have
elicited a smile or a

instance

Clerigo da Beira,

shout of laughter at the seroes. We may which ends with the signs and planets

under which various courtiers were born, the Tragicomedia da divisa da cidade de Coimbra, with the origins of various noble
' His tolerant spirit, expressed in his letter to the King in 1531, was remarkable in an age not very remote from the day when Duarte de Brito wrote to Anton de Montoro (c. 1405-80) that he would have been burnt had he written in Portugal the blasphemous lines addressed to Queen Isabella of Spain Si no pariera Sanctana
:

hasta ser nacida vos, de vos el hijo de Dios,

rescibiera carne
^

humana.
'.

As indeed they were

:

to Milton:

'Mombasa and Quiloa and Melind

other hand, Garcia de Resende in one of the decimas of his Miscellania has twenty-six names Tern Ceita, T anger, Arzilla, &c., ordered rather for the rhyme than for harmony.

On the

128
families,

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

the malicious catalogue raisonne of courtiers in the

Cortes de Jupiter,

Branca

Gil's

comical litany

in

Velho da Horta,

the sixty-four puzzle verses of the Auto das Fadas.

gathering.

But Vicente

frequently had a deeper purpose than to enliven a fashionable

The abuse of
of

indulgences, the corruption of the clergy,^

married women, the danger of appointing ignorant men to the responsible position of pilot, the mingling of the classes it was not so, he remarks, in Germany or Flanders,
the subjection

the increasing tendency to shun honest labour occupy a position however humble at Court,^ the ignorance and presumption of the peasants, the false display and false ambitions, the thousand new lies and deceits, the decay of piety, the growth of luxury and corresponding diminution in gaiety these were matters which he sought not only to portray but to correct, with much earnestness in his iocis levibus. But to the end of his life he was never able to learn that religion and virtue must be melancholy. In the introduction to the

France or Venice
in order to

Triunfo do Inverno (1529) he complains of the loss of the joyous dances and songs of Portugal and the disappearance in the last

twenty years of the gaiteiro and his cheerful piping. He himself drew his inspiration from the people, from Nature, and from the Scriptures, with which he had no superficial acquaintance. In his love of Nature and his wide curiosity he studied children and birds, plants and flowers, astronomy and witchcraft those myriad forms of sorcery in Portugal, some of which have fortunately

survived

in the

prohibitory de.crees of the Church.

?Ie included

in his plays or alluded to

many

of the traditions, the songs

and

dances

of

old

Portugal

the

ancient cossantes,

the bailes de

terreiro, bailos vildos,^ bailes

1

da Beira, chacotas,

folias, alvoradas,

He

does not attack them without exception.

OS lavradores os lilhos pa^aos,
:

in the clerigo of Beira,

'

There is much good sense and true charity in the frade of the Comedia do Viuvo.

Fazem

Cedo nao ha de haver villaos Todos d' El Rei, todos d' El Rei (Farsa dos Almocreves). * Cf. the bcUho vylam ou mourisco which cost Abul his gold chain in the Cancioneiro Gercd, and Lopo de Almeida's third letter, from Naples Mandaram baylo mourisco e despots vilao. bailar men sobrinho com Beatriz Lopez
:

century after Vicente the shepherds' dances are but a

antigamente (do tisados entre os pastores (Faria
iii,

memory

as dattfas

e bailios

Sousa, Europa Portu-

guesa, vol.

pt. 4).

GIL VICENTE
janeiras,

129
of the

lampas de

S.

Jodo}

For he stood at the parting

ways.

Desirous and capable of playing

many

parts, tinged un-

awares by the new spirit of the Renaissance, but at the same time keenly national, he linked the Middle Ages with the new learning

and the old

traditions of Portugal with her ever-widening dominions, for which he showed the wise enthusiasm of a true imperialist. But behind the new glitter and luxury of Lisbon he

for

constantly saw the growing misery of the people of Portugal which all the splendour of King Manuel's reign had been but
;

and his latter sadness was perhaps less personal He had done what he could, far more than had been required of him. He had been expected to delight a Court audience, and had mingled warning and instruction with amusement and when, having lived and laughed and loved, he went his way, he was not only spared by a crowning grace from the wrath that was to come but left to his countrymen an heirloom more enduring than brass, more precious than all the gold of
a terrible storm ^

than patriotic.

India, with a breath of that true Portugal in

its

simplicity, its

mirth and

jollity,

the disappearance of which he had deplored.

Portuguese literature was never so national again. A period of splendid achievement followed, but alike in subject and language it was too often a honeyed sweetness containing in itself the seeds
of decay,

and

if

for the time

it

swept away

all

memory

of Gil

Vicente, for us

it

only emphasizes his qualities by the contrast.

satire, love of
gift

In his directness, his close contact with the people,^ his humanity,
laughter and malicious and his natural delight in words, to be used not at haphazard but weighed and set cunningly as precious stones in the hands of an ourives, this great lyrical poet and charmingly incorrect playwright clearly foreshadowed dramatists so different as Calderon, Lope de Vega, Shakespeare,
his

quick observation, keen

in his

humour,

unsurpassed lyrical

iii. 6: aquellas mayas que punhao, aquellas lampas, aquellas and D. Francisco de Portugal, Prisoens e Solturas de hiia Alma: Ines [of Almada] moQa de cantaro, a gabadinha dos ganhois do Itigar, requestada da velanao dos barbeiros, a cuja porta nunca faltou Mayo florido em, dia de Santiago nem ramos verdes com perinhas no de S. Joao a que os praticos daquella noute chamao lampas.
'

Cf.

Ulysippo,

alvoradas,

morte d'El Rei D. Manoel. His occasional coarseness is popular, rustic, and as a rule contrasts favourably with that of the Cancionciro Geral.
"

'

2362

130

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Yet we look
in vain for a Vicentian school of great

and Moliere.

His fame had reached Brussels and thence Rome, and Erasmus is credited with having wished to learn Portuguese in order to read Vicente's plays. Shakespeare,
dramatists in Portugal.

who was twenty-two when the second edition of Vicente's plays appeared and who almost certainly read Spanish, may also have
been tempted. It would have been strange if Erasmus had not heard of Vicente through his friend Andre de Resende, who in his Latin poem Genethliacon declared that had not the comic poet Gil Vicente, actor and author, written in the vulgar tongue he would have rivalled Menander and excelled Plautus and Terence. In Portugal the number of plays written in the sixteenth century was large,^ but none can be placed on a level with those of Vicente. One cannot say that he influenced Camoes or Ferreira de VasconIn Spain cellos deeply, although they had evidently read him. Cervantes, who read everything, aunque sean los papeles rotos de las calles, had read his plays (the Farsa dos Fisicos, Juiz da Beira, the Comedia de Rubena among others). Lope de Vega likewise, Calderon possibly. Lope de Rueda probably derived the idea of his paso Las Aceitunas from the Auto da Mofina Mendes. Yet it is almost with amazement, if we forget the crowded history of Portugal and Portuguese literature in the
sixteenth century, the introduction of the Inquisition, and the

we find a Portuguese, Sousa de Macedo, a century after Vicente's death, speaking of him as one whose style was celebrated of old ',^ and a Spaniard, Nicolas Antonio, declaring that his works were written in prose and knowing nothing of a collected edition.^ It was with reasonable misgreat changes in the language, that
'

For a
p.

list

containing about a hundred see T. Braga, Eschola de Gil

Universal, vol.
i

Vicente,

545, or the Diccionario

(1882), p.

1884, s.v.

Auto.
Flores de Espana, cap. 5. Bib. Nova, ii. 158. Elsewhere he speaks of him as poetae comoediarum suo tempore celehratissimi, and in the Appendix says cuius comoedias Lusitani admodum celebrant. But after the sixteenth century Vicente was little more than a name. Faria e Sousa could say that his plays had been esteemed [cor%] poquisima causa (the accidental omission of the coyi led to the invention poqiiisima cosa) and a learned Coimbra professor, Frei Luis de Sotomaior, caught reading as semsaborias de Gil Vicente, que em seus tempos foi mui celebrado, felt bound to be apologetic Aurum colligo ex stercore (Francisco Scares Toscano, Parallelos de Principes (Evora, 1623), f. 159).
* '
:

GIL VICENTE
givings that Vicente just before his death wrote
esperas tu ?
' ; :

131

Livro men, que

?
'

my

book, what

is

in store for

you

We know

that

remained in manuscript for a quarter of a century, that a second edition in 1586 was so handled by the Censorship that it contains but thirty-five mutilated plays, and that for two and a half centuries no new edition was printed.
it

2
Lyric and Bucolic Poetry

The romantic
form, but
it

story of Macias had not been given

literary

exercised a wide influence over the Portuguese poets

Together perhaps with Diego de San the Spanish version of Boccaccio's Fiammetta, and especially Rodriguez de la Camara's El siervo lihre de Amor (containing the Estoria de los dos amadores Ardanlier
of the sixteenth century.

Pedro's Carcel de Amor,

e Liesa), it

must have been

in the

mind
is

of

Bernardim Ribeiro
and languish(like

(1482-1552)

when he wrote

that

'

gentle tale of love

ment
first

'

the book of Saudades, which

always known
three words as

the
e

farce of Gil Vicente) from

its first

Menina

moga.

Yet it is not really an imitative work, being, indeed, remarkable for its unaffected sincerity, as the expression of a perIts passionate truth continues to delight

sonal experience.
readers,^

many

Almost all our information about Ribeiro's life is derived from his writings, which are in part evidently autobiographical, and it shrinks or expands according to the degree
His birthplace is declared have been the quaint Alentejan village of Torrao. A passage in the eclogue Jano e Franco says that Jano fled thence at the time of the great famine. The unhappy frequency of famines makes the date doubtful, but if the year of Ribeiro's birth be correctly stated in an official document of May 6, 1642, as 1482, we may suppose since Jano was twenty-one that he left his native Alcntejo for Lisbon in 1503. It is possible that he studied law and took his degree at the University (at Lisbon) a few years later (1507-11 P),^ and became secretary to King Joao III in 1524.
of the critic's wariness or ingenuity.

to

As a
*

cavalleiro fidalgo

he had his place at Court, as poet he con:

livro

iii Tanto gostaes d'este por ser verdadeiro. * Eclogue 5 (a qual dizem ser do mesmo aiUor), which is undoubtedly by Ribeiro, refers to Coimbra in the lines hmbrarnte os sinceiraes De Coimbra oue me mata.

Cf.
;

H. Lopes de Mendon^a, O Salto Mortal, Act

por ser
trisie ?

ti.

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

tributed to the Caiicioneiro Geral (15 16).

133

A hopeless passion drove

him from the Court, drove him perhaps to Italy, and finally deprived him of his reason, so that his last years were spent in the Lisbon Hospital de Todos os Santos.-^ Successive generations have busied themselves over the object of his passion. The romantic tradition that it was the Princess Beatriz, twenty-two years his junior, the daughter of King Manuel for whose marriage to the Duke of Savoy in 1521 Gil Vicente wrote the Cortes de Jupiter, is now definitely discarded. That it was Queen Juana la Loca of Castille no one except Varnhagen has ever imagined. But literary critics continue to be tempted by the transparent anagrams of Ribeiro's novel (adopted evidently in order to make
the story unintelligible to
all

except the inner circle of the Court).

Dr. Theophilo Braga has an ingeniously fabricated theory that

Aonia was Ribeiro's cousin, Joana Tavares Zagalo. Lamentor at least can scarcely have been King Manuel, since he sends
daughter to the king's Court. The scenery appears to be a combination of that of the Serra de Sintra near Lisbon with that of Alentejo. The story opens with an introductory
his

has taken announces her intention of writing down what she had seen and heard in a small book {livrinho), not for the happy to read but for the sad, or rather for none at all, seeing that of him for whom alone it is intended she has had no news since his and her misfortune bore him away to far-distant lands. Thus we have the thirteenth-century amiga mourning for her lover. At Dens ! e u e ? Presently, as she shelters from the noonday calma beneath trees that overhang a gently flowing stream, a nightingale pours forth its song, and then dying with its song falls with a shower of leaves and is borne away songless by the silent stream. ^ She is still bewailing its fate when another, older but equally sad, lady [dona] appears, and the menina becomes an almost silent listener to the end of the
girl

chapter in which a young

[menina

e moga),

who

refuge in the serra far from

all

human

society,

As in the case of Gil Vicente, we are vexed with homonyms a notary, an admiral, &c. Dr. Theophilo Braga, skilfully dovetailing hypotheses, develops his biography fully. Casi todo lo que de el se ha escrito son fdbulas sin fundamento alguno, wrote Menendez y Pelayo in 1905. * Fray Luis de Leon may have remembered this passage in De los Nombres de Crista, Bk. 3 (1917 ed., t. i, p. 198; Bib. Aitt. Esp., t. 37, p. 182).
'

134

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

book while the dona unfolds the tale which is its true subject, the But it begins history of two friends Narbindel and Bastiao. with the love adventure of Lamentor and Bclisa. It is only in the ninth chapter that the knight Narbindel arrives and falls in love
with Belisa's sister Aonia, adopting a shepherd's life in order to be near her palace. It is in fact a romance of chivalry in pastoral garb. But Ribeiro might have introduced the pastoral romance without changing the fantastic features. It is in his singular

combination of passion and realism that his true originality His power of giving vivid expression to tranquil consists. scenes the whole of the first part has something of the quiet softer intensity of a background by Correggio, as well as his outline ', and although there is no explicit indication of colour it is

'

and his gentle love of Nature, or rather Nature in its gentler aspects, cast over the book a The softly flowing streams, the trees and birds strange charm. and delicious shade, beautiful dawns, the birds seeking their nests
clearly felt

by the reader

his love of

at evening, the flowers que a seu prazer se estendem, the mateiros

going out to cut brushwood, the shepherds asleep round their

at night, are described with great naturalness

fire

familiar words
intricacy of

and truth, often with and colloquial phrases. The reason of the extreme the plot was not the wish to conceal the author's love

story in a labyrinthine
are not rounded

maze ^
distinct

in order to exercise the

life.

ingenuity of

nineteenth-century professors, but to be true to

In

life

events

but merge into and react on one Das tristezas nao se pode another in an endless ravelled skein porque desordenadamente acofitecem nada ordenadamente contar
:

and

ellas (cap.

i).

Ribeiro thus anticipates by four centuries the

theory enunciated in Spain by Azorin that a novel, like life, should have no plot,^ and his book has a certain modernity. We may refuse him the name of novelist, but many a novelist might

envy his lifelike portrayal of scenes and sentiments. It has been doubted whether he wrote the*second part of the story. It consists of fifty-eight short chapters, and opens with a new episode, the love of Avalor for Arima, daughter of Lamentor (cap. 1-24),
* Nossos aniores contados por wm modo que os ndo entenderd ninguent, Garrett, Urn Auto de Gil Vicente. ' La Voluntad, Barcelona., igo2. Camillo Castello Branco held similar views.

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

135

and it is even more bewildering in its confusion than is Part I. The scenes are less idyllic, the tone more that of a conventional romance of chivalry, yet the realism is maintained. It is on
no hippogriff that Avalor goes to the rescue of the distressed

maiden in fact, he had set out on his adventure in a rowing-boat and his hands blistered. If later there are mortal combats with wicked knights, with a bear, with giants, there are also scenes, as in chapters 9, 12, 23 of an impassioned saudade,^ of dove and nightingale -which could only have been written by the author of Part I.^ His own story, still related by the dona, is only resumed in chapter 26, or rather 32, since the intervening chapters deal with events prior to those with which Part I begins. Bimnarder, now again Narbindel the name Bernardim was also spelt Bernaldim after Aonia's marriage lives with an old hermit and his nephew, Godivo, and passes his time in tears and contemplation, as in Part I. But he is discovered by his faithful squire, and meets Aonia, and the lovers are killed by the jealous husband
:

(cap. 48).

love story of

The last chapters are concerned with the happier Romabisa and Tasbiao. Narbindel, the second of the two knights, the two friends
:

de que e a nossa historia,^ dies

therefore

Bernardim Ribeiro

cannot have written the second part. But it is rather a nice point one may imagine that Ribeiro's delight in so tragic an episode would compensate him amply for the obvious anachronism, and after all it is the dofia who tells the story.
;

The inconsistencies of detail need not concern us overmuch. That Belisa has a mother in Part I and is brought up without a mother in Part II, that the Castle of Lamentor exists in Part II at a time when, according to Part I, it was not yet begun, that the name of Aonia's husband is in Part I Fileno, and in
'
'

Part
'

II

Orphileno, are just such contradictions as an alien

translated exactly, but corresponds to the Greek Latin desiderium, Catalan anyoranza, Galician morrina, German Sehnsucht. Russian TOCKa (pron. taskd). It is the 'passion for which I can find no name (Gissing, The Private Papers of Henry Ryecroft) " Menendez y Pelayo's strict division between the 'subjective' pt. i and pt. 2 as externa y de aventuras is thus somewhat arbitrary.
nodos,
'

The word cannot be

*
*

Pt.

I,

In pt.

cap. 9 pt. 2, cap. 25. 2, cap. 9, this is forgotten

;

outras [cousas] que nao sdo escritas neste

livro,

a slip

which throws no

light

on the authorship.

136

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

continue!- would most studiously have avoided, and we all know what happened to Sancho's ass in a far less intricate story. Or they may be explained by the fact that Ribeiro had not revised his tale before it was printed, or by corrections made in copies of

Perhaps on the whole we may conclude that Ribeiro, like Cervantes, by an exception wrote a valuable second part, but, unlike Cervantes, was unable to maintain it altogether on a level with the first. The mingling of rapt passion and colloquialisms is with Ribeiro not the inability of a poet to express himself but a deliberate mannerism, and is present in the five eclogues with which he introduced pastoral poetry. By his quiet resolution to be natural he thus became doubly an innovator, in poetry and prose. That he was a true poet is proved by the romances in his novel Pensando vos estoii, filha (Pt. I, cap. 21) and Pola ribeira de um rio (Pt. H, cap. 11).^ The eclogues may not excel those poems, but in their directness, primitive freshness, and grace they form a group apart, entirely distinct from their
the original manuscript.^
:

numerous eclogue progeny.

One eclogue

only, the celebrated

Trovas de Crisfal, resembles them. The resemblance is remarkable and cannot fail to strike the most careless reader. Before
Snr. Delfim
identification, the similarity

Guimaraes began his spirited campaign in favour of had been recorded by D. Carolina
:

Michaelis de Vasconcellos in the Grundriss ^

1

the extraordinary

was characteristic of the hot-house air in which Portuguese literature existed that the first publication of a book often consisted in its circulation (correr) in manuscript from courtier to courtier, a special licence being obtained for this apart from the licence to print. Those to whom it appealed made copies. The earliest known edition of Menina e moga is of 1557-8 Primeira &- seguda parte do liuro chantado as Saudades de Bernaldini Ribeiro com todas suas obras. Treladado de seu propria original. Nouamenie impresso. 1557 (Euora. The date of the colophon is January 30, 1558). An introductory note Aos lectores says For am tantos os traduzidores deste liuro cS- os pareceres em elle tam diuersos que nam he de marauilhar que na primeira impressam desta historia se achassem tantas consas em contrario de como foram pello attctor delle escriptas conueo tirarse a limpo Joy causa de andar este liuro tam vicioso do propria original, &.C., &c.). The edition of 1554, quoted by Brunet, was probably the first in spite of the words com summa diligencia emendada (i.e. corrections of the manuscript). The phrase de nouo tells more against than in favour of an earlier edition (= rather new than anew '). ' Ribeiro, so far as we know, wrote no line of Spanish. Boscdn's romance J usta fue mi perdicion Sind. the romance 6 Belerma have been wrongly ascribed to him. ' p. 287 so ganz personlichem Stil, dass sie mit keinem andcren Dichter vor Oder nach ihnen, wohl aber untereinander zu verwechseln wdren and p. 292
It
: : .
. . .

'

'

'

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

similarity
of

137

these Trovas to the poetry of

Ribeiro and to
of

nothing else in Portuguese literature.

In this

poem

some 900

lines written in octosyllabic decimas, like Ribeiro's eclogues,

we

have that romantic, passionate sandade and sentimental grief, the mystic visions, the simplicity, the ingenuous conceits, wistfully humorous, the sententious reflections, the elliptical concision, the real shepherds, the familiar language, the love of Nature which
are peculiarly Ribeiro's.

Tradition assigns the Trovas to Cris}),'^

TOVAM Falcao
Alentejo,

{c.

1512-53

who was born

at Portalegre, in
is

was made a mogo have fallen in love with and

(i. e.

supposed to secretly married D. Maria Brandao

fidalgo in 1527,

and

the Maria of the Trovas),

whom

her parents confined as

a punishment in the convent of Lorvao.

dubbed

incorrigibly simplicista one

taneous appearance of

At the risk of being must confess that the simulthese two poets from Alentejo, not fertil

en poetas, taxes one's belief to the utmost.

May

not the secret

marriage deduced from the Trovas have been described by

Ribeiro in his keen sympathy for his friend's position, so like his
own.?

The contention

is

not that Cristovam Falcao did not exist

fall in

there were several

but that he did not write verses in the style familiar to us as that of Ribeiro. ^ It is remarkable that the very critics who represent Ribeiro in his novela as hiding like a cuttle-fish in his own ink change their method when
a do Crisfal
did not
her,

or

or did not

love with Maria

Brandao

marry

Bernardim Ribeiro writes ganz im Stile des Falcao. Cf F. Bouterwek, History 'A long eclogue of Spanish and Portuguese Literature, Eng. tr. 1823, ii. 39 by this writer, which forms an appendix to the works of Ribeyro, so completely partakes of the character of the poems which it accompanies that were it not for the separate title it might be mistaken for the production of Ribeyro himself. It therefore proves that Ribeyro's poetic fancies, his romantic mysticism not excepted; were by no means individual.' According to Dr. Theophilo Braga, he was born in 1 5 1 5 married in was profoundly influenced by Ribeiro's 1529 Maria Brandao (aged eleven)
. :

'

Trovas de dous pastores (1536) but did not plagiarize it in the Trovas de Crisfal (1536-41), similar passages being due to the situafSo quasi similar (i. e. quasi identica) of the two friends went to Italy on a diplomatic mission in 1541 spent the year 1 543 in Rome and returned to Portugal in the winter of 1 543-4 ; was factor of the fortress of Arguim from 1545 to 1548 and died in 1577. ^ The whole question at issue is whether the de of Trovas de Crisfal = by or about (cf O Livro das Trovas d'El Rei = rather belonging to than by the king), and protests against a illusdo de pretender identificar em um mesmo poeta apaixonado de Aonia e de Maria (Obras, 191 5 ed., p. 10) or o intuito de converterem Christovam Falcao em um mytho (ibid., p. 42) are beside the point.
; ;
;

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

'

138

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

they come to the eclogues and accept every name and allusion with the greatest literalness, as though it were a poet's duty to

wear his heart in his verses. It is idle to adduce the fact that Cristovam Falcao wrote ungrammatical letters (so did Keats), or to devise far-fetched interpretations (such as Crisma falso) for the word Crisfal. What more probable than that Ribeiro and Falcao, born in the same province, became friends at Court, and that Ribeiro introduced his friend in one of his poems as he is supposed to have introduced Sa de Miranda in another, and as Miranda introduces Ribeiro [Canta Ribero los males de amor) ? If in his favourite manner he added a little mystification in the word Crisfal, what more characteristic ? The very form of the poem, in which first the Autor and then Crisfal speaks [Falla
Crisfal) suggests this, as does the title
:

Trovas de

um

pastor per

nome
.
.

Crisfal,

compared with the

definite Trovas de dous pastores

It
is

Feitas por Bernaldim Ribeiro.^

not difficult to explain

the printing of the Trovas together with the works of Ribeiro

and the hesitancy

of the early editions in ascribing

;

them, on

hearsay, to Cristovam Falcao

but the word Crisfal caught the

fancy, and those who learnt that it stood for Cristovam Falcao would inevitably confuse the explanation of the anagram with the authorship of the poem. One of those who did so was Gaspar Fructuoso (or Antonio Cordeiro), and the tradition which had begun so shakily with a dizem ser gained strength with the years. Presumably the editor of the 1559 edition knew what was to be known on the subj ect, yet he speaks with a quavering uncertainty
it is

only

much

later that the ascription to

Cristovam Falcao

becomes a fixed belief.^ The eighth Decada of Diogo do Couto was not published till 1673, i. e. over half a century after the death
of its author.

The explanatory sentence

aquelle que fez aquellas

antigas

nomeadas (or namoradas) trovas de Crisfal^ may well be, and probably is, a later interpolation. But although a few
e
'

of the figures is identical in the woodcuts of these two folhas not significant it appears also in an anonymous edition of the Pranto de Maria Parda. * In the 1559 ed. the words hua muy nomeada e agradauel Egloga chamada que dizem ser de Cristouam Falcam, ho que parece alludir ho nome Crisfal da mesma Egloga may legitimately be held to imply merely that some persons, misled by the anagram, attributed the poem to Falcao. * Decada 8, cap. 34 (1786 ed., p. 322). volantes
is
:

That one

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

certant and, should tradition

139

scholars definitely hold that Ribeiro wrote this poem, grammatici

prove too strong, we have to accept asecond writer who claims an undying place in Portuguese literature owing to the marvellous success with which, divesting his muse of any qualities of its own, he identified himself with a poet who is the most characteristically Portuguese, but also the most individual of impassioned singers Bernardim Ribeiro. A kind of continuation of the story of Crisfal (who is now enchanted within the fountain of his own tears) appeared at the end of the century in a small collection of poems entitled Sylvia de Lisardo (1597). It contains forty-one sonnets (of which one only is in Spanish), three eclogues in tercetos and oitavas, and various romances (in Spanish) and shorter poems, and has been ascribed, without sufficient reason, to the historian Frei Bernardo de Brito. These poems must remain anonymous, and they throw no light on the Crisfal problem, but in their true poetical feehng and power of expression they deserved their popularity ^ in the
:

first half of

the seventeenth century.

it is

It

is

not certain but

probable that Ribeiro went to Italy,

coincided with those of his
in Portugal, of

and

his Italian travels

may have
[c.

life-long friend, the

champion

humanism

Franall

cisco

DE Sa de Miranda

1485-1558), the most famous of

the Portuguese poets with the exception of

Vicente.

Camoes and

Gil

As a lyric poet far influence was due partly to

duction of the

inferior to either of

them, his great

his character, partly to his intro-

new

school of poetry, the versos de medida nova, or

de arte ntaior, replacing the national trovas de medida velha (octosyllabic redondilhas)

by the

Italian hendecasyllab-ics
{tercetos),

Petrarca's

sonnets and canzoni, Dante's terza rima

and the octava

of

rima
birth

of Poliziano
is

and Ariosto.
if

The exact date

Miranda's

he was the eldest of five sons of the Coimbra Canon, Gongalo Mendez de Sa, who were legitimized in 1490, he must have been born about the year 1485. Yet one
still

uncertain, but

would willingly make him younger.

His life in Minho certainly sounds too active for a man of fifty perhaps c. 1490 would be nearer the mark. He studied at the University at Lisbon and
:

The

licenga of the 1632 edition says, Este livrinho

muitas vezes

se

im-

primio.

140

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

the Court.

early frequented

scholar and was a Doctor of

He soon won distinction as a Law when he contributed several

His journey

poems

to Garcia de Resende's Cancioneiro (1516).

to Italy a

few years

later, in 1521,

the natural desire of a scholar to

may have been due merely to see Rome or there may have been
own
or his friendship with

other motives, a love affair of his

Bernardim Ribeiro. He was distantly related to the great Italian family of Colonna (as he was to Garci Lasso) and in Italy perhaps met the celebrated Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547), Marchesa di Pescara, besides probably most of the other distinguished Italians of the time, Lattanzio Tolomei, Sannazzaro, Cardinal Bembo, Giovanni Rucellai, Ariosto. During five years he saw the principal cities of Italy and Sicily and returned to Portugal in 1526 (or earlier, possibly after three years, in 1524) with a deep knowledge of Italian literature and the firm resolve to acclimatize in his country the metres in which the Italians had written things so divine. If he had seen at Rome the Cancioneiro of thirteenth century Portuguese poets ^ he must have realized that the metres were not so foreign as many might think if he met Boscan on his homeward journey his determination to become innovator or restorer^ would be strengthened. King Joao III was on the throne, and we are told in Miranda's earhest biography (i6i4)., which is attributed with some probability to D. Gon^alo Coutinho, that he became one of the most esteemed courtiers of his time He was an enthusiastic believer in monarchy and in the divinity that doth hedge a king, but was less enamoured of the growing corruption and luxury at Court probably he was himself more esteemed by the king than by the courtiers, and after the poetry
; '

'.

Cf. 1885 ed..

No. 109

Eu digo OS Proven9ais que inda se sente O som das brandas rimas que entoaram.
Boscdn ap. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia, torn, xiii (Juan Boscdn), p. 165: tiempo de Dante y tin poco antes florecieron los Proenzales, cuyas obras por culpa de los tiempos andan en pocas manos. Menendez y Pelayo also (ibid., p. 174) gives a reference by Faria e Sousa to King Dinis El rey don Dionis de Portugal nacid primero que el Dante tres 6 quatro anos y escrivid ntucho deste propio ginero endecasilabo, coma consta de los manuscritos. 2 Cf. 1885 ed., No. 112:
Cf.

En

Como
como

se perdieron
?

Entre nos

el

cantar,

Que tanto nombre

el taner a los pasados dieron

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

of the Cancioneiro Geral nor could

141

of Italy he could scarcely share their taste for the trivial verses

they see

how

a compliment

could be turned more neatly than in the old esparsas and vilancetes.

During these years he wrote

dego,

his first play,

Os Estranjeiros, the

eclogue Alexo with oiiavas in Portuguese, and the Fabula do

Mon-

perhaps in order to show his superiority over Gil Vicente.

There was an obvious antagonism between the laughing and the weeping reformer (for both protested vigorously in their different ways against the growing materialism of the day), between the learned, philosophical and the natural, human poet, and Vicente's humour probably appeared to Sa de Miranda as unintelligible and undignified as Miranda's hendecasyllabic poems may have appeared melancholy-thin and artificial to
Vicente
:

et ce n'est

point ainsi que parle la Nature.

But the

line

in the introduction of the

Fabula do Mondego

in

which Miranda

speaks of the king's condescension,

Al canto pastoril ya hecho osado,

probably refers to some previous

effort of his

to the work of Vicente, and Miranda was in was taunted by certain Aom^m^ de horn saber and turned the tables on them in the Farsa de Ines Pereira. The Fabula do Mondego
is

own rather than Italy when Gil Vicente

a cold, stilted production of 600 lines in Petrarcan stanzas,

the subject of which was partly derived from Angelo Ambrogini

King gave Miranda a commenda (benefice) on the banks of the Neiva in Minho, and having acquired the neighbouring estate of Tapada [quinta da Tapada) he left the Court and retired to it not many months later. Miranda's love of Nature was very deep, from his boyhood at Coimbra he hadpreferred the country to life in cities, and probably no other incentive was required, although it is thought that he may have been too zealous in support of Bernardim Ribeiro and that a passage in Alexo (1532 ?) offended the powerful favourite, the Conde da Castanheira. Whatever the cause of his with(Poliziano). In I532the
of the

Order

of Christ

drawal, literature

must

call it blessed, for his

;

new

life

in the

country suited his temperament

the independence of character

shown

in his fine letter (one of the

most famous poems

in the

Portuguese language) addressed to King Joao III developed.

142

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

close contact with the country

and

and the peasants gave

his

poetry that indigenous flavour and peculiar charm which have

fascinated
in
all

readers of the eclogue Basto, that individual stamp

infallibly lacking.

which the Court poetry was

He had
letters

already

written his best work

real

for

this eclogue

and the
soil

show the
it

Miranda, pointed, original, racy of the

and written

in

quintilhas,

old friend,

Azevedo.

when in 1536 he married Briolanja, the sister of his now his neighbour at Crasto, Manuel Machado de Some miles away, at the straggling little village of
by one
of these

Cabeceiras de Basto, he had other intimate friends, the Pereiras,

two brothers, Antonio Nunalvarez poems shortly before Miranda's marriage revived his enthusiasm for the alien metres. He turned again to the hendecasyllable and wrote the eclogues Andres (1535), Celia, and Nemoroso (1537), the latter in

and the

gift,

Pereira, of a manuscript of Garci Lasso de la Vega's

memory of the He returned to

tragic death of Garci Lasso in the preceding year.

the quintilha later, employing

it

with flowing ease

in A Egipciaca Santa Maria (or Santa Maria Egipciaca), which was probably written between 1544 and 1554, when he was educating his two sons with amor encoherto e moderado [A Egipciaca, p. 3), and nearer the former than the latter date. Its vigour and the promise of more ^ after 721 quintilhas preclude the date (1556-8) assigned to it by its first editor, even without the statement of the 1614 biographer that Miranda wrote scarcely

anything after his wife's death in 1555 but it may have been And still through all these written even earlier, before 1544. various poems, despite their undeniable value and incidental
;

it is the man, his life and character, that interest us. The wild yet green and peaceful scenery of Minho accorded well with his alma soberana, at once active and contemplative, disciplined and independent. At first hunting the wolf and boar occupied his leisure we see him out with his dogs Hunter, Swallowfoot, &c., in crimson dawn and breathless noonday and gave him a hundred opportunities for quiet observation of Nature, the streams, especially the birds, and the peasants. The poems

beauties,

written soon after his arrival

still

retain the freshness of these

Adcus leitor a mais ver, Porque ainda haveis de ver mais (A Egipciaca,

p. 181).

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

143

impressions. His evenings were spent with his friends at Cabeceiras true nodes cenaeque deum or in the more formal society at Crasto or with music he played the viola or his favourite

authors,

Homer

in Greek, or Horace, the Bible, the Italians, or

Later gardening ^ and the education and entertainment of visitors took the place of his favourite wolf-hunting. As his fame and influence spread, Diogo Bernardez (whose recollections of Miranda were recorded in the 1614 life) was not the only disciple who came to see him in his retreat, and he corresponded in verse with most of the poets of the time, Andrade Caminha, Montemor, Ferreira, D. Manuel de Portugal, Bernardez. Cardinal Henrique was a steadfast admirer of his work, and the young Prince Joao asked for a copy Ihas mandou pedir. This wide recognition after the first coldness ^ was some measure of comfort for the many sorrows of his last
of his sons
:

Garci Lasso and Boscan.

years, the death of his eldest son Gongalo, killed in his teens
in Africa (1553), of his wife (1555), of that

promising precocious Prince Joao (1537-54) to whom he had thrice sent a collection of his poems, the departure of his brother, Mem, to become one
of the most notable Governors of Brazil (1557). In the latter year King Joao died, leaving an infant heir to a distracted kingdom, and Miranda's death followed a few months later. In

a sense this philosopher was the most un-Portuguese of poets, for

he had no facility in verse.

altering, erasing,

He went on hammering

his lines,

compressing in a divine discontent. He had a lofty conception of the poet's art to express the noblest sentiment in the best and fewest words five versions of Alexo,

twelve of Basto, attest his untiring zeal and his art to blot
'

'.

The

abruptness of his native quintilhas, by which they have something in common with those of Ribeiro, are not their least charm, and gives an effective emphasis to his sententious philoelliptical
1

He must

often have repeated

Nuno

Pereira's lines,

which
:

may have

influenced

Privar em cas da Rainha Deos vollo deixe fazer, E a mi hua vinha E regar hua almoinha Em que tenho mor prazer Lavro, cavo quanta posso O gingrar de meu caseiro, &c. ^ His complaint in the second elegy (1885 ed., No. 147, 1. 17) shows how far he was in advance of his age in Portugal Um vilancete brando ou seja urn chiste, Letras as invengoes, motes as damas, Hua pregunta escura, esparsa triste, Tudo bom, quern nega ? Mas porque, Se alguem descobre mats, se
.

him when he read them

. .

in the Cancioneiro Geral

the resiste ?

144
sophy.

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

In introducing the new measures ^ he used the Castilian language as being the most natural and suitable until, but only
until,
tilian

they should be thoroughly accHmatized.

not fluently

He wrote

Cas-

that
:

was not

his gift

but

correctly, with

only occasional lusitanismos.

written in Portuguese
is

His best work,

however, was
his

in the
is

new poetry with which

name

for ever associated he

only the forerunner of the work of

Diogo Bernardez and Camoes,^ the founder of a school to which Portuguese literature owes some of its chief glories. In Portuguese he wrote his comedies and, about half a century before Samuel Daniel's Cleopatra (1592), a tragedy Cleopatra^ of which we only possess a few lines.' The poem on the life and conversion of St. Mary of Egypt * (a favourite theme a few centuries earlier, as in the Spanish Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaqua (13th c. ?), the fourteenth-century Vida de Maria Egipcia, and the French Vie de Sainte Marie VEgyptienne) is stamped with the author's sententious wisdom and love of discipline. It contains quaint plays on words {Ide ao mar que por amar, p. 169), tours de force such as the
lyric

three quintilhas of esdruxulos (pp. 179-80), and rises to wonderful beauty in the saint's farewell to Earth {Vou para wmjardim

de flores, pp. 166-9). and excellent and to

'

He intended

the

poem

to be

'

rare,

unique

of his of the

some extent he achieved his aim. In much work the diction is rough and halting, but the greatness
nevertheless extends to his poetry.
is

man

Perhaps the best

example

of this

the melancholy grandeur of the sonnet, technisol e grande.

cally so imperfect,

Force of character

made him
he died,

not only a laborious but a successful craftsman.

When

honoured and admired by

the position of the

all

the best intellects in the country,

new

school was assured and he had been able

* Often he combines several in the same poem. Thus the long (533 lines) eclogue on the death of Garci Lasso (Nemoroso) begins in tercetos, proceeds with rima encadeada (internal rhjmie), and ends with Petrarcan stanzas. * Cf. the sonnet (1885 ed.. No. 126) Esprito que voastevnth Alma minhagentil. ' The autograph manuscript of this and of other poems, discovered in the Lisbon Biblioteca Xacional by Snr. Delfim Guimaraes in 1908, has been reproduced in facsimile by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos in the Boletim of the Lisbon Ac. das Sciencias, vol. v (i9i2),pp. 187-220. See infra,

p. 164.
* Leonel da Costa, the translator of Virgil and Terence, later wrote a poem A Conversao miracnlosa in seven cantos of redondilhas on the same subject da felice egypcia penitente Santa Maria (1627).
:

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

to hail with joy the support of

145

younger writers: Venid huenos

poets of
el

zagales

Foremost

in

time

among these

verso largo
first

D.

Manuel de Portugal^
outlived
all

(1520 ?-i6o6), son of the

was Condc
of

de Vimioso and of D. Joana de Vilhena, cousin of King Manuel.

He

his fellow-poets,

welcomed the appearance

Os Lusiadas, and

in

1580 took the side of the Prior D. Antonio.

His Obras (1605) consist of seventeen books of poems, mostly of a religious character and written in Spanish books 9 and

some Portuguese poems, and among them the fine mystic sonnet Apetece minha alma (Bk. ix, f. 199 v.). Among those who welcomed and acclimatized the new style none was a more talented or truer poet than Diogo Bernardez {c. 1530-C. 1600), 2 who confessed that he owed everything to Sa de Miranda and Antonio Ferreira.^ Born of a distinguished family * at Ponte da Barca on the river Lima, he would ride over to visit Sa de Miranda or send him letters in verse, and he mourned his death in sonnet, letter, and eclogue with unaffected grief. He himself continued to sing by the banks of his beloved Lima, endeared to him all the more by disillusion In a letter to Miranda he at Lisbon and captivity in Africa. alludes to an apparently unhappy love affair at Lisbon. Later
15 contain

the retirement of his poet brother, Frei Agostinho, into a convent,

of

the deaths of Miranda and Ferreira, the great plague

felt

and the misfortunes of his country were all deeply by his affectionate nature. In 1576 he went as secretary of Embassy to Madrid, but otherwise he seems to have been disappointed in hopes of lucrative employment, and he
1569,
'

Faria e Sousa even makes him the

(

syllabics, setting aside those of

first Portuguese poet to write hendecason incapaces Sa de Miranda as unreadable

:

Varias Rimas, pt. ii, p. 162). ^ He was Mot^o da camara in 1566. He was appointed a knight of the Order of Christ in 1 582. He married apparently after his return from Africa in He was alive in 1596 (although in one of his poems he refers to a pre1581. mature old age) and dead in 1605. On the other hand, he was apparently over twenty-five in 1558. It is thought that the right of passing on his official posts to his children (sobrevivencia), granted to his father in 1532, may indicate the date of the birth of the eldest of his eleven children Diogo Bernardez (who did not, like some of his brothers, use his father's second name, Pimenta). ^ Carta 12 Confesso dever tiido dquella rara Doutrina tua. * The succeeding generation was also distinguished, one of the poet's nephews becoming Bishop of Angra, another Governor of Angola, a third Professor at Coimbra University.
de ser leidos !
: :

2362

146

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

to exchange the mud of the streets and the 'bought meals' of Lisbon, with its penurious, importunate mop(75,* for the dewy golden dawns, the hills and streams of Minho, entre

was always ready

simples e huviildes lavradores {Carta 27). In 1578, however, he

who

had lamented that no Maecenas encouraged those eager to sing the deeds of Portuguese heroes was chosen to accompany as official poet ^ the Portuguese expedition which ended disastrously
in aquelle funeral e turvo

^m the

battle of Alcacer Kebir.

It

was not till 1581 that Bernardez returned from captivity. Whether he was ransomed by King Philip, or by the Trinitarians or Jesuits, or by himself or his friends, is not known. After his return and his marriage he frequently laments his poverty not, he says, that he wishes to be the Pope in Rome, but merely to have enough to cat {Carta 31). Yet apparently he had no cause to
:

regret the change of dynasty so far as his personal fortunes were

concerned.
toalha at

Whereas he had merely held the post of servidor de the palace under King Sebastian, he was now (1582)
of the

appointed a knight

Order

of Christ

with a pension of
('

20,000 reis and was granted 500 cnizados

in

property and

goods
reis,

In 1593 his yearly pension was 40,000 of which one-half was to revert to his wife and children.
')

in the

same

year.

Either these moneys remained unpaid or the

fidalgo's ideas

new

cavaleiro

had changed greatly since he had sung of the joys of rustic poverty and the vanity of riches. Bernardez found his inspiration in the Portuguese and Spanish poets of the new school {cantigas strangeiras, stranas),^ and through them in the great
Dante's name does not occur in his letters, written in but Tasso men Tasso -Ariosto, Petrarca, and others are mentioned.^ In form and sound some of his cauQoes are not
Italians.

tercetos,*

unworthy

of Petrarca,

but they arc more homely and bucolic,

' Bernardez' letters in verse contain many such references to everyday life, e.g. the Lisbon negress selling fried fish in the Betcsga. ^ confident sonnet by him in this capacity is extant Pois armarse por Christo nan duvida Sebastido. ^ O doce estillo teu tamo por giiia and Escrevo, lein e risco he writes to Miranda, but his muse was far more spontaneous than Miranda's, and it appears from another passage (in Elegia 5) that his alterations were less of style than of matter.

* *

He

Carta 32 is an exception, and consists of seventy-two oitavas. introduces Italian lines {Cartas 23, 27, 30) and wrote a sonnet in

Italian.

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

have more saudade and
less definite

147

images, no concrete pictures

like that of la stanca vecchierella pellegrina of the fourth Canzone.

His second source of inspiration was his native Minho and the
transparent waters and fresca praia of the Lima.

He was
and

never

happier than
e

when wandering lungo

Vaniate rive,

this gives

a pleasant reality to his eclogues.

His muse, a bosques dada

in

a fontes
'

cristalinas, sings

not only of the conventional 'roses and

lilies

but of honeysuckle, of cherries red

May, grapes heavy

with dew, golden apples, nuts, acorns, the trout so plentiful that they can be caught with the hand, hares, partridges, doves, the
thrush and the nightingale, and mentions oak, ash, elm, poplar,

These eclogues, written in various metres, sometimes with leixapren or internal rhyme, Lima (1596), which also contains his letters. are collected in His other works are sonnets, elegies, odes in Rimas Varias, Flores do Lima (1596), and a third small volume V arias Rimas ao Bom Jesus (1594) which includes elegies and odes to the Virgin written during his captivity, a long Historia de Santa Ursula in octaves, and other devotional verse of much fervour and his wonted perIf, read in the mass, his poems produce fection of technique. the impression of a cloying sweetness, it must be remembered that never before had Portuguese poetry risen to so harmonious a music. Faria e Sousa accused him of plagiarizing Camoes, but in the case of a writer whose accepted poems, the dulcissima carmina Limae, are of such excellence the accusation cannot be
seriously

beech, hazel, chestnut, and arbutus.

entertained.

Neither he nor Camoes was a great

both the command of the new style was such that their poems were often confused by collectors. A passage in one of Bernardez' letters (5, 1. 6) seems to imply
original poet,

but

in

that his poetry was not appreciated at Lisbon.

It

genuine and clear to suit the clever Court rhymesters.

was too But he

had

his followers,

who would send him

and
later

rected, or rather, praised,

poems to be corLope de Vega recognized

their

him as his master in the eclogue in preference to Garci Lasso. Francisco Galvao {c. 1563-1635 }), equerry to the Duke of Braganza, was a true poet if he wrote the sonnet A Nosso Senhor ascribed to him by his editor, Antonio Lourengo Caminha, in
Poesias ineditas dos nossos insignes poetas Pedro da Costa Peres-

148
trello,
til

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

coevo do grande Luis de Camoes, e Francisco Galvao (1791)
:

de puro

amor Deos fonte pura.

Innocencio da Silva vigor-

ously doubts the authenticity of these poems, which are mostly

of a religious character or concerned with Horace's

theme

of the

golden mean, as that of the Ohras ineditas de Aires Telles de

Meneses (1792) published by the same editor, who professed to have faithfully copied them from the antigos originaes of the time of Joao n. Bernardez' brother Frei Agostinho da Cruz (15401619), born at Ponte da Barca, entered as a novice the Convent of Santa Cruz in the Serra de Sintra in 1560, and took the vows a year later. In 1605 he obtained permission to live as a hermit in the Serra da Arrabida, where he cultivated sandade and the muses, although his poems were no longer profane, as when in his youth as Agostinho Pimenta he haunted with his brother Diogo the banks of the Lima. These early verses he burnt Queimei, como vergonha me pedia, Chorando par haver tao mal caiitado. The eclogues, elegies, letters, sonnets, and odes that survive prove that mal is here a moral, not an aesthetic adverb, and that he shared his brother's love of Nature and in no mean degree his power of expressing it in soft, harmonious verse. That gift was denied to Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), who combined enthusiasm for the new style a lira nova and for classical antiquity with a rooted antipathy against the use of a foreign language or foreign subjects. His uneventful life as judge, courtier, and poet was cut short by the plague of 1569. His poetry is not that of a poet but of the Coimbra law student who had become a busy magistrate.-^ It is thus at its best when it docs not attempt to be lyrical, for instance in his excellent letters in tercetos. His odes are closely modelled on those of Horace {0 men Horacio). Nor did he claim originality: indeed, his plan of introducing certain new forms was a little too deliberate for a great poet,^ and his best sonnet is a translation from Petrarca. For bucolic poetry neither the grave doctor's

Foge inda dia an muito diligente, although whether this is to the number of his friends is not clear. * Com cujo [Miranda's] exemplo tneu pai, que entam estaua nos esttidos, pretendeo com a variedade destes sens manifestar como a lingua Portugueza assi em copia de palaiiras como em granidade de estylo a nenhuma he inferior (Miguel Leite Ferreira, Preface to Poemas Lvsitanos, 1598).
'

Cf. Carta 4

due to

his

work or

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

style

149
is

nor his inclinations were well suited.

of the verse

Not only

the

which charms us in Diogo Bernardez here absent but the metre often actually halts/ and throughout his work we have sincerity, lofty aims, a stiff unbending severity, but not poetical genius. Ferreira was a true patriot, and it was his boast and is his enduring fame that he devoted himself to exalt the Portuguese language.^ It was most fortunate for Portuguese literature that at this time of changing taste a poet of Ferreira's great influence should have forsworn foreign intrusions in the language with the exception of Latin (in the introduction of which, however, his characteristic restraint forbade excess), and left both in prose and verse abiding monuments of pure Portuguese. This was the more remarkable in a poet who disdained the old popular metres {a antiga trova deixo ao povo) and had no thought apparently for popular customs or traditions. His Poemas Lusitanos, published posthumously, contain over a hundred sonnets, besides his odes, eclogues, elegies, epigrams (which are but fragments of sonnets), and letters, and he also wrote a Historia de Santa Comba in fifty-seven oitavas. The work of Pero de Andrade Caminha (1520 .^-89), an industrious writer of verse rather than a poet, is as cold and
unmusically
artificial

smooth flow

as Ferreira's in

its

form, while

it

lacks

and his love for his native language. One may imagine that it was through friendship with Ferreira who scolds him for writing in Spanish that he became one of the set of Miranda and Bernardez. Camoes he must have known, ^ and indeed refers to him satirically in his epigrams he seems to have actively disliked so wayward a genius, a man so unfitted to be a Court oflicial. Caminha himself was the son of Joao Caminha, Chamberlain of the Duchess Isabel of
Ferreira's high thought
ideals

and

' To take an example not from the eclogues but from one of his sonnets, the words da guerra

Nossa

livres viveis

em paz

em

gloria

correspond but ill to their peaceful sense. ^ Cf. Carta 2. Bernardez (in an elegy on Ferreira's death addressed to Andrade Caminha) records that among all Ferreira's verses not a line was written in a foreign tongue um so nutica Ihe dezi em lingua alhea. ^ Thirteen times the same subject is treated by Camoes and Caminha, sometimes exclusively by them (C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Ptro de Andrade
:

Caminha

(1901), p. 55).

150

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

of

Braganza, and

Philippa de Sousa of Oporto, where (or at

Lisbon) the poet

may have been

born.
its

After studying at the

transference to Coimbra
In

University, either at Lisbon, or after

in 1537, he entered the

household of the Infante Duarte.

1576 the poet retired to the palace of the Braganzas at Villa Vigosa and died there thirteen years later. During the last ten
years of his
life

he held a tenga of two hundred milreis besides

income (he was Alcaide Mor of Celorico de Basto, as his father had been of Villa Vigosa), so that his lot compares handsomely with that of Camoes. He had planned an edition of his works in nine books, but only a few occasional poems were published during his lifetime. He wrote short poems in all the usual kinds, but, although trusted and honoured by the princes he served, he entirely lacked Camoes' divine furia and had no compensating sympathy or insight or lyrical charm. What would not Camoes have made of his chanty, cantiga para galamear ^
other sources
of
!

is

In perfect contrast to the laboured verses of Andrade Caminha the spontaneous flow of the lines to the river Lega beginning

rio Lega, by which the Conde de Mattosinhos, Francisco DE Sa de Meneses (1515 ?-84), is chiefly remembered. They place him at once among the principal poets of the century. He succeeded the Conde de Vimioso as Camareiro Mor of Prince Joao, held the same post in the first years of King Sebastian's reign, and subsequently under King Henrique, who created him Count of Mattosinhos in return for his services as Governor of Portugal (during the absence of King Sebastian)

and on other occasions.

After the death of the Portuguese

king he retired to Oporto, and no doubt spent the remaining

summers

at Mattosinhos near the gentle stream

which he had

immortalized.

The Portuguese poems

of

Andre Falcao de Resende

(1527 ?-98), born at Evora, nephew of the antiquarian Andre and of the poet Garcia de Resende, were first published at Coimbra in an incomplete volume Poesias [1865], and consist of the Microcosmographia and some spirited anti- Drake ballads breve gosto humano) and and good sonnets (e. g. fragil bem,
'

Obras, ed. Priebsch, p. 361.

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

satires,

151

Balthasar de EsxAgo (born in 1570), Canon of Viseu, and his brother the antiquarian Caspar de EsxAgo, Canon of Guimaraes and author of Varias Antigiiidades de Portugal (1625), were both born at Evora. The former's Sonetos, Eglogas e ovtras

rimas (1604), published, according to the preface, in the author's mature age but written in the green, contain some religious
sonnets of high merit.

A far more celebrated writer than these minor poets was Jorge de Montemor [c. 1520-61), or hispanice Montemayor, who was early driven by poverty from Montem6r o Velho (where he was born between 1518 and 1528) a few years after Mendez
Pinto.

Fortunately the latter did not relate his travels in

^

Chinese, but Montemor, with the exception of a few brief passages

in his

Diana, wrote exclusively

in Spanish.

In Spain his musical

of the

talent

gave him a

livelihood,

and as musician and singer

Royal Chapel he remained at the Court till 1552, when he accompanied the Infanta Juana as aposentador on the occasion of her marriage with that promising patron of letters, the Infante Joao. But even before the prince's death in 1554 Montemor returned
to Spain.

In 1555 he may have gone in the train of Philip II to England, and subsequently served as a soldier in Holland and Italy till a duel, perhaps in a love affair, at Turin ended his days
in 1561.^

showed

Despite his brief and restless life Montemor, who Las obras de George de Montemayor (1554) that he was no mean poet, found time to write one of the most famous books in literature. The date of its publication it was dedicated to Prince Joao and Princess Juana is uncertain, but it was probably
in

an early work.
Portugal.

In

spirit, since

not in the

letter,

it

belongs to

easy style (Menendez y Pelayo calls it tersa, suave, melodica, expresiva), the sentimental love and melancholy, the introduction of bucolic scenes, the references to Portugal
Its gentle,

cristalino

applied to the

Mondego
seen
its

is

no conventional

epithet,

as only those

who have

transparent waters can fully

1 All that he wrote in Portuguese is contained in two pages (389-91) of Garcia Peres' Catdlogo (1890). * Fray Bartolome Ponce, Primera Parte de la Clara Diana a lo divino Me dijeron como un muy amigo suyo le habia miierto por ciertos (1582 ?) zelos 6 aniores (quoted by Ticknor, iii. 536, and by T. Braga (omitting
:

ciertos),

Bernardim Ribeiro (1872),

p. 80).

152
realize

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

mark the Diana as the work

to

of a Portuguese.

Its

fame

soon overleapt the borders of the Peninsula. In Spain it had a numerous progeny, to which Cervantes refused the grace some-

what grudgingly given

kind
'.

Montemor's work as

'

the

first

in its

In Portugal
e

this,

the eldest child of Bernardim Ribeiro's

it

Menina

moga, had to wait over half a century before

found

a worthy successor in the Lusitania Transformada.

Little certain
is

known

of the life of
?).

Fernam Alvarez do

Oriente

[c.

1540-C. 1595

Born

at Goa, he served in the

East, and may have fought in the battle of Alcacer Kebir. His resemblance to Moraes in temperament and adventures perhaps gave rise to the assertion that he wrote the fifth and sixth parts The scene of his Lvsitania Transof Pahneirim de Inglaterra.

formada (1617) is partly in Portugal (the banks of the river Nabao and the seven hills of Thomar) and partly in India [no nosso Oriente). Like Montemor's Diana, it is divided into prosas and poems, and it is modelled on the Arcadia of Jacopo Sannazthe mountains of Arcadia transformed into zaro (1458-1530) Lusitania^ which, however, each of its three books equals in

length.

fluous
of

The prose setting, although devoid of thought, is melliand clear, and the poems, which contain reminiscences Camoes, rival in the harmony and transparent fiow.of the verse
'

that

prince of the poets of our time

',

as Alvarez calls him.

Some

have even ventured to attribute the work to Camoes, as his genius were so poor that he must needs fall to quoting But Alvarez had himself in whole lines, as is here the case. certainly caught some measure of Camoes' skill and of il soave He is, moreover, stilo e '/ dolce canto of Sannazzaro and Petrarca. less vague ^ than many writers of eclogues, and in singing his own love story describes what his eyes have seen. It was, howcritics

though

ever,

an aberration to favour the verso esdnixulo (Ariosto's

(cf.

sdruccioli)

Sannazzaro's Arcadia, Eel.

i, 6, 8, 9,

12),

a truly

Manueline adornment which other Portuguese poets unfortunately copied as a

'

new

artifice.^

Argumento
e.g.

desta obra.

branca esteva, o chao cubria. ' Que estes se chameni poetas ! rightly exclaims Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina {Seram Politico (1704), p. 146) of those who revel in the use of esdruxulus.
*

No mato o rosmaninho, a No campo o lirio azul que

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

As a poet Manuel de Faria
of
e

153

Sousa,

than a pedant of pedants, deserves a place

who was something more among the multitude

Portuguese writers of eclogues, since of the twenty long eclogues contained in his Fvente de Aganipe y Rimas Varias (7 pts., 1624-7)
the first twelve are in his native tongue. They show no originality but have occasional passages of quiet beauty. Nos. 7 and 8 are both entitled rustic and purpose to represent peasants of Minho. They are so overcharged with archaisms and rustic
'
'

grolea (glory),

words and expressions [samicas and nanija of course occur, and marmolea (memory), the form suidade, &c.) that As would probably have been Greek to the peasants. they commentators, prince of a critic Lope de Vega called Faria the on the strength of his learned and copious editions of the Lusiads and lyrics of Camoes, for whom he had a genuine devotion. Time has lent an interest, if not validity, to his he literary criticisms. In poetry he was as prolific as in prose boasted, in the age of Lope de Vega, that he had written more blank verse than any other poet and that his printed sonnets exceeded those of Lope by 300. Eloi de Sa Sottomaior (or Souto Maior), the author of Jar dim do Ceo (1607) and Riheiras do Mondego (1623), is generally perhaps more familiar with the Saints than with the Muses, but some of his poems are not without merit. The latter work, in prose and verse, has no originality, although the author was careful to state that he had composed it before the Prhnavera
:

of

not

Francisco Rodriguez Lobo {c. 1580-1622), who in strains less sweetly harmonious than the Lima poems of Bernardez
little

sang the
Leiria.

stream
to

of Lis that runs so gaily

through

his native

He went

study at Coimbra

in 1593,

took his degree

there in 1602, returned to Leiria and before 1604 was in the

service of Theodosio,

Duke
in

of

Braganza, at Villa Vigosa.

He was

drowned
Lisbon.

in his

prime

the Tagus coming from Santarem to

as Dr. Ricardo Jorge has

He was
in his able

alive in 1621, but,

shown

biography, died before the end of 1622.

The

fact of his

drowning is well established, otherwise the tradition might have been attributed to passages in his works in which he seems to foretell such a fate. An extraordinarily prolific writer, his fame rests chiefly on his three pastoral works of mingled prose

154

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

:

and verse

Primavera (1601) and its second and third parts Desenganado (1614). Rodriguez Lobo somewhere speaks disparagingly of books long as leagues in Alentejo ', but length and monotony are not absent from his own pastorals. Look into them where you will, beautiful descriptions, showing deep love of Nature, will present themselves, and delightful verse and harmonious prose, excellent in its component parts although allowed to trail in the construction of the sentences. But the reader who attempts more than a desultory acquaintance is soon overcome by a feeling of satiety, for the Primavera in its brandura sent Jim and the complete absence of thought is like a stream choked by water-lilies lovely, but tiring to the swimmer. Through all these love-lorn shepherd scenes runs a vague thread of autobiography. The passion of Bernardim Ribeiro is replaced by a suaver melancholy. The poet leaves the Lis for Coimbra and then goes to Lisbon and thence to distant lands, where he wanders as a pilgrim till he is shipwrecked at the mouth of the Lis and returns to his home to find Lisea given to another. It is divided into florestas. In the opening florestas the quiet streams, the green woods and pastures, are charmingly dePastor Peregrino (1608) and
'
:

scribed

later the scene

is

transferred to the campos do

and the praias do

series of natural

Tejo.

breath of the sea

Desenganado, but the story soon returns to

Mondego welcome in shepherd life and its

is

Had
finest

but rather insipid incidents. Rodriguez Lobo written not better but
far
is

less, his

pastoral

romances would probably be

more widely

read.

But

his

work

of

a different kind, a long dialogue, Corte na

e Noites de Invenio (1619), between a fidalgo, D. Julio, and four friends in the long winter evenings near Lisbon. Suggested by Baldassare Castiglione's famous // Cortigiano, which had been popularized in Spain by Boscan's excellent translation (1534), this work, for which Gracian prophesied immortality, is full of the most varied interest. The prose, excellent as is all that this champion of of the Portuguese language, jardineiro da lingua portuguesa (which his countrymen, he complained, patch and patch like a beggar's cloak), is here more vigorous and compact in its construction without losing its harmonious rhythm, attractive as the conversations which it records. Besides the beautiful

Aldea

LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY

155

verses lavishly scattered through his prose works, Rodriguez Lobo wrote a long epic on Nun' Alvarez in twenty cantos of oitavas Condestabre de Portugal D. Nuno Alvarez Pereira (1610)/ a volume of Eglogas (1605), in which he is a recognized master, a volume of Romances (1596) wTitten, with two exceptions, in Spanish,^ and, perhaps, a Christmas play entitled Auto del
:

Nascimiento de Christo y Edicto del Emperador Avgvsto Cesar, published in 1676. It is written in redondilhas in Spanish and Portuguese.^ This auto is followed by an Entremes do Poeta in
Portuguese.

poet,

an obdurate Gongorist [Do Gongora

:

live

sempre opinadas preferencias), recites a sonnet to a lady Celicola substancia procreada, which she does not understand, and a ratinho, also at a loss {he

para ?nim cousa grega), advises him to give

:

over his jargon for a more natural language

Gerigongas no

fallar,

Que amor nam he

But Rodriguez Lobo has no need his great and enduring fame.
*

contrafeito.

of

such attributions to justify

given to a vigorous account of the battle of in fewer stanzas by Camoes. Another poem in oitavas by Rodriguez Lobo, Historia da Arvore Triste, was published in Fenix Renascida, vol. iv. In Spanish also are the fifty-six romances which make up the poem La Jornada, &c. {1623), written on the coming of Philip III to Portugal in 1619. In the eclogues, written chiefly in redondilhas, he sings with spontaneous charm as praticas humildes e os cuidados Ndo por arte fingidos e enfeitados of the rusticos vaqiieiros, as he says in the prefatory sonnet. Many of the words are pleasantly indigenous milho, boroa, salgueiraes, rafeiro,
of

The whole

Canto

XIV

is

Aljubarrota, already described

more vividly

'^

charneca, chocalho, abegoes, ovelheiros. 3 For instance, when the Angel has announced in Spanish las alegres nuevas, the goatherd, ratinho, Mendo, says A din Rey, a din Rey ay ! Que estou Laureano, the amorrinhentado Aciidame algum Cristom ou Sancristom.
:

shepherd, speaks Portuguese and Spanish, and Silvia says

sinto qtiisera Dizelo em bom Purtugiies. Christo {1646) attributed to Francisco

Porque

que

An Auto
Lopes was

Colloquio do Nascimento de reprinted in 1676.

e

3
The Drama
After Gil Vicente's death the number if not in excellence, and
real

autos continued to flourish in

evidently answered to a very

popular demand.
plays and

It

was

in vain that the Jesuits

produced

their Latin

that serious

poets

of high reputation

sought to wean the affections of the people from the auto to the classical drama.^ This opposition of the educated did,
however, conduce to the swift deterioration of the auto, although

some
plays,

of

those

of

a religious character, chiefly the Nativity

still

succeeded in reflecting a part of the charm that

characterized the Vicentian drama.

To

Gil Vicente's lifetime

probably belongs the Obra famosisswia tirada da Sancta Escriptura chamada da Geragdo humana, onde se representam sentengas

muy

catolicas

&

proueitosas pera todo christd

Feita por

huu

famoso autor (1536?).

having had a hand

Indeed, the verse runs so easily, the

peasants are so natural, that one might almost suspect him of

in its composition. But the metre (884 884) more monotonous than he would have used throughout. The dramatis personae are angels, peasants,- Adam, Justice, Reason, Malice, two devils, a priest, four saints and doctors of the Church, a Levite, the Church, the Heavenly Samaritan,
is

Adam
is

in a scene closely resembling that of the Auto da Alma tempted by Malice. Justice intervenes, and finally the Samaritan leads him to the estalagem of Holy Mother Church, The Auto de ds [Deus] padre & justiga & mia [Misericordia]
' The disapproval of the popular drama is frequent in religious writers. In the seventeenth century Antonio Vieira declared that xima das felicidades que se contava entre as do tempo presente era acabarem-se as comedias em Portugal. Feo earlier, in common with many others, had similarly denounced the romances of chivalry pelos quaes o Demonio comvosco Jala ; livraria do diabo (Tratt. Qvad. (1619), ff. 156, 157). * One of them, Joao, lacrador, says Vimos ver se he assi on nam De hua arremedagam Que s'a ca d'arrertiedar Ora nos dizei se he assi Que fazem ho ay to cd.
: .
. .

THE DRAMA
belongs to the same period.
It
is

157

written in octosyllabic verse

and contains a similar medley

virtues.

of peasants, prophets,

and abstract

In the

first

part the angels in Portuguese announce

to the Virgin the birth of Christ,

and

in the

second part the

el

peasants,

who speak

Spanish, go to offer rustic gifts to

miiy

Another early and anonymous play is the Auto do Dia do Juizo, included in the Index of 1559, which for its subject closely follows Gil Vicente's Auto da Barca do Inferno. A peasant, a false and lying notary, a market-woman who had offered weekly bread and wax to Santa Catharina but had robbed the poor people a butcher, a miller who had mixed bran in his sacks of flour, are introduced in turn and duly consigned by Lucifer to Hell.
chiquito donzel.
'

',

If

we only knew

the

quondam Franciscan monk Antonio

RiBEiRo Chiado {c. 1520 P-gi) and his contemporary and rival, the mulatto servant of the Bishop of Evora, by their mutual abuse, we could form no very high opinion of their character or their wit. In bitter quintilhas Chiado reviles the latter for his dark complexion Afonso Alvarez answers by upbraiding nonno Chiado as the son of a cobbler and a marketwoman and for the habits which had made the cloister seem so dismal a place to Frei Antonio do Espirito Santo. Fortunately some of the plays of both of them survive, and we are better able to judge of their merits. The mulatto, who was a valued member of his master's household and prides himself that Chiado has nothing worse to throw in his face than the colour of his skin, was certainly Chiado's inferior in wit and talent. Both imitate Gil Vicente without having a vestige of his lyrical
;

genius or greater
religious subjects.

skill

in

devising a plot.

Alvarez preferred

In his Auto de Santo Antonio St. Anthony

restores to

life

the drowned

son of two peasants,

who

are

imitated from Vicente's Auto da Feira}

plays that

The only other

of his

we have

is

the Auto de Santa Barbara, but

we know

that he also wrote an Auto de S. Vicente Martyr and an Auto

de Santiago Apostolo.
*

e. g.

Branca Janes says of her husband He hum grao comedor, Destruidor da fazenda, &c.
:

158

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

appear to have made him extremely popular in
his talent,
in

Chiado's plays and witty sayings, avisos para giiardar and

parvoices,

Lisbon,
street
life

Cam5es recognized
bears his

and Lisbon's most famous

speech.

still

name

common

His boisterous
given him his
existed as a sur-

at Lisbon after leaving his convent

(cf.

may have
it

His Pratica de Oito Figiiras (1543 ?), Auto das Regateiras (1568 or 1569), and Pratica dos Compadres (1572), are the work of an accomplished wit who was intimately acquainted with the farces of Gil Vicente and, in the
last two,

name Chiado name earlier.

the chiar of ox-carts), but

with the prose plays of Jorge Ferreira. Many of Vicente's types are present, but all in a town atmosphere, in which cards take the place of the rustic dances and lyric yields to epigram, the
natural genius of Vicente to a laboured smartness.

We

have

the clerigo de vintem, the ratinho from Beira, the vain pagdo, the

poor fidalgo or escudeiro, the negro with his pidgin Portuguese,

the witch, the ill-tempered velha,
priest,

the trovador chaplain,

the

ambitious

the

corrupt judge.
less

The scenes

are

even

dilhas necessarily

more disconnected and seem

dramatic, and the ingenious redon-

artificial

because their author so often

more genuine skill of his master, Chiado's Auto de Goiigalo Chamhao was reprinted Gil Vicente. several times in the seventeenth century, but is now unknown.
challenges comparison with the

Of

his

in the library of the

Auto da Natural Invengam {c. 1550) a single copy survives, Conde de Sabugosa, whose edition (1917) is

of exceptional interest.

The

play, as reminiscent of Vicente as

are the other plays of Chiado, describes the acting of an auto

in a private

house

in the reign of

Joao HI, and bears witness to

the frequency of such representations at Lisbon and to their

extraordinary popularity.

Balthasar Diaz, a
first

blind poet (or jogral) of Madeira, in the

half

of

the sixteenth century wrote plays which

have
tradi-

retained their popularity.

tions of chivalry

He

versified at great
saints.

length

and

of

mediaeval

We

do not possess

his Trovas written on the death of D. Joao de Castro (1548), and many of his plays. Auto da Paixam de Christo, Auto de El

Rei Salomdo, Auto da Feira da Ladra, have become rare or unknown. One of the best of them, the Auto de Santo Aleixo,

THE DRAMA

159

perhaps owes its survival to its subject, akin to the popular The rich and noble Aleixo theme of a prince in disguise. wanders in rags to the Holy Land. The Devil, who tempts him in the form of a wayfarer, declares that now the eternal querulous now of the poets only the rich are honoured and learning is neglected. Later the Devil becomes a courtier and The again tempts St. Aleixo, who is defended by an angel. Auto de Santa Catherina is a long devout play of which the persons are St. Catherine, her mother, her page, the Emperor
'
'

Maxentius, a hermit, three doutores, Christ, the Virgin, angels.

The

saint,

who

receives

news

of her mother's

death with admirof the play

able equanimity, suffers

martyrdom

at the

end

with

equal fortitude.

de Mantua. sometimes interesting. Women, whose dresses and fashions are contrasted in the Auto de Santo Aleixo with the hard toil of the men, are represented in the Auto da Malicia das Mulheres as treating their husbands like negroes '. We do not know whether Diaz spoke from experience, his life is very obscure but he may have spent his last years in Beira if the passage in his Conselho para bem casar
'

Diaz also dramatized the story of the Marques Although devoid of dramatic or lyric talent, he is

estou nesta Beira tao remoto de trovar (1680 ed., p.

2)

be not merely a reference to Boeotia, any place far from

Lisbon.

Traces of Vicente and the Celestina ^ are apparent in Anrique Estvdante, in which a fidalgo and Lopez' Cena Policiana or a student " figure. The poor escudeiro and his fasting yno^o are prominent in Jorge Pinto's Auto de Rodrigo e Mendo. Spanish romances are quoted with great frequency, and Vicente's

En

Indeed, their el mes erade Abril is parodied by the mogos.^ knowledge of literature was become embarrassing since, when his master's guest, invited to a dinner which did not exist,
1

Cf.

este

leo

ja

Celestina

(Primeira
.

Parte

dos

Avtos,

&c.

(1587),
nial

f.

44).

^ The student's song on f. 44 v. and f 46, Polifema he querer bem, parodies Lobeira's Leonoreta fin roseta.
'

mi postema Grande

Ibid.,

f.

49.

i6o
recites

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

some verses that he has made, Rodrigo has already read them in Boscan and heard them sung in the street.^ The exact dates of Antonio Prestes, of Torres Novas, are unknown, but seven of his plays, after having been acted at Lisbon and published in folhas volantes, were first collected by
Afonso Lopez half a century after Gil Vicente's death in the Primeira Parte dos Avtos e Comedias Portuguesas, &c. (1588). The Auto da Ave Maria, written between 1563 and 1587, is an allegorical play in which Reason is vanquished by Sensuality Heraclitus mourns over her fall while Democritus laughs. A knight in league with the Devil ^ robs in turn an almoner, a ratinho, and Fast, but his pious habit of saying an Ave Maria causes St. Michael to rescue him from the Devil and reconcile him with Reason. Of the profane plays, that with the most definite plot is the Auto dos Dous Irmdos, in which an old man, after refusing to see his sons who have married without his permission, divides all his money between them and is then neglected by both he is sent from one to the other like King Lear. But the story is
;
:

feebly

worked out here as in the other plays. Their action is mostly that of a puppet show. Sometimes the mogo, who always plays a prominent part, seems to be the only link in the plot, as Duarte in the Autos dos Cantarinhos. These mogos, who show the author's acquaintance with Gil Vicente ^ and Lazarillo de Tormes,^
*

Primeira Parte dos Avtos, f. 57 Ro. Senhor, se me da licen9a, Ja eu aquela trova li. Ro. Essa sua, Os. Qual trova leste ? Como a disse nua e crua.
:

a leste, vilao ? Cuido, senor, que em Boscao, E canta-se pela rua. ' The Devil speaks both Portuguese and Spanish. All the other characters in Prestes' plays, with the exception of an enchanted Moor, speak Portuguese. On the other hand, there are frequent Spanish words and quotations. The word algorrem occurs twice in these plays, but the attempt to retain the old style of peasant conversation is but half-hearted. ' Duarte in the Auto dos Cantarinhos sleeps on an area (chest) like the moQo in O Juiz da Beira. There are other echoes of Vicente, as the words qiiem tern farelos ? (1871 ed., p. 65), the reference to Flerida e Dam Duardos (p. 485), the line Qwe mdeousasdovilaos {p. 420), the peasant who, like Mofina Mendes, builds up his future on the strength of an apple of gold, which proves to be a coal (pp. 407-8). * Auto do Mouro Encantado (p. 347). Unless there was an earlier edition of Lazarillo de Tormes, this play must therefore have been written after 1554. Prestes' Auto do Procurador was written before 1557.
Os.

E onde

Ro.

THE DRAMA
are quite unlike either Lazarillo or Aparigo.

i6i

They

are certainly

hungry, but they combine starvation with laziness, presumption

and abundant learning. The names of Petrarca and Seneca are on their lips they read Palmeirim and quote romances of chivalry and Spanish romances glibly.^ Indeed, the chief interest of these artificial plays' is the light thrown on the times the position of women, the bribery of judges and lawyers, the aping of foreign manners, the mixed styles of architecture. They contain no poetry, little drama, and their wit is seldom natural. Like Prestes, Jeronimo Ribeiro, perhaps a brother of Chiado, was born apparently at Torres Novas. Only one of his plays was published the Auto do Fisico, written in the last third of the sixteenth century. It has some farcical Vicentian scenes, the mogo the inevitable hits against the doctors and lawyers dresses up as a doutor to receive a simple fisherman from Alf ama and is generally more popular and natural than Prestes' plays. SiMAO Machado [c. i^yo-c. 1640), who as a Franciscan monk Frei Boaventura ended his life at Barcelona, was also born His plays Comedias portvgvesas (1601?) at Torres Novas. are two Comedia de Dio and Comedia da Pastora Alfea. They are written in Spanish and Portuguese indiscriminately despite Gongalo's admonition palrar como Pertigues.^ The author explains that, well aware of his countrymen's love of what is foreign, he uses Castilian to save his plays from the neglect often bestowed in Portugal upon works written in Portuguese. His verse is ordinarily the redondilha, although Nuno da Cunha Cerco de Dio makes a speech in oitavas. in the first part of He has lyrical facility and his peasant scenes are full of life, for instance, the dialogue between the cowherd Gil Cabago and
;

Tome

the goatherd in Alfea.

The Gospel story was dramatized by Frei Francisco Vaz The oldest edition of Guimaraes in a long Auto da Paixdo. we have is dated 1559, ^"^^ it has been often reprinted, with
* For a corresponding knowledge of Amadis de Gaula, &c., among p. 262. English servants see Dr. Henry Thomas, The Palmerin Romances, London, 1916, pp. 38-40* Alfea (ed. The wonderful spelling is due to the printer 1631), p. 59. (e.g. sesse = cease) as well as to the peasants (e.g. monteplica = multiply,

pialdrade
2362

piety).

i62

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Some
St.

thirty rough woodcuts.

of the

of these are

very spirited, as that

cock crowing after

Peter's denial, or that of Judas

hanging himself.

After a long introductory speech in versos de

arte viaior the play

proceeds in redondilhas (over 2,000

lines).

Religious subjects have always been favourites with the Portuguese, especially those affording scope for lavish scenic display,

not only those of martyred saints, as the Auto de Santa Genoveva,

but those based on the

New

Testament, as the later play Acto

figurado da degolagdo dos Innocentes (1784) in seven scenes.^ Two plays, the Auto da Donzella da Torre and Auto de Dom

Andre, are attributed to Gil Vicente's grandson, Gil Vicente

DE Almeida. The latter, written before 1559, in which a peasant brings his unlettered son [nem nunca falei Gramatica) to Court,
and a
to sing

ratinho,

on becoming a page, promises himself to learn and play on the guitar within a month, has a Vicentian

character.

To

the beginning of the seventeenth century also belongs the

Pratica de

Tres Pastores (1626),

a Christmas

play by Frei
identified with

Antonio da Estrella, who may perhaps be

(1603).

Frei Antonio de Lisboa, author of the lost Auto dos

are

Dous Ladroes The three shepherds, Rodrigo, Loirengo, and Sylvestre, awakened by an angel singing cousas de prego. They agree

hills is no earth-born music but algum Charuhim ou Anjo ou Charafim, and presently they go The author has caught to Bethlehem to offer their rustic gifts. earlier spontaneity of the Christmas autos. charm and the Another seventeenth-century auto of the same kind is the Colloquio do Nascimento do Menino Jesus by the Lisbon The scene and conversation of bookseller, Francisco Lopez. the three shepherds, Gil, Silvestre, and Paschoal, with their assorda ou migas de alho in the cold night mas como queima

that the song echoing over the

rocio,

says Gil

are
S. R.

very naturally drawn.

is

An
found

echo of the

satirical side of Gil Vicente's genius

to be

das Padeiras chamado da

'

Fome

(1638),- in

in the Auto which the various frauds

There is an earlier Acto Sacramental da Jornada Egypto (1746). * It contains a dispute between Maize and Rye, after the very popular fashion of the contention between Winter and Spring in Vicente's Auto dos Quatro Tempos, and the poetical contrasts common in the Middle Ages and
.

Composto por A D.

do

Menino Deus para

THE DRAMA
of the bakeresses, sardine-sellers,

163

market-women, pastry-cooks, and tavern-keepers of Lisbon are shown up by the devils Palurdam and Calcamar, as in the Barca do Purgatorio. There is nothing of Vicente in the Auto novo da Barca da Morte (1732) by a Lisbon author who wrote under the name of Diogo da Costa (Innocencio da Silva, ii. 153, believed that his real name was Andre da Luz). It consists of a single scene crowded with classical allusions. Death has [deprived Midas of his gold, Alexander of his victories, Aristotle of his learning. The actors here are a rich miser, a poor man, a youth, an old man, and Death, whose boat Time steers. The title of the Auto novo
e curioso

da Forneira de Aljubarrota (1815), also attributed to Diogo da Costa, is misleading, since it is a prose narrative

of the experiences of

that valorosa matrona, who, dressed as an almocreve, comes to Lisbon with her two bestinhas laden wMth
wine.

Of the twenty-five plays contained

de varios entremeses (1658) edited

in the

Musa

entretenida

No. 17 [Castigos de vn Castelhano)

six are in Portuguese,^

is

by Manuel Coelho Rebello, in Spanish and Portuguese,

all the rest in Spanish. Popular plays continued to be written long after the introduction of the

drama and in spite of the antagonism of the priests. They were oftei. composed in a variety of metres, as the Acto de S^" Genoveva, Princesa de Barbante (1735) by Balthasar
classical

Luis da Fonseca, if its verse can be called metre,^ or the Comedia famosa intitulada A Melhor Dita de Amor (1745) by Rodrigo Antonio de Almeida,^ w^hich opens with a sonnet and proceeds
in redondilhas, hendecasyllables,
in the East,

and prose.

and still in vogue among the iniprovisatori of Basque villages, between wine and water, boots and sandals, &c. * i.e. No. 3 De hvm almotacel borracho No. 5 Dos conselhos de hvm letrado (a ratinho figMxesin this, as a ratino figures in No. 17) No. 6 Do negro mais bem mandado (the escudeiro's mofo is here a negro who speaks in broken Portuguese, e.g. Zesu) No. 11: Dous cegos cnganados; No. 13: Das padeiras de Lisboa (besides the bakeresses there is a meleiro (honey-seller), an alheiro with his brafos of leeks, an azeiteiro, &c.), and No. 25. The titles of these plays sufficiently show their homely character. * Of its author we only know that he was Ulysbonense. The play had
: ;
:

editions 1747, 1758, 1789, 1853. priest of the same name wrote political middle of the nineteenth century.
:

many
'

and

religious

pamphlets

in the

L2

i64

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

;

In the Christmas plays and peasant scenes some of Gil Vicente's

poetry had lingered the plays of more fashionable authors caught no gleam of his lyrism, but sketched types and satirized

manners

successfully,
it

Aprendiz, written,

Gentilkonime (1670). were derived from Vicente's genius as manifested in his plays
for the Court

none more so than Mello's Auto do Fidalgo must be remembered, before Le Bourgeois Both kinds, consciously or unconsciously,

and of the people. During Gil Vicente's lifetime, perhaps, Sa de Miranda had written the two plays, Os Estrangeiros {c. 1528) and Os Vilhalpandos (1538 ?),i with which he introduced classical comedy into Portugal (nearly a quarter of a century before its introduction into France and England). Os Estrangeiros was a novelty- in more ways than one, for it was written in prose. Both plays were, as the author admitted, imitated from Plautus and Terence and also from Ariosto, whose comedies were composed in the first third of the century. Os Estrangeiros was, he further observed in a brief introductory letter to the Cardinal Henrique, rustic and clumsy.^ Its only claim to be called rustic, in character as apart from treatment, consists in a few allusions to popular customs. We would have had it more indigenous. The scene is Palermo, the plot, a la Plautus, consists of the difficulties and differences between father and son, and there is the aio, the vainglorious soldier Briobris, nas armas um Rolddo, and the trudo who plays the part of gracioso. The action advances in long soliloquies to the final reconciliation between father and son. The character of Os Vilhalpandos, which Mello called a mirror of courtly wit ', is similar, with the difference that Fame instead of Comedy speaks the prologue and the action between son, father, and courtesan is placed in Rome. Both the plays were acted before Cardinal Henrique and printed by his command. As if to mark his initiative in every field, Miranda also composed a classical tragedy entitled Cleopatra [c. 1550), the title of which is of interest as preceding the plays of Shakespeare and Samuel
*

The affronta de Dio is mentioned. It may have been written in the same year as Ferreira de Vasconcellos' Eufrosina. * In a letter sent with Os Vilhalpandos to the Infante Duarte he says that ninguem que eu saiba had so written in Portuguese. ' A comedia qual he tal va, aldeaa e mal atauiada.

THE DRAMA
Daniel (1562-1619).

165

The twelve

octosyllabic lines [abcabcdefdef

its character, but ?) probably followed closely the Sofonisha (15 15) of Gian Giorgio Trissino (1478-1550). A Spanish version of Sophocles' Electra by Hernan Perez de Oliva appeared in 1528, and in 1536 Anrique

that survive (from a chorus

it

give no idea of

Ayres Victoria had translated this into Portuguese octosyllabic verse A Vinganga de Agamemnon. The date of the first Nor do we edition is unknown the second appeared in 1555. know when Cleopatra was written,^ although it must have been prior to Antonio Ferreira's classical tragedy acted at Coimbra, Inis de Castro [c. 1557), which has hitherto been considered the first of its kind in Portugal. Written when the author was
:

about thirty, that is, about the time of Miranda's death, it copied the form of Greek tragedies and, the better to acclimatize this, a thoroughly national subject was chosen the death of Ines whereas Miranda had gone to Rome and Egypt. As might be expected from Ferreira's other work the conception was executed with the careful skill of a conscientious craftsman. The drama has unity, the style is purest Portuguese, the chorus sometimes

soars into poetry, as in the celebrated passage

7iaceo.

Quando amor

That the same high language

been observed, scenes

is

that, as has often

of his

spoken throughout, dramatic opportunity

father or Ines

meeting between D. Pedro and

are
more
Ines.
'

omitted, merely shows that Ferreira had no dramatic

instinct.

Perhaps the only dramatic passage

'

psychological than dramatic interest

and even that

is
ill

so

it

is

of
:

in

Act
'

III

Ah, woe
'

is

me
is

what

ill,

what
Ines.

fearful
'

dost thou announce

Chorus.

It

thy death.'

Is

my lord dead ?

Nevertheless,

the play was a remarkable achievement, carried out without

faltering

and with a sustained loftiness worthy of its subject. one any longer believes that Ferreira copied from the Nise lastimosa by Geronimo Bermudez, published under the pseudonym Antonio da Silva eight years after Ferreira's death. This is

No

a slightly expanded Spanish translation, closely following the

1587 edition
'

of hies de Castro,

which

differs

considerably from
Antony
.

passage in Aulegrafia (1555

:

?)

describes the dramatic death of

129).

as a
''

new thing parece-me que o estoii vendo (f. Tragedia mvy sentida e elegante de Dona

Ines de

Castro

Agora

i66
that of

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

1598.

The Nise laureada which accompanied

it

is

perfectly insignificant.

Like Miranda, Ferreira wrote, besides

There are Cioso. one tragedy, two comedies, Bristo and indications that he had in mind Ferreira de Vasconcellos' Eufrosina as well as Miranda's comedies. Bristo soliloquizing
is

the counterpart of Philtra, and in his dedication of Bristo

to Prince

Joao he acknowledges

his debt to previous plays.

In this comedy, written during some vacation days at Coimbra

University, the action is very primitive, but the braggart Annibal and the charlatan Montalvao account for some farcical scenes. His later play, Cioso (the jealous husband is also handled by Gil Vicente and Prestes), belongs to a higher plane,
i.

e.

to

comedy
of

rather than farce, although Bristo

Bristo
'

is

not entirely
'

was made public [publicada) before 1554, but neither play was published till Both are remarkable for the correctness and concise 1622.
devoid
character- drawing.

vigour of their prose.

The

three plays of Camoes,

written perhaps between the

years 1544 and 1549 during his first stay at Lisbon, belong entirely neither to the classical drama nor to the more ancient
autos,

but combine elements

of

both.
third,
It

They

are written in
?),

redondilhas, mostly quintilhas.

is

The

El ReiSeleuco (1549

slighter

even than a Vicentian

farce.

has a curious prologue

scene {V orspiel auf

easy, but
its its
it

dem

Theater) in prose.
is

The
in
soil,

versification
it

is

chief interest

the important part

may have
Filodemo^

played in

author's

life.

The

earliest

date,

although

lacks Vicente's savour of the

has a graceful

Filodemo, faintly recalls the Comedia do Viuvo. orphan son of a Danish princess and a Portuguese fidalgo, is in love with Dionysa, daughter of his father's brother, whose son Venadoro is in love with Filodemo's sister Florimena. Their relationship is unknown, but the discovery of their true birth smoothes the path of love and ends the play. Os Amphitrioes,
nouatnente acrescentada (31 ff. unnumbered). The one who published ^rs/ was the most likely to be the thief. Saudade is translated soledad. * Nesta Universidade onde pouco antes se virani outras que a todas as dos antigas ou levam ou ndo dam ventagem. Bristo was written por s6 sen desenfadamento em certos dias de ferias e ainda esses fiirtados ao estudo. It is a comedia mixta, a mor parte della motoria.
.
. .

charm and

THE DRAMA
in

167

based on the Amphitruo of Plautus. from the appearance of Jupiter as The Amphitriao's double and Mercury as the double of Sosia are deftly and humorously worked out in delightfully spontaneous
Portuguese and Spanish,^
is

predicaments resulting

verse.

For those so fastidious as to be

aiitos

satisfied neither

by the popular
life of

nor the staid classical plays, yet another kind was provided

in the

shape

of Celestina

comedies

in prose.

Of the

their

more than that he was very well known in his day. Judging by literary merit only, one might assign the verses written by Jorge de Vasconcellos in the Cancioneiro Geral to Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos [c. i5i5~ 63.?), since the poems, alike in the new and the old style, interspersed in his works do not prove him to have possessed high poetical talent. It is as a dramatist and still more as a writer of Portuguese prose that the distinguished courtier of King
author
scarcely

we know

Joao IH's reign - deserves a higher place in Portuguese literature than his ungrateful countrymen have habitually accorded him. But the dates forbid the identification of the dramatist with the

who was also a notable courtier since he is specially mentioned in Vicente's Cortes de Jupiter (ii. 404). One of the few definite facts known to us concerning Jorge Ferreira is that that this play was the affirmed in the preface of his Eufrosina
earlier poet,
:

firstfruit of his genius,

written in his youth. ^

it

The exact date

1537

of

Eufrosina

is

unknown, but

was written after the University

Coimbra
in
*)

had been
since

finally established at

the

date of

the letter from India (December 20, 1526

is

clearly a misprint

mention

is

made

of the siege of

Diu

(1538).

Ferreira de
If

Vasconcellos evidently studied law at the University.

born, not at Coimbra but at Lisbon, he
studies in the capital.
(1540)

he was
his

may have begun

At the time
service,

of Prince Duarte's

death

he

was

in

his

as

mogo da camara, and he

1 In El Ret Seleuco the doctor and in Filodemo the shepherd and bobo speak Spanish. ^ Homem fidalgo w'" cortezdo cS^ discretto (Rangel Macedo, manuscript Nobiliario, in Lisbon Bib. Nac.) aquelle galante e elegante cortesao Portugnes (licen^a of 1618 ed. of Ulysippo). ^ As primicias do men rustico engenho, que he a Comedia Eufrosina, e foi ho primeiro fruito que delle colhi, inda bem tenrro. * Eufrosina, ii. 5.
;

i68

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

official, first,

continued as a Court

perhaps, in the service of the

died on January 2, 1554, King Sebastiao. In 1563 he was succeeded and then in that of as Secretary [escrivao do Tesouro) by Luis Vicente, probably son The document^ which nominates his successor of the poet Gil. by no means implies his death, since, as Menendez y Pelayo ^ observed, his name is unaccompanied by the formula que Dens perdoe or aja. But it is strange, if he did not die till 1585, the date given by Barbosa Machado, that nothing more is heard of him after 1563 (we are told that his son died at the battle of Alcacer Kebir), and that his son-in-law called Aulegrafia,
heir to the throne. Prince Joao,

who

written before the death of Prince Luis (1555), his swan-song.^ Apart from manuscript treatises which were never published, Jorge
Ferreira
is

the author of four works in prose, the three plays,

Eufrosina,

Ulysippo, Aulegrafia, and the Memorial da Segunda

an involved romance of chivalry * which describes the adventures of the Knight of the Crystal Arms, emulator of the Knights of the Round Table and Amadis
Tavola Redonda.

The

latter

is

of

Gaul.

Each chapter commences with a

brief sententious

reflection,

from which the reader is plunged into mortal combats of knights, centaurs, giants, and dragons. It begins by giving an account of King Arthur, his disappearance, and the prosperous reign of Sagramor. It ends with a vivid description of the tournament (August 5, 1552) at Enxobregas (= Xabregas) in which the Barbosa Machado ill-fated Prince Joao was the principal figure. included among Ferreira de Vasconcellos' works Triunfos de Sagramor em que se tratao os feitos dos Cavalleiros da Segunda Tavola Redonda (Coimbra, 1554). A passage in the Memorial^ may have led to the belief that this was a second part of the
' Discovered by General Brito Rebello in the Torre do Tombo and printed in his Gil Vicente (1902), p. 114. - Origenes de la Novela, vol. iii, p. ccxxx. ^ Sousa de Macedo, in Eva e Ave (1676 ed., p. 131), says that he lived in the reign of King Joao and in the beginning of that of King Sebastian, which confirms the date 1563 as that of his death. Some of its heroes have geographical names, as King Tenarife of the Canary Islands and the Spanish Moor Juzquibel, who now survives in the name

mountain that falls to the sea above Fuenterrabia. The author shows considerable knowledge of the Basque country, and we may perhaps infer that he was at the French Court and studied the Basque provinces on the way. * como se vee ao diante no triumpho del rey Sagramor. 1867 fid., p. 21
of the
:

THE DRAMA
Memorial,
Triunfos.
of

169
is

which the
title

first

known
it

edition

that of Coimbra,

1567, but from the preface^

The

appears that the Memorial is the Triunfos de Sagramor may have been given to
it

an

earlier edition,- or

may have been

the

title of

the second

half of the work.

The author himself

'

declares that his story

presented to Prince Joao.^ The editor of Ulysippo 1618 says that the Memorial had been printed at least twice during the author's lifetime.* Yet it is difficult not to suspect that the date 1554 was a confusion with the year of the death

had been
in

'

of the prince to

whom

the

work was dedicated.

The same
(He pub-

uncertainty, as
first

we have

seen, prevails as to the date of the

edition of the author's masterpiece Eufrosina.

his

lished

plays anonymously,

partly perhaps for the

earliest edition that

same

reason that

made him

insist

that his characters represented no

definite persons
is
if

but types.)

The

we have

that of Evora, 1561, that of Coimbra, 1560, having disappeared, it ever existed.^ The words on the title-page, de nouo reuista

&

em

partes acrecentada, need not imply

more than

that, as
:

we
por

know, the manuscript had circulated among

muitas mdos deuassa
e falsa.

his friends

As a novelty, invengam noua fiesta terra, Eufrosina with its proverbs and its ingenious thoughts and phrases was appreciated in Portugal, whose inhabitants were justifiably proud now to possess a Celestina of their own, a Celestina with less action and rhetoric but more thought and sentiment.^ Ouevedo was loud in its praises, Lope de Vega
Nesta trasladafdo do iriumpho del Rey Sagramor, ibid., p. viii. A vague tradition placed the 1554 edition in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, but inquiries in 1916 proved that nothing is known of it there. ^ Ao esclarecido Principe ja apresentada, ibid., p. vii. * A primeira parte da Tabola redonda que pera a terceira impressao emendou Autor em sua vida (Aduertencia ao leitor). 5 Nicolas Antonio, whose information as to Portuguese books was often far from accurate, says that there were several editions before that of 16 16, probably an erroneous deduction from the 1561 title-page. The late Menendez y Pelayo, who also made many slips in dealing with Portuguese literature, declared that the 1560 edition was in the British Museum, which, however, only possesses a (mutilated) copy of the edition of Evora, 1561 (lacking the colophon with the date) Of the 1 561 edition several copies exist, that of the Torre do Tombo, that in the library of the late Snr. Francisco Van Zeller at Lisbon, and that of the British Museum. " Joao de Barros, Dialogo em lovvor da nossa lingvagem (1540), wrote that the Portuguese language parece nam consintir em si hiia tal obra como
1

Celestina (1785 ed., p. 222).

170

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

its
is

perhaps quoted it,^ Portuguese writers

its

influence on the style of Mello

clear.

It

and other was a legitimate success and

modern neglect

is all

the more deplorable because in this play

the Portuguese language, the richness, concision, and grace of

which are exalted

form.

in the preface,

appears in
is

its

purest, raciest

immense, his sentences admirably vigorous and clear. After heading the E's in the Index of 1581 [Evphrosina simply, without author) it was reprinted by the poet Rodriguez Lobo in 1616, in a slightly
modified form, shorn, that
is,

The author's vocabulary

of

some

of the coarser passages

and

of all reference to the Scriptures. ^

The

style

is

not the

only merit of Eufrosina.

of the scenes, in

Despite the lack of proportion in some

to

which Jorge Ferreira proves himself

'

have

been, like Richardson,

a sorry pruner

'

(four scenes out of the

thirty-nine constitute a quarter of the play), there

is a certain unity in this story of the love of the poor courtier Zelotipo de

Abreu

fidalgo

proud and beautiful daughter of the rich Senhor das Povoas, in the little ancient university town above the green waters and willows of Mondego. The numerous other persons are strictly subordinate, and both scenes and characters are skilfully drawn. The artificial construction, the convention by which emotion finds vent in a string
for Eufrosina,

D.

Carlos,

of

classical

allusions,
of

scarcely

mar

the

exceedingly

natural
is

presentment

many

of the scenes.

Charming, for instance,

that in which Eufrosina and her companion and friend Silvia

de Sousa, Zelotipo's cousin, watch from the terrace of their house the river's gentle flow and along its bank the citizens and
students taking the air in the cool of the evening.
contains as
Cariofilo, a

The play
There
is

many

characters as a

modern

novel.

gay good-hearted Don Juan;

his friend, the

more
;

serious Zelotipo, type of the Portuguese lover, the galante con-

templativo
'

D. Carlos, quick to anger but easily appeased

the

La Filoinena, 162 1 ed., p. 188. The quotation, if direct, was from the 56 1 edition, not that of 16 16, in which part of the sentence quoted is omitted, as in the Spanish translation first published ten years later, in 163 1. * They were considered out of place in a comedy. The Catalogue of 1581 condemns todos os mais tratados onde se aplicam, vsurpam torcetn as autoridades cS- sentettfas da sancta escriptura a sentidos profanos, grafas, escarnios, fabulas, vaidades, lisonjarias, detracfoes, stiperstifors, encantagoes cS- semelhantes cousas. The rules were carried out most mechanically.
1

&

THE DRAMA

171

pedantic, unscrupulous Dr. Carrasco, whose conversation with

D. Carlos gives scope for a vigorous attack on the legal profession

;

Silvia,

who

sacrifices her love

and gives up
;

to Eufrosina
;

her cousin's verses that she had so carefully kept

the mogos

Andradeand Cotrim,
of

greedy, timid, and talkative

the gentleman

Coimbra, Philotimo, a wise and kindly man of the world. Other phases of Coimbra life are shown in the rnogas de Ho and de cantaro, who fetch water or wash clothes in the Mondego and metaphorically toss in a blanket Galindo, the rich D. in the love-lorn student with his Tristao's agent from Lisbon Latin, the morose and jealous workman Duarte, proud of his position as official, the resolute goldsmith and his languid daughter Polinia, the old servant Andresa and the merry
;

servant
the

girl

Vitoria,

and,

most
saws
is

prominent

of

all,

Philtra

alcoviteira,

deploring
full

the wickedness and degeneracy of

the world and

of

wise

the

play contains

many
^

hundreds.

Eufrosina herself
lips of

first

described by the lover

brow
of

of

Diana,

Venus, limbs of Pallas, clear green eyes

;

fairest

then by his servant Andrade the Juno, quietly mirthful thing that ever he thought to see, fan in hand, the
^

sleeves of her dress like a ship at full sail

so

an effective impression

of her

beauty.

Besides

we have Coimbra life we

that

obtain glimpses of that of the Court at Lisb.on and Almeirim in

a letter from the courtier Crisandor, of India in a very real and
interesting letter
village.

from Silvia's brother, even of Cotrim's native That the unity was not sacrificed to these many by-scenes
for the author's skill.

says

much
.*),

This praise cannot be given

first,

to his

second play written some ten years after the

for here the reader loses his

Ulysippo

There are twenty-one dramatis personae, but the principal interest is in the sketch of Constanga d'Ornellas, the hypocritical beata,^ or, rather, that is the most original
' Green eyes are beloved by Portuguese writers for their rarity or from an early mistaken rendering of the French vair (e. g. Sylvia in the sixteenth, Joaninha in the nineteenth century). The glosadores inclined to them on account of the second person of the infinitive to see verdes. ^ In Arraez, Dialogos (1604), f. 311 v. fashionable women parecem velas de nao inchadas. * In the first edition she had been called a heata. In that of 161 8 she became merely a widow woman, dona viiwa, but the editor defeated the
'

(1547 courses of true love.

way among

the

many

'

172

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

whole there
of
its
is

part, since in the play as a

a certain
are

monotony
same.-^

after

Eiifrosina,

and many
the insight

the proverbs
terse

the

Excellent as the earlier play in

full of interest in
it

and idiomatic prose,^ gives into the customs and life

of the people, its chief fault

is

the intricacy, or absence, of plot

which makes
please less on

it

difficult reading,

and

of course

it

would naturally

appearance as being no longer a new thing. The author, who knew how the Portuguese prized iwvidades, appears to have been conscious of this, since his third play, Aulegrafia, written perhaps in 1555,^ and first published in 1619, was developed on somewhat different lines. It is concerned,
its first

as

its

name

implies, exclusively with the Court,

in abeyance.

and the people

scenes

and popular proverbs are

are

In

its fifty

we

introduced

to

typical

Court
is

ladies,

noble fidalgos,
considers
it
'

poor

gentlemen and their servants, one

fidalgo

of

whom
its

mais

nam

saber

ler.

The play

by

author termed

a long

on Court manners ',* and as such it is admirable and full of interest, however negligible it may be as drama. Its style, moreover, even excels in atticism Ferreira's other works. The most remarkable character is that of the young [menina e moga) and very wily aunt of Filomela. She is twice described in detail (f. 46 and f. 153 v.), and we perceive that Philtra of the people, the middle-class Constanga d'Ornellas, and the aristocratic Aulegrafia are really three persons and one spirit. In Ulysippo one of the lesser personages was the Spanish Sevilhana (mentioned also in Eufrosina), and here a boastful Spanish adventurer is introduced in the person of Agrimonte de Guzman, who disdains to speak Portuguese. The scene of both the later plays is Lisbon. The author drew from his experience here, as previously
treatise
censor's intentions
'

by noting the change in the preface and declaring that but for this she remained exactly the same as before. Here the doctors, not the lawyers, are conjurados contra mundo. Cf. the brief but eloquent praises of wine and of love. ^ One might be inclined to place it later were not the Infante Luis (jNovember 27, 1555)
*

still alive.
:

largo disciirso da cortesania vulgar, f. 178 v. pretende Cf. f. 5 mostraruos ao olho o rascunho da vida cortesaa. On f 5 v. it is called esta selada Portitguesa. The courtiers spend all the time they can spare from the pursuit of love in discussing the rival merits of the romance velho and new-fangled sonnet, of Boscdn and Garci Lasso, of Spanish and Portuguese, a line of a Latin poet, &c.
.

Um

THE DRAMA
at Coimbra,

173
the persons that he

and often describes

to the

life

had met.

Scarcely any other writer gives us so intimate an idea

heyday of Portugal's greatness dreaming Portuguese, who considers love as much a monopoly of his country as the ivory and spices
of the times of this the latter

or of the gallant, lovesick,

of India.
'

O amor

portugues [Aulegrafia,

f.

38

v.).

4
Luis de Canioes

The

plays of Luis de

of his genius, for

Camoes (1524? -8o) are they show him combining two

in a sense typical

great currents of

and the classic new. A generation had sprung up accustomed to wide horizons and heroic deeds, and poets and historians regretted that there was no Homer or Virgil Camoes was not a Homer nor to describe them adequately. a Virgil, but he was a more universal poet than Portugal had yet produced, and by reason of his marvellous power of expression he triumphantly completed the revolution which Sa de Miranda had tentatively begun. In a sense he was not a great original poet, but in his style he was excelled by no Latin poet of the Renaissance. The eager researches of modern scholars have succeeded
poetry, the old indigenous
in piercing the obscurity that

enveloped

his

life,

although

many

Four or five generations had gone by since his ancestor Vasco Perez had passed out of the pages of history,^ and some of the intervening members of the family had also won distinction, but Camoes' father, Simao Vaz de Camoes, was a poor captain of good position [cavaleiro fidalgo) who was shipwrecked near Goa and died there soon after the poet was born in 1524. Through his grandmother, Guiomar Vaz da Gama, he was distantly related to the celebrated Gamas of Algarve. His mother, Anna de Sa e Macedo, belonged to a well-known family of Santarem.^ Whether he was born at Lisbon or Coimbra
gaps and doubtful points remain.
* Seu quarto avb foi um Gallego nohre (Diogo Camacho, Jornada as Cortes do Parnaso). ^ Dr. Wilhclm Storck, the author of the most elaborate life of Camoes in existence, considered tliat the words quando vim da matcrna sepultiira in one of Camoes' poems could only mean that his mother (Anna de Macedo) died at his birth, and that he was survived by Annade Sa, his stepmother. It may have been so, but there is not a scrap of evidence in favour of the theory nor were the words materna sepultura anything more than a conventional Como phrase. Cf. Antonio Feo, Trattados Quadragesimais (1609), pt. i, f. 2 e tiimtdo prosiliens ad tumulum itertim contendo, em nacendo azianzeno diz saimos de hiia sepultura que foi as entranhas da mai e morrendo entramos tornar nu ao ventre So Pinto, Imagem, pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 342 v. noutra.
:

LUIS DE CAMOES

175

His great-grandfather had settled at Coimbra. is still uncertain. He That Camoes studied there scarcely* admits of doubt. alludes to it in his poems, and nowhere else in Portugal could he have received his thorough classical education. In the year 1542 or 1543 he went to Lisbon. I'he exact dates of events in
his life during the

next ten years are

difficult

to determine.

but the events themselves are clear enough. His birth and talents assured him a ready welcome in the capital. Whether he became tutor to D. Antonio de Noronha, son of the Conde de Linhares (the

Moraes accompanied to Paris), or not, he soon had many friends and was probably received at Court. Referring later to this time he is said to have spoken of himself as cheo de muitos favor es, and in this popularity he wrote a large number of his exquisite redondilhas and also sonnets, odes, eclogues, and the three autos. But Camoes had fallen
passionately in love with a lady-in-waiting of the queen, Catherina

Portuguese ambassador

whom

de Athaide.^
a

Tradition has
(1544.'').

it

that he

first

saw her

in

church on

Good Friday

We may surmise that

Natercia's parents

objected to the suit of the penniless cavaleiro fidalgo, and that Camoes pressed his suit on them with more vehemence than
in the Ribatejo (Santarem)

Court, and spent six months and two years in military service in North Africa (Ceuta). He admits that he had been in the wrong, but not seriously so, and hints that envy had played its part in his downfall. It is probable that his play El Ret Seleuco had given
discretion.

He was banished from

a handle to the enemies that his growing reputation as a poet

had made.

It

for in the play the king gives

must be confessed that its subject was tactless, up his bride to his son, which
his son's bride.

could easily be interpreted as a reflection on the conduct of the

late

King Manuel, who had married

The two

years in Africa passed slowly.

In a letter [Esta vae com a candea

na mdo) he describes sadness eating away his heart as a moth a garment, and it was with his thoughts in Lisbon that he took part from time to time in skirmishes against the Moors, in one
de sua mat, o qual 6 a sepultura da terra, and Bemardes, Nov. Flor, i. 122 A terra e nossa mde, de cujo tenebroso ventre que e a sepultura, &c. ' She may have been a distant relation of the poet's the name was a common one, but Camoes was connected with the Gamas, and the wife and granddaughter of the first Conde deVidigueira were both named Catherina deAthaide.
: :

I76*
of

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

which he lost his right eye. Hard blows, scanty provisions, and no chance of enriching oneself as in India were the features of military service in North Africa, and when Camocs returned to Lisbon his prospects contrasted sharply with those which had been his when he first came from the University a few years before. He was now nearly thirty,^ disfigured by the loss of an eye and embittered by the turn his fortunes had taken. He no longer looked on life from the inside, gazing contentedly at the show from the windows of privilege, but was himself in the arena. For the school of Sa de Miranda he had probably never felt much sympathy, considering it too severe and artificial. He wished to live and enjoy, and although the patronage of literary Prince Joao may have encouraged him to hope for better times, he meanwhile set himself to sample life as best he might, associating with rowdy companions [valentdes], who
brought out the Cariofilo side of his character at the expense of the contemplative Zelotipo. Whether he had intended to embark for India in 1550, or this be a pure invention on the part of Faria e Sousa, it is certain that he was still in Lisbon on June 16, 1552. On that day the Corpus Christi procession In the crowded Rocio passed through the principal streets. Camoes was drawn into a quarrel with a Court official, Gon^alo Borges, and wounded him with a sword-cut on the head. For nearly nine months Camoes lay in prison, and then, Borges having recovered and bearing no malice, he was pardoned ^ (March 7, 1553) and released, but only on the understanding
that he would leave Portugal to serve the king in India.
the end of the

Before
in his

month he had embarked

says, as one

in the ship 5. Bento.

Hitherto he had hoped against hope for an improvement

lot
;

now he went, he

who

leaves this world for the

next,

and with the words Ingrata

patria,

non possidehis ossa mea,^

' According to Dr. Storck he was banished in 1 549, and in the same year, after the sentence of banishment had been commuted to service in Africa, left Portugal, returning to Lisbon in the autumn of 1551. Others believe that he was in Lisbon again in 1550 and that his two years in Africa nuist be

placed between 1546 and 1549. ' The important document containing his pardon is printed edition of his works, i. 166-7. ' This quotation is assigned to various other persons, as to when arranging that he should be buried at sea.

in

Juromenha's

Nuno da Cunha

LUIS DE CAMOES
turned his back on the calumnies and intrigues of Lisbon.

177
In
off

one

of his finest elegies

he described the voyage, a storm

Good Hope, and the arrival at Goa in September The voyage was full of interest to him, and he made good use of it, becoming what Humboldt called him a great painter of the sea but so far as comfort was concerned he fared probably much as would a modern emigrant. His disillusion at Goa is
the Cape of
1553'^

poignantly described in a letter^ written soon after his arrival.

He found

it

'

the stepmother of

all

honest
of

men

',

money

the only

god and passport, and he sends a note

in Portugal eager to

warning to aventureiros

make
of

their fortune in India.

We know

from the bitter pages

for a private soldier to

Couto and Correa how difficult it was thrive there, and the position of a reinol

newly arrived from Portugal was precarious. Camoes joined a few weeks later (November 1553) in a punitive expedition along the coast of Malabar against the King of Chembe, and in 1554 probably accompanied D. Fernando de Meneses in a second expedition to Monte Felix or Guardafui (Ras ef Fil), the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. After his three years' service He had found time to (1553-6) he continued to live at Goa. write poetry, and sent home a sonnet and an eclogue on the death of his friend D. Antonio de Noronha. His play Filodemo was acted, probably in the winter of 1555, before the popular Governor Francisco Barreto, who provided him with the post
of Provedor

Mor dos Defuntos e Ausentes (i. e. trustee for the property of dead or absent Portuguese) at Macao. Whether
do not know-

his satiric verses

some

had anything to do with the appointment we have maintained that the Portuguese of
powers best at a distance

Goa appreciated
is

his poetical

but

it

more probable that his appointment was a favour, since every post in India was eagerly coveted, and it was a kinder action to give him a comparatively humble one at once than the reversion to a more lucrative office, filled thrice or even ten times over by the deplorable system of 'successions '.* He set sail in the
poeta Simonides fallando. ^ i. 19, 43 ii. 20, 67 v. 19-22 vi. 70-9. Desejei tanto. * Couto, in the Dialogo do Soldado Pratico, remarks that if a man is given a post at the age of twenty he only receives it at the age of sixty (p. 99). The soldier, who wishes ter logo em ires annos vinte mil cruzados, suggests,
*

Cf. Lus.

2362

178

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

spring of 1556, and after touching at Malacca, arrived at the

Molucca Islands, the most lawless region in India. Camoes himself, according to Storck, was wounded about this time, but
in a fight at sea, not in

one of the chronic broils at Tcrnate or

Tidore.

In 1557 or 1558 he reached Macao, but two years later he was relieved of his post owing to a quarrel with the settlors,

w^hose part

was taken by the captain

of the silver

passing from

Goa

to China.

On

his authority

to Goa, protesting against fate of officials in India.

injusto maiido,

and silk ship Camoes was sent which was a common

off

He was shipwrecked

the coast of

Tongking, lost all his possessions, and arrived penniless and perhaps in debt at Goa in 1560 or 1561. To these four or five chequered years are ascribed the wonderful quintilhas, the most

may owe Psalm 1, the cangao Com forga desusada, the oitavas Conio nos vossos, and the completion of the first six books of the Lusiads. Soon after his return he was probably imprisoned for debt, but was released,
beautiful in the language, Soholos rios que vam, which

something to Vicente's admirable paraphrase

of

probably at the instance of the Viceroy, D. Francisco Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, to whom Camoes addressed his first printed poem, the ode in Orta's Coloquios (1563). Camoes' thoughts must have now more than ever turned homeward. F.ortune had danced tantalizingly before him, holding out hopes which broke

hands whenever he attempted to seize them.-' between 1564 and 1567 we know nothing. He did not occupy the post of factor of Chaul, the reversion to which indeed he may perhaps only have received after his return to Portugal. He was eager to get home. In 1567 he accompanied Pedro Barreto to Mozambique, glad to get even so far on the return voyage. There poverty and illness delayed him till 1569, when through the generosity and in the company of some friends, among whom was the historian Couto, he was able to embark
as glass in his

Of

his life

for Portugal.

They reached Lisbon

in

April,

1570.^

Sixteen

posts for himself, that of Provedor das Defuntos / porque com qualquer destes ficarei mui bent remediado. To which the Desembargador objects he necessario que quern houver de servir esses cargos sejaleirado evisto
:

among other

os Direitos. It is advisable to give the first words of his poems without cd. the number until there is a definitive edition of his works. * It is uncertain whether Camoes' ship was the Santa Clara or the Fe.

em umbos

Vinde

LUIS DE CAMOES
years

179

talented youth Antonio unknown. returned middle-aged, poverty-stricken, and de Noronha and many others of his friends were dead. Catherina dc Athaidc had died in 1556 (although she may have continued to

had passed.

The popular,

impulsive,

receive Camoes' rapt devotion as the dead Beatrice that of Dante),

Prince Joao, hope and patron of poets, two years earlier.

plague, to which nearly half the city's population

The

had succumbed, had only recently abated, and Camoes may have witnessed the thanksgiving procession in Lisbon on April 20, 1570. Modern critics have even denied him the only consolation which probably remained to him in the patria esquiva a quem se mal aproveitou^,

but there seems no reason to reject the tradition that his mother was alive in fact she survived him and continued to receive the pension of 15,000 reis'^ granted him from 1572 till
;

his death

to support
is

on Friday, June 10, 1580. It was a sum barely sufficient life, and it was not always regularly paid, so that he reported to have been in the habit of saying that he would

prefer to his pension a

rifes).

whip

for the responsible officials [almoxa-

Tradition, to the indignation of reasonable historians,

loves to represent a faithful Javanese slave,

who had accomin the streets

panied Camoes to Europe, begging for his master

of Lisbon.

Camoes did not go with King Sebastian to Africa. already ill when the expedition set out in June 1578 the plague soon began again to ravage Lisbon, and long years of suffering and disappointment must have sapped

He may have been

his strength.

Two

years later his

life

of heroic endurance, in

patience of the juizos incognitos de Deos,^ ended.

He was

perhaps buried
plague.*
his patria ditosa

in a

common

grave with other victims of the

his love for
left

Long absence had served to strengthen amada, and the news from Africa

him no

heart to battle against disease, content, as he wrote to the

Barros, Decada, iii. ix. i. about the sum (apart from any grant of pimento) which a common soldier on active service might earn in India (see Barros, i. viii. 3 1,200 environ huit cents livres de notre monnoie d'aujourd'hui X 12 = 14,400) (Voltaire). It would scarcely correspond to more than s'^ of to-day. * Lus. V. 45. Prophetically he had echoed (Lus. x. 23) the complaint of the historians of India Morrcr nos hospitaes em pobres leitos Os que ao Rei e d lei servem

It is

de muro.

i8o

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Captain-General of Lamego, to die with his country, with which his name has ever since been intimately linked. Couto and Mariz agree that he brought Os Lusiadas with him virtually complete on his return to Portugal. It was published through
the influence of the poet D. Manuel de Portugal in 1572.

Camoes
is

has often been called the prince of heroic poets, but

it

note-

worthy that Faria

have hitherto, especially in Spain, considered him greater as a lyric than as an heroic poet '.^ Os Ltisiadas rather than an epic is a great
e

Sousa

in

1685 says that

'

all

lyrical

hymn

in praise of Portugal,

with splendid episodes such

as the descriptions of the death of Ines, the battle of Aljubarrota,

the storm, Adamastor, the Island of Venus.

style, its originality consists in the skill

Apart from the

in a

with which

poem
fifth

but half the length

of his country.
oitavas, this
It

of Tasso's Geriisalemme Liberaia

and a

of Ariosto's Orlando Furioso the poet

is

works

in the entire history

this

which gives unity

to his ten cantos of

and the wonderfully transparent flow of the verse, many weaknesses and inequalities of detail. It is a nobler poem than the crowded garden of flowers in a high wind that is the Orlando Furioso, and at once more human and intense than the Geriisalemme Liberata. Camoes, with a wonderful memory and intimate knowledge of the legends of Greece and Rome, read everything, and we find him gathering his material from all sides ^ like a bird in spring, from a Latin treatise of the antiquarian Rescnde, from the historians Duarte
which
carries the reader over

Galvao, Pina, Lopez, Barros, or Castanheda, or literally translat

Todos hasta

oy,

por mayor en
1685, 1689).
p. 121.
^

estes

Cf.

y principalmente en Castilla, tuvieron siempre a mi Maestre el Heroyco {Varias Rimas, Prologo, 2 vols., the praise of his versos peqtienos in Severim de Faria, Vida,

Poemas que en

See the important work by Dr. Rodrigues As Pontes dos Lusiadas (1904Cf. Camoes' Vao os annos decendo (x. 9) and Leal Consclheiro (cap. 1, p. 18), where the words are used in the same connexion. With Virgil he was obviously acquainted at first hand, with Homer perhaps in the translation of the Florentine scholar Lorenzo Valla (1405-57). In ^s Pontes dos Lusiadas is also discussed the origin of the word Lusiads, as by D. Carolina Michaclis de Vasconcellos in O Instituto, vol. Hi (1905), pp. 241-50: Lucius Andreas Resendius Inventor da palavra Lusiadas. It was one of the Latin words acclimatized by Camoes. It occurs in a Latin poem by Andre de Resende, Vicentitis Levita et Martyr (1545), and in his Encomium Erasmi written, but in a Latin poem by Jorge Coelho, perhaps written not published, in 1531 in 1526 but touched up before its publication in 1536; and is twice used by Manuel da Costa (in and about 1537).
:

191

3).

LUIS DE CAMOES
ing lines of Virgil, as in his shorter

i8i

poems he imitated Petrarca,

Garci Lasso, and Boscan.

Tasso used the mot juste when in a sonnet addressed to Camoes he called him dotto e buon Luigi?If, as seems probable, he had early wished to sing the deeds of
first

Castanheda and Barros must have been an incentive as powerful as the destiny which made him personally acquainted with the scenes of Gama's voyage and of the Portuguese victories in the East. It seems probable that cantos iii and iv, containing the early history of Portugal, were already written, and that around them he wove the epic grandeur revealed in the histories of the discovery of India. The poem opens with an invocation to the nymphs of the Tagus and to King Sebastian, and then, in a wonderful stanza of the sea {Jd no largo oceano juivegavam, i. 19), Gama's ships are shown in mid-voyage. The gods of Olympus take sides, and Venus protects the daring adventurers in seas never crossed before, while Mars stirs up the' natives of Mozambique and of
the Portuguese, the

volumes

of

Mombasa
south, the

to treachery

King

and

(iii-iv).

Gama He

(i-ii). In contrast to the natives farther Melinde receives them with loyal friendship, rewards him by relating the history of Portugal

of

then continues his voyage, and after weathering

a terrible storm brewed

by Bacchus,

arrives at Calicut (v-vi).

After a visit to the Samori (the King of Calicut), the Catual (the

on board, and Paulo da Gama explains to him the warlike deeds of the Portuguese embroidered on the silken banners of the ships (vii-viii). On the return voyage they are entertained by Tethys and her nymphs in the island of Venus, supposed to be one of the Azores (ix-x), and the
Governor) accompanies

Gama

poem ends with a second invocation to King Sebastian (x. 145-56). Thus the time of the poem occupies a little over two years Into this the previous four (July 1497-September 1499). centuries had been ingeniously worked, but in order to include the sixteenth century fresh devices were adopted, by which
The word is undoubtedly dolio in the facsimile of the text given in Antonio de Portugal de Faria, Torquato Tasso a Luiz de Camoes (Lcorne, 1898) although there, as always, it has been transcribed as colto. Diogo Bernardez calls Tasso culto, perhaps niistaking the reference in Garci Lasso, whose ciilto Taso Lope de Vega called Camoes diiino and is not Torquato but Bernardo.
'

reserved docto for Corte Real.

i82

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

future.

ii), Adamastor (v), and Tethys (x) foretell the Almost every land and city connected with Portuguese history finds a place in the poem. Small wonder that it was well received by the Portuguese, combining as it did intense patriotism with hundreds of exotic names. The extraordinary number of 12,000 copies is said to have been printed within a quarter of a century of Camoes' death,^ and by 1624 the sale had increased to 20,000 and his fame had spread throughout the world. It would have been still stranger if the murmiiradores maldizentes had been silent. As early as 1641 we find a critic, Joao Soares dc Brito (1611-64), defending Camoes against the charges of plagiarizing Virgil and of improbabilities of time and place.^ Not every one apparently was of the opinion of the Conde de Idanha, who considered that the only fault of the Lusiads was that it was too long to learn by heart and too short to be able to go on reading it for ever. Montesquieu found in it something of the fascination of the Odyssey and the magnificence of the Aeneid ', and Voltaire, while objecting to its merveilleux ahsurde, Mais la poesie du style et I'imagination dans I'expresadds

Jupiter (canto

'

'

sion I'ont soutenu, de

meme que
les

les

beautes de I'execution ont

place Paul Veronese parmi

grands peintres.'
erros

In 1820 appeared Jose Agostinho de Macedo's Censura dos

Liisiadas, in

which he noted with some asperity Camoes'

Prosaic
lines,

crassissimos.

hyperbole, the use of the super-

natural, lack of proportion,^ absence of unity,

probabilities arc the

and

historical im-

main heads
'

of his indictment,
'.

and he quotes

Racine as to Camoes'
detailed criticism,
for

icy style

He

also has

much

petty

he finds

in

Camoes a

notavel falla de

grammatica.

certainly right. Most of the Camoes do exist in the Lusiads. Macedo himself could write more correctly. When he says that the line Somos hum dos da ilha, Ihe tornou (i. 53) is unpoetical {nao tern We can add other tinlura de poesia), we agree it is sheer prose. instances the line as que elle para si na cruz tomou (j. 7) is as
faults he attributes to
;
:

And Macedo was

' His works are ja mttitas vezes impressas in 1594. In 163 1 Alvaro Ferrcira de Vera speaks of twelve Portuguese editions (Breves Lovvores, i. 87). ^ Apologia em qvc dcfcnde, &c. (1641). ' The instance he gives is the long story of Magrifo e os Doze de Inglaterra (vi), which he admits is in itself very fine.

LUIS DE CAMOES
unmusical as the rhyming of Heliogabalo, Sardanapalo
or impossibil, terribil
(iv.
(iii.

183
92),

Only Maccdo forgot that genius is justified of its children, and that these details are all merged in the incomparable style, imaginative power, and lofty theme of the poem. If a man is unable to feel the heat of the sun for its spots,
54).

we

will vainly try to

warm

or enlighten him, but

it is

not pedantic

grammarians such as Macedo ^ w^ho could obscure the fame of Camoes. That could only be done by those whom Macedo calls OS idolatras camoneanos. Lope de Vega - effusively professed to place the Lusiads above the Aeneid and the Iliad, and Camoes' fellow-countrymen have eagerly followed suit. He has also suffered much at the hands of translators. Since the Lusiads is
clearly not the equal of the Iliad or the Odyssey,
it

may
is

while to consider by what reasons Camoes really

world's greatest poets.

be worth one of the

that he

There

is

celestial

music

in

much

wrote, in incidents of the Lusiads such as the death of Ines de

Castro,^ in his eclogues

sonnets,

and

in the redoiidilhas,

and cangoes and elegies, in many of the most of all perhaps in the seventy-

three heavenly quintilhas beginning Sobolos rios que vam.

But
in

other Portuguese poets have been musical

this respect vies

Diogo Bernardez

with Camoes
that,

vigour and transparent clearness

his principal excellence
his versos deleitosos,
is

Camoes excels them all in the that accompany his music. But
still

he can think inverse

is

of

his

elegies

and oitavas

without losing the music of * the thought in some remarkable and describe with

scientific
'

precision,

as in the account of the tromba [Lus. v.

the best instances of his pedantry is his comment on the mundo Facilmente das ontras es princesa. The ordinary reader is content to understand cities after outras. But no, says Macedo, you can only understand Lisbons. Princess of all the other Lisbons ^ Laurel de Apolo Postrando Eneidas y venciendo Iliadas. ^ Even here some of the lines are a literal translation of Virgil, but if we
of
lines S^j^, nobre Lisboa, que no
' '
!

One

compare
Para o ceo crystalline alevantando

Com
Os
with the passage

lagrimas os olhos piadosos,

olhos,

porque as maos, &c.,

Ad coelum
it is

not at
il

all clear

tendens, &c., that the picture of the older poet

is

more beautiful than

that of
*

lusiade

He is in the Motitn Liter ario that Portuguese poets (most of whom, it must be admitted, are, like Byron, children in thought) either have versos sem cousas or cousas sent versos.

Maro. thus an exception to Macedo's axiom

i84
19-22).

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Like Milton, he could transform an atlas into a fair harmony of names. His influence on the Portuguese language has been very great. Whether it was wholly for good may be

open
'

to

doubt

doubt mentioned by one

1624.

of his earliest bio-

The Lusiads, he says, greatly enriched the Portuguese language by ingeniously introducing many new words and expressions which then came into common use, although some severe critics have censured him for this, considering the use of latinized forms a defect in An inch farther than he went in this direction, or his poem '.^ in that of furia grande e sonorosa, and esiilo grandiloqiw, would have been an inch too far, and subsequent writers did not always
graphers, Severim de Faria, in

observe his restraint, the sobriety due to his classical education. But his poem certainly helped to fix the language, and he

cannot be blamed for the excesses of his followers, or for a change which had begun before his time.^ Couto records the theft of the Parnaso in which Camoes was He must collecting his lyrics with a view to publishing them.

have written

many more
is

lyrics

than we possess, but even so the

Successive editors have added to

number existing them from time

not small.

to time,

and often clumsily.

Faria e Sousa,

a century after Camoes' death, declared that he had added 200,

and, while upbraiding Diogo Bernardez for his robos, was himself
the thief.
in the first edition of his lyrics (1595)

Camoes might have been somewhat surprised to find two poems which had

been in print in the Cancioneiro de Resende eight years before he was born. This 1595 edition contained but 65 sonnets, but their number grew to 108 (1598), 140 (1616), 229 (1668), 296
(1685), 352 (i860),

354 (1873).

D. Carolina Michaelis de Vas-

concellos
edition,
'

has

already
to be

contributed

and

it is

hoped that

much towards a before long it may be

:

critical

possible

&- com esta obra ficou enriquccida Discursos politicos varios (1624), f. 117 grandemente a lingua Portuguesa ; porque Ihe deu tnuitos termos nouos <& Posto palanras bem achadas que depots ficdrao pcrfeitamcnte introdiicidas. que nesta parte ndo deixdrdo algus cscrtipulosos de o condenar, jtilgandolhe pot defeito as palauras alatinadas que vsou no sen poema. ^ Cf. Fr. Manuel do Scpulchro, Rejlcxdo Espirilual (1669) Nao ha duvida que maior mudanfa fez a lingua Portuguesa nos primeiros vinte annos do reinado de D. Manuel que em cento e cincoenta annos dahi para ca. Barros, however, in his Dialogo emluvvor (1540), says latinization had not yet begun se nos usdratnos.
: :

LUIS DE CAMOES
to read the genuine lyrics of

185

Camoes

in a

complete edition by

themselves. 1

read abroad.
arise

That would certainly cause him to be more widely It is perhaps inevitable that a comparison should

between Camoes and Petrarca (although it must be remembered that they are separated by two centuries), yet he would be an extremely bold or extremely ignorant critic who should place the one of them above the other. In genius they were equal, but a different atmosphere acted on their genius, the artistic atmosphere of Italy and the natural atmosphere of
Portugal. Petrarca was the more scholarly writer, so that if he perhaps never attains to the rapturous heights occasionally reached by Camoes, he also keeps himself from the blemishes

which sometimes disfigure Camoes' work. Camoes' life was far more varied, many-coloured as an Alentejan manta,^ and this Intensely human, he is swayed by is reflected in his poems. many moods, while Petrarca is merged in the narrower flame of
Petrarca excels him in the sonnet, for although many by Camoes are beautiful, and nearly all contain some beautiful passage, he was not really at his ease in this scanty
his love.

of those

His genius required a larger canvas for its expression. The following lines from his long and magnificent cangdo Vinde cd are worth quoting because they triumphantly
plot of ground.

display

many of the noblest characteristics No mais, cangao, no mais, que Sem o sentir, mil annos e se
;

of his
irei

poetry

fallando,

Te culparem de larga

Nao pode

ser,

acaso de pesada, Ihe dize, limitada

e

A agoa do mar em tao pequeno vaso. Nem eu delicadezas vou cantando

Co' gosto do louvor, mas explicando Puras verdades ja por mi passadas Oxala foram fabulas sonhadas
!

Here we see the force and

all

precision,

the amazing ease and

rapidity, the crystalline transparency, the sad saudade,

the deep sincerity that

mark

so

much

of his

work.

and above Both

* The authorship of the fine sonnets Horas breves do meu contentamento (attributed to Camoes, Bernardez, the Infante Luis, &c.) and Formoso Tejo men, quarn dijferente (attributed to Camoes, Rodriguez Lobo, &c.) is still under dispute.

Filodemo,

v. 3.

i86

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

poems, in which almost every Portuguese

Petrarca and Camoes are representative of their countiy, the

latter not only in his

hero

is

included, but in his character

and

his

life.

In his wit and

melancholy, his love of Nature, his passionate devotion, his

persistency and endurance, his independence and sensitive pride,
in his lyrical gift

and power
is

of expression, in his

courage and

ardent patriotism, he

the personification and ideal of the

Portuguese nation.

Camoes' friends were also lyric poets, but their poems have mostly vanished. One of them, Luis Franco Correa, compiled a cancioneiro of contemporary poems which still exists in manuscript. A few later poets, chiefly pastoral, have already been mentioned, but after Camoes' death the star of lyric poetry waned and set, and the only compensation was a brilliant noonday in the realm of prose. Camoes was a learned poet, but he also plunged both hands in the songs and traditions of the people. The later poets withdrew themselves more and more from this perennial spring of poetical images and expression, till at last in the ripeness of time Almeida Garrett turned to it again for inspiration, even Bocage, devoted admirer of Camoes though he was, having neglected this side of his genius, as was
of

Many

inevitable in the eighteenth century.

Epic poetry scarcely fared better than the

a hundred honest efforts to eclipse the Lusiads.
legend of Portuguese and other folk-lore
tells

lyric,

despite

favourite the step-

how

daughter comes from the fairies' dwelling speaking flow-ers for words or with a star on her forehead, but her envious half-sister,

who then
with an

visits the fairies, returns uttering

If

mud and
mud

toads or
the

ass's head.

the epic

poems

of those

who emulated

fame

of

Camoes

are something better than

they never-

theless fail for the most part lamentably in that inspiration which Portuguese history might have been expected to give.

Alguns (misera gente) inutilmente

Compoem

grandes Iliadas,

wrote Diniz da Cruz {0 Hyssope, canto i). The epic-fever had not abated even in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Madeira poet Francisco de Paula Medina e Vasconcellos

LUIS DE CAMOES
(f.

187

1770- 1824) alone wrote two

;

Zargueida (1806), Georgeida

and Jose Agostinho de Macedo in his Motim Literario (1819) imagines himself at the mercy of a poet with an epic in sixty
cantos entitled Napoleada, and himself became the mock-hero
of

one in nine

unfortunate opponent
1827).

Agostinheida (Londres, 1817), written by his Nuno Alvares Pereira Pato Moniz (1781of

The strange poet

e Silva

Setubal,

Thomaz Antonio
in

de

Santos

(1751-1816), published a Braziliada

twelve

cantos in 1815. Of the earlier epics Camillo Castello Branco wrote sarcastically They contain impenetrable mysteries of
' :

dullness

and

inspire a sacred awe,

but they are the conventional

and intangible.'^ Of the two long epic poems of Jeronimo Corte Real {c. 15301590 ?) Svcesso do Segvndo Cerco de Div (1574) and Naufragio, e Lastimoso Svcesso da Perdigam de Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, &c. (1594), we may perhaps say that they are excellent prose. He dwells more than once upon the inconstancy of fortune, and this may be something more than a platitude. Of his life little is known. He is by some believed to have been born in the Azores in 1533. A document in the possession of the Visconde de Esperanga shows that he died before May 12, 1590. He may have been a musician as well as a poet and a painter. It is probable, but not certain, that he accompanied King Sebastian to Alcacer Kebir and was taken prisoner. Faria e Sousa says that he was too old to go. After varied service by land and sea he wrote these poems when living in retirement on his estate near Evora, and his own experiences stood him in good stead for his descriptions, which are often not without life and vigour, as the account of the battle in canto 18 of the Segundo Cerco de Dill, or of the storm in canto 7 of the Naufragio. The former poem records the famous defence of Diu by D. Joao de Mascarenhas and its relief by D. Joao de Castro (1546), in whose mouth is placed a long and tedious speech. The last two cantos (21, 22) are tacked on to the main theme and occupy more than a quarter of the whole. They tell from paintings the deeds of past captains and prophesy future events and the golden
glory of our literary history, untouched
:
'

reign

'

of

King Sebastian.
'

The prophetic

vision, although

it

Os Ratos da

Inqiiisi^do, Preface, p. 97.

i88

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

poem

included a generation beyond the nominal date of the

(1546), did not extend to the battle of Alcacer Kebir (1578). The hendecasyllablcs of the blank verse have an exceedingly

merge prosaically into one another.^ and generally there is an inclination to multiply words without adding to the force of the picture.^ The same plethora of epithets, elaborate similes, and slow awkward development of the story mark the seventeen cantos some 10,000 lines of blank verse, with some tercets and oitavas which constitute the Naufragio. In cantos 13 and 14 a learned man tells from sculptures the history of the Portuguese kings, from Afonso I to Sebastian. The remaining cantos have a more lively interest, ending with the death of D. Lianor in canto 17, but the poet could not resist the temptation to round off with an anticlimax, in which Phoebus, Proteus, and Pan make lamentation. His short Auto dos Quatro Novissimos do Homem (1768) in blank verse is written with some intensity, but the style is the same.^ His Austriada, composed to commemorate Don John of Austria's felicissima victoria ^ of Lcpanto, consists
fall

monotonous The use of

and the

lines

adjectives

is

excessive,

of fifteen cantos in

Spanish blank verse.

Luis Pereira Brandao, born at Oporto about 1540, was

present at Alcacer Kebir, and after his release from captivity
is

said to have

worn mourning

for the rest of his

life.

That

later

generations might also suffer, his epic Elegiada (1588)

his professed temor deserprolixo

was published

in spite of

in eighteen cantos.

Beginning with the early years of King Sebastian, it recounts the king's dreams and ambitions, his first expedition to Africa,

and the

later

disastrous adventure.
6)

Not even the story

of

D. Lianor de Sousa (canto

nor the excessively detailed descrip-

tion of the battle of Alcacer Kebir (canto 17) rouses the poet

from
*

his

implacable dullness.
e

The

defects of his style have

e. g.

D. Alvaro de Castro

D. Francisco Do Meneses, or

hum grave Prudente

capitam.
^ e.g. valor, esfor^o c valentia; mar sereno e calmo; ahimdosa e larga vea', a dura dcfensa rigitrosa afotitando e batendo. The line often consists of three adjectives and a noun. 3 Between Corte Real's cruel mulesto duro mortal frio and Dante's eterna maladetta fredda e greve {Inf. vi) is all the difference between a heap of loose stones and a shrine. The conception of the Auto, especially the third novissimo, que he o Inferno, was no doubt derived from Dante. * These are the first words of the original title of the poem (1578).
;

LUTS DE CAMOES

189

perhaps been exaggerated, but it is certainly inferior to that of Andrade, with whom he shares the inability to distinguish The introduction of contemporary a poem from a history. India events in (cantos 6, 10, 14), however legitimate in a history,
is

singularly out of place in an epic.

If

the author of the history of King Joao Ill's reign, Fran-

cisco

DE Andrade

Thome

{c. 1535-1614), brother of the great Frci Primeiro Cerco de Diu dc Jesus, regarded his epic
.

(1589) merely as a supplementary chapter of that history,

we

can only regret that he did not write forward account,

in excellent

it

in prose.

It is a straightfirst

Portuguese, of the

siege of

Diu (1538), but oitava follows prosaic oitava with a

relentless

wooden

tread, maintaining the

it

same
his

level of mediocrity through-

out and rendering

his subject

unreadable as poetry. song

It is

The author begins

be adequate to

by imploring divine favour that

(i.

may

his twothousandth stanza that he expresses some diffidence as to whether his fragile bark was well equipped for so long a voyage, but he consoles himself, if not his reader, with the sincere conviction that his rude verse cannot detract from the 1-3).

only

when he has passed

'

'

greatness of the deeds which he describes (xx. 1-6).

The Historians
It was a proud saying of a Portuguese seiscentista that the

Portuguese discoveries silenced

all

other histories.^

Certainly this

was

so in the case of the history of Portugal,

which was neglected

while writer after writer recorded the history of the Portuguese in

Nor need we quarrel with a vogue which has preserved many striking pictures in which East and West clash without meeting, new countries are continually opening to our view, and heroism and adventure go hand in hand. Sometimes the pages of these historians seem all aglow with precious stones, emeralds from Peru, turquoises from Persia, rubies, cat's-eyes, chrysolites, amethysts, beryls, and sapphires from Ceylon, or scented with the opium of Cairo, the saffron of Cannanore, the camphor of Borneo, sandalwood from Timor, pepper from MalaBlood and sea-spray mingle bar, cloves from the Moluccas. with the silks from China and ivory from Sofala, and among the crowd of rapacious governors and unscrupulous adventurers move a few figures of a simple austerity and devotion to duty,
India.
for us so

Albuquerque, Galvao, Castro,

Little
is

St.

Francis Xavier.
that he was one of

known

of

Alvaro Velho except

the immortals (unless he was the degredado (convict) from whose

caderno Couto derived his account of the discovery)

who accomis

panied Vasco da

Gama

on

his first voyage.

To him

attributed

the simple, clear narrative contained in the log or Roteiro da

Viagem de Vasco da Gama em I4gy, filled with a primitive wonder, which pointed the way to the historians of India. Indeed, it provided material for the first book of a writer who may perhaps be
called the first
*

historian of the discoveries

p.

'

enterprised

by the

Antonio Vieira, Historia do Futuro (171 8),

24:

esia historia era

silencio de todas as historias.

O primeiro Poriugues que na nossa lingoa as [fafanhas] resuscitei. de Barros, in his preface, makes a similar claim foi primeiro.
''

Joao

THE HISTORIANS
Portingales
'.

191
{c.

was born

1500-59) 1528 accompanied his father, appointed Judge at Goa, to India. For the next ten years he diligently and not without many risks and discomforts consulted
at Santarem,

Fernam Lopez de Castanheda

and
in

documents and inscriptions in various parts of the country with a view to writing a history of the discovery and conquest of India, making himself personally acquainted with the ground and with many of those who had played a part in the half-century (14981548) under review. After his return to Portugal he continued his life-work with the same devotion for twenty years, during which poverty constrained him to accept the post of bedel at Coimbra University. When he died, worn out by his continuas vigilias, his history was complete, but only seven books had Historia do Descohrimento e Conqvista da India been published (1551-4). He had at least the satisfaction to know that a part had already been translated into French and Italian. The eighth book, bringing the history down to 1538, was published by his children in 1561, but books nine and ten never appeared. This history of forty years, which has less regard to style than to sincerity and the truth of the facts, is written in great detail. It is a scrupulous and trustworthy record of high interest describing not only the deeds of the Portuguese, of much greater price than more valiant than those of Greek or Roman gold or silver but the many lands in which they occurred. The narrative can rise to great pathos, as in the account of Afonso de Albuquerque's death (iii. 154), and is often extremely vivid. ^ The interest necessarily diminishes after 1515, and__the seventh book is largely concerned with dismal contentions between Portuguese officials. But the great events and persons, the capture of Goa or Diu, the characters of Gama or Albuquerque, Duarte Pacheco Pereira or Antonio Galvao, stand out the more clearly from the deliberate
:
'

',

'

',

absence of rhetoric.

LouRENgo DE Caceres,
prince,

in

his

Doutrina addressed to the

Infante Luis in twenty short chapters on the parts of a good

showed that he could write excellent prose. His death in 1531 prevented him from undertaking a more ambitious work,
'

Cf. vi. 37, 38

vii. 77,

78

or

vi. 100,

where the ships

bristling with the

enemy's arrows are likened to porcupines.

192

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

to his

which was accordingly entrusted

nephew Joao de Barros

(1496 ?-i57o).* But much earHer and a generation before Lopez de Castanheda's work began to appear, the most famous of the Portuguese historians had resolved to chronicle the discovery
of India. Born probably at Viseu, the son of Lopo de Barros, he came of ancient Minhoto stock and was brought up in the palace of King Manuel. When the Infante Joao received a separate establishment Barros became his page [fno^o da giiardaroiipa).
It

was

in this capacity,

por cima das areas da vossa guardaroupa,

that with the active encouragement of the prince he wrote his

work, Cronica do Emperador Clarimundo (1520). It is a of chivalry crowded with actors and events, and contains afTecting, even passionate episodes. But the most
first

long romance

remarkable feature of this work, written in eight months when the author was little over twenty, is its inexhaustible flow of clear,
smooth, vigorous prose, entirely free from awkwardness or hesitation. One may also note that he regarded it merely as a parergon, a preparation for his history, afim de apurar estilo, that despite its length he assures his readers that he omits all details in order to avoid prolixity, that much of its geography is real all his works prove the truth of Couto's assertion that he was doutissimo

na geografia and that each chapter ends with a brief moral. King Manuel, to whom he read some chapters, encouraged him^to persevere in his intention to write the history of India, but the king's death in 1521 delayed the project. In the following year Barros, who meanwhile had married Maria, daughter of Diogo de Almeida of Leiria, is said to have gone out as Captain of the Fortress of S. Jorge da Mina (although probably he never left Portugal) and later became Treasurer of the Casa da India (1525-8), and its Factor in 1532, a post which he retained for thirty-five years. Although he lost a large sum of money in an unfortunate venture in Brazil, this was partly made good by the king's munificence, and when in
1568, the year after his resignation, he retired to his quinta near

Pombal
'

sihi ut viveret

he went as a fidalgo of the king's household

1496, the generally accepted year of his birth, is the calculation of Scverim de Faria, followed by Barbosa Machado, Nicolas Antonio, &c. As he retired at the end of 1567 it is difficult not to suspect (from his love of method and the decimal system) that he was born in 1497 the year of Vasco da Gama's expedition.

THE HISTORIANS
and with a pension over
Camoes.^ In old age he
thin and not
tall,
is

193

t\yenty-five times as large as that of

described as of a fine presence, although

with pale complexion, keen eyes, aquiline nose,

long white beard, grave, pleasant, and fluent in conversation.

Before beginning his history he wrote several brief treatises of

great interest and importance, Ropica

Pnefma

(1532), a dialogue

written at his country house in 1531 in which Time, Understanding, Will, and Reason discuss their spiritual wares {mercadoria espiritual), and incidentally the

new

heresies

three short

works on the Portuguese language, a Dialogo da Vigiosa Vergonha (1540), and a Dialogo sobre preceptos moraes (1540) in which he reduced Aristotle's Ethics to a game for the benefit of two of his ten children and of the Infanta Maria, He also wrote two excellent Panegyricos (of the Infanta Maria and King Joao III) which were first published by Severim de Faria in his Noticias de Portugal in 1655. As a. historian he chose Livy for his pattern both in style and system. The first Decada of his Asia appeared in 1552, the second in 1553, and the third ten years later (1563). Their success was immediate, especially abroad in Portugal, like
other historians of recent events, he was accused of partiality

and unfairness ^ copies soon became extremely rare, the first two Decads were translated into Italian before the third appeared, and Pope Pius IV is said to have placed Barros' portrait (or bust) next to the statue of Ptolemy.^ Barros had prepared himself very thoroughly for his task. His work as Factor seems to have been exacting he says that it was only by giving up holidays and half the night and all the time spent by other men in sleeping

tYiQsesta, or

walking about the

city, or

going into the country,

playing, shooting, fishing, dining, that he

his literary labours.

was able

to attend to

Yet he read everything, pored over maps and chronicles and documents from the East, and even bought

400,000 reis. He also obtained the privilege of trading with India free Innocencio da Silva all taxes so as to clear a profit of 1,600,000 reis. In any case yearly to this sum, mentioned by Severim de Faria. Barros' complaints of his poverty seem misplaced. ^ Faria e Sousa (Varias Rimas, pt. 2 (1689), p. 165), says that neither Lopez de Castanheda nor Barros was widely read, one of the reasons being the length of their histories. * According to Pero de Magalhaes de Gandavo [Dialogo em defensam da lingua portvgvesa) Barros 'is in Venice preferred to Ptolemy '.

from adds

'

'

2362

194

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

With this enthusiasm, his and proportion, and his clear and copious His style he necessarily produced a work of permanent value. worthy of the pompous, great events even manner is lofty, described. If his history is less vivid and interesting than Castaa Chinese slave to translate for him.
unfailing sense of order

because he wrote not as an eyewitness ^ or actor in them but as Court historian. He was a true Augustan, and the great edifice that this Portuguese Livy planned and partly built
nheda's, that
is

was

of eighteenth-century architecture.

He was

fond of com-

paring his work to a building in which each stone has its appointed place. The material to his hand must be moulded to suit the

symmetry
so
(ii.

of the

whole

Albuquerque had never

of definitions

in his life

used

many
V. 9)

relative sentences as are attributed to him by Barros

and with a pedantic love

we
find

and systematic
of

subdivisions

him measuring out the proportions

of his style

his stately structure, while picturesque details are deliberately

omitted. 2

The merits

have been exaggerated.

It is
;

never confused or slovenly, but is for use rather than beauty its ingredients are pure and energetic but the construction is inartistic

and monotonous.^

It

is

rather in the forcible, crisp

sentences of his shorter treatises than in the Asia that Barros

displays his mastery of style.
is

His great narrative of epic deeds

interrupted by

interesting special chapters or digressions on

trade, geography. Eastern cities

and customs,

locusts, chess, the

and monsoons. It was planned in four Decadas and forty books, to embrace 120 years to 1539, but the fourth was not written and the third
religion, sword-fish, palm-trees,
leaving Lisbon (i.v. i) is that of an eyewitness. substancial da historia que no ampliar as tniudezas iii. Lx. 9 que enfadam e nao deleitam[\. vii. 8). Cf. i. v. 10(1778 ed., p. 465) Yet the vivid light thrown by the details recorded III. X. 5 (p. 489). (p. 426) bushel of sapphires' sent to Albuquerque by in other writers, such as the one of the native kings, or the open boat drifting with a few Portuguese long dead and a heap of silver beside them, is of undeniable value. Goes inserts details, but is too late a writer to do so without apology, like Correa and Lopez de Castanheda pode parecer a algua pessoa [e. g. his friend Barros] que em historia grave nam eram necessarias estas miudezas {Cron. do Pr. D. Joam, cap. cii). ' e.g. the following mortar of conjunctions between the stones on p. 335 of Decada 11 (1777 ed.) opened at hazard nas quaes que que qual como que a qual cujos que que que que que como posto que porque que.
'

Mohammedan

His account of the

fleet

'

Mais trabalhamos no
;

'

THE HISTORIANS

195

ends with the death of D. Henrique de Meneses (1526). Probably he did not find the dispute as to the Governorship of India
a very congenial subject, especially as the feud was resumed in

Material and notes were however ready, and these Portugal. were worked up into a lengthy fourth Decada by Joao Baptista Lavanha (11625) '^i 1615, which covers the same ground as, but is The Asia was quite distinct from, the fourth Decad of Couto. only a block of a vaster whole. Europa, Africa, and Santa Cruz were to treat respectively of Portugal from the Roman Conquest and Portuguese history in North Africa and Brazil, while Geo-

graphy and Commerce were to be the subjects of separate works, the first of which (in Latin) was partly written. Inseparably connected with the name of Barros is that of
Decadas 4-12.

DiOGO DO Couto (1542-1616), who continued his Asia, writing He was born at Lisbon, and at the age of ten

entered the service {guardaroupa) of the Infante Luis,

who

sent

him

to

study at the College

of the Jesuits

and then with

his son,

D. Antonio, under Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, afterwards

Archbishop of Braga, at S. Domingos, Bemfica. When thirteen he was present at the death of his talented patron Prince Luis, and remained in the palace as page to the king till the king's death two years later.^ Couto then went to seek his fortune in India, andthere as soldier, trader, official (in 1571 hewas in charge of the stores at Goa),- and historian he spent the best part of the
following half-century, his last visit to Portugal being in 1569-71.

At the bidding
Cronista
Asia.

of Philip II (I of Portugal),

who appointed him

Mor

of India,

he undertook the completion of Barros'

little

Probably he needed

inducement

his

was the pen

of

a ready writer, and the composition of his history was, he

us, a pleasure to

tells

him

in spite of

frequent discouragement.
;

He

had received a

classical

education
^

as a

boy

in the palace

he had

listened to stories of India

and had been no doubt deeply im-

' E sendo en mo^o servindo a El Rey D. Joao na guardaroupa {Dec. iv. iii. 8). In Dec. viT. viii. i he speaks of having served Joao III for two years as mogo da camara (1555-7). ^^ the same passage he embarks for India in 1559 aged In Dec. vii. ix. 12 (1783 ed. p. 396) he is eighteen (April 1560). fifteen. ' According to the Governor, Francisco Barreto, he was more at home with arms than with prices {Dec. ix. 20, 1786 ed., p. 160). Another passage in the Decadas proves him to have been an excellent horseman. ' Cf. Dec. IV. iii. 8 (1778 ed. p. 234).

N 2

196

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

In

pressed by the vivid account of the Scpulvcda shipwreck.*

India he
Frei
of his

won

general respect.

At Goa he married the

;

sister of

Adeodato da Trindade (1565-1605), who in Lisbon saw some Decadas through the press he became Keeper of the Indian Archives (Torre do Tombo) and more than once madqji speech on
behalf of the City Councillors, as at the inauguration of the portrait of

Vasco da

Gama

in the

Town

Hall in the centenary year

of the discovery of India, before

and a gathering of we find him conversing with Viceroy, Archbishop, natives, Moorish prisoners, rich merchants from Cambay or the Ambassador of the Grand Mogul. This personal acquaintance with the scenes, events, and persons gives a lively dramatic air to
one

Gama's grandson, then Viceroy, noblemen and captains. Couto knew every

his

work.

are

The sententious generalities of the majestic Barros replaced by bitter protests and practical suggestions. He is
abuses rather than of persons. ^

critic of

point of view of the

sides of

common

soldier, as

one

He writes from the who had seen both

the tapestry of which Barros smoothly ignored the and thread-ends. He displays a hatred of semjustigas, treachery, and the insatiable greed of men \ with a fine zest in
snarls
'

descriptions of battles, but he has not Barros' skill in proportion

and the grand style. ^ He can, however, write excellent prose, and he gives more of graphic detail* and individual sayings and anecdotes than his predecessor. Nor is he by any means an He himself describes with great detail and pathos the wrecks of the ships
'

N. Senhora da Barca
Santiago
(\'. vii.

(vii. viii.

i),

Garga

(vii. viii.

12), 5.

Paulo

(vii. ix. 16),

as well as that of Sepulveda (Dec. vi. ix. 21, 22). In his account of the loss of the S. Thomd (which was printed in the Historia TragicoMaritima, in the Vida de D. Paulo de Lima, and no doubt in the lost eleventh Decada), the separation of D. Joana de Mendoga from her child is one of the most tantalizing and touching incidents ever penned. * Ndo particularizo ninguem {Dec. xii. i. 7). * What he lacks in gravidade (cf. Dec. x. x. 14) he is quite ready to admit that he writes toscamente (vit. iii. 3), singelamente, sent ornamento de palavras (vi. ii. 3), simplesmente sem ornamento nem artificio de palavras (v. v. 6) he makes good by directness as an eyewitness, de mats perto (iv. i. 7 cf. iv. x. 4 ad init.). When he had not himself been present he preferred the accounts of those who had, as Sousa Coutinho's description of the siege of Diu (Commentarios) em estilo excellente e grave, e fox mclhor de todos, porqne escreveo como testemtinha de vista, v. iii. 2) or Miguel de Castanhoso's copioso tratado (v. viii. 7). Among the traces of his close touch with reality are the popular romances, cantigas, adagios, which Barros would have deemed beneath the dignity of history. * As the fleets grew, long catalogues of the captains' names were perhaps
i),

THE HISTORIANS
ignorant chronicler.

197

A poct^ and the friend of poets, he read Dante and Petrarca and Ariosto, was old-fashioned enough to admire Juan de Mena, consulted the works of ancient and modern historians, travellers, and geographers, and was deeply interested in the customs and religions of the East. The inequahty of his Decadas is in part explained by their history, which constitutes
He first wrote which is the longest and most resembles those of Barros this was only sent to Portugal in 1600 and was not immediately published, apparently because the period, 1580-8, was too recent. It remained in manuscript till 1788. Meanwhile Couto, working with extraordinary speed, sent home the fourth and fifth Decadas in 1597, the sixth in 1599, ^"^^ the seventh in 1601. Noting the fact that the last two books (9 and 10) of Castanheda's history had been suppressed by royal order as being excessively fond of truth {porque fallava nelles verdades), he remarks that, should this happen to a volume of his, another would be forthcoming to take its place. Friends and enemies, indeed the very elements, took up the challenge, but fortunately Couto'sspirit and independence continued to the year of his death. The fourth Decada was at once printed, but the text of the fifth was tampered with and its publication delayed, the sixth was destroyed by fire when ready for publication and recast by Frei Adeodato, the seventh was captured at sea by the English and re-written in 1603 by Couto and sent home in the same year, the eighth and ninth, finished in 1614, were stolen from him in manuscript during a severe illness. This was a crushing blow, but he
a curious chapter in the fata of manuscripts.
x,

Decada

partially reconstructed

them a modo de

epilogo and, writing in old

:

age from memory, dwelt, to our gain, on personal recollections

his literary

bent appears

his friend

Camoes, Cristovam Falcao,

inevitable. They are certainly out of place in a biography, but Couto's Vida de D. Paulo de Lima Percira (1765) is really a collection of those passages from the Decadas which bear on the life of Couto's old friend, 3. fidalgo muito pera tudo. As far as chapter 32 it is told in words similar to or identical with those of Decada x. Chapter 32 corresponds with the beginning of the lost

Decada
*

xi.

His biographer, Manuel Severim de Faria, says that he left (in manuscript) a large volume of elegies, eclogues, songs, sonnets and glosses (Barbosa Machado calls them Poesias V arias), and that he wrote a commentary on the first five books of the Lusiads. Carminibus quoque pangendis nun infelicitcr vacavit, says N. Antonio.
'

198

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Garcia
de

and

Rescnde

are
to

mentioned.

xi (1588-97), which, writing

King Philip HI
',

1616, he says

'

survived this shipwreck

Decada

xii is

incomplete, although the

first

Decada January has disappeared and five books bring the

Finally
in

history to the end of the century (1599). His successor in the Goa Archives, Antonio Bocarro, took up the history at the year

work which was published in 1876 Decada 13" da Historia da India. The manuscript of his Dialogodo Soldado Pratico na India (written before the fourth Decada) was also stolen. The indomitable Couto re-wrote it and both versions have survived. They were not published till 1790, the title given to the earlier version being Dialogo do soldado pratico portugues. With its
1612, in a
:

verdades chans, this dialogue between an old soldier of India, an

ex-Governor, and a judge forms a most valuable and interesting

indictment of the decadence of Portuguese rule in India, where the thief and rogue escaped scot-free, while the occasional honest

man was

liable to sufter for their sins,

and the

sleek soldier in

velvet with gold ribbons on his hat had taken the place of the

bearded conquistadores {Dialogo, pp. 91-2).

Gaspar Correa {c. 1495-C. 1565) claims, like Fernam Lopez de Castanheda and Barros, to have been the first historian of the Portuguese in the East.^ He went to India sixteen years before Lopez de Castanheda and no doubt soon began - to take notes and collect material, but he was still working at his history in 1561 and 1563, and his Lendas da India were not published till In the year 1506 Correa entered the the nineteenth century. king's service as mo^o da camara,^ and six years later went to India, where he became one of the six or seven secretaries of Afonso de Albuquerque.* They were young men carefully chosen by the Governor from among those who had been brought
* Lendas, iii. nom ouve cdguem que tomasse por gloria escrever e cronizar 7 In an earlier passage (i. 3) he refers to narratives o descohrimento da India. of travellers such as that of Duarte Barbosa. * He says (Lendas, ii. qtiando comecei esta ociipafdo de escrever as cousas 5) da India erdo ellas (do gostosas, per suas bondades, que dava muito contentamento ouvilas recontar.
:

438. sens escrivdes que com elle andei tres annos (ii. 46). Elsewhere (i. 2) he says that he went to India mo^o de pouca idade sixteen years after the discovery of India. 15 12 was fourteen years after the actual discovery (1498), but might be counted the sixteenth year from 1497.
iii.
*

'

Lenda,
1-ui

hum dos

THE HISTORIANS
up
in the

ig^

palace and to

whom

he

felt

he could entrust his secrets.*

had to Governor on foot or horseback, in accompany the on peace and war, ever ready wath ink and paper. Thus Correa had occasion vividly to describe Aden in 15 13, and helped with his own hands After Albuquerque's to build the fortress of Ormuz in 1515. death Correa seems to have continued to fight and write. In 1526 he was appointed to the factory of Sofala,- and in the following year the nw(o da camara has become a cavaleiro and is employed at the customs house at Cochin.^ He cannot have remained much longer at Cochin than at Sofala, since he signed his name in the book of moradias at Lisbon in 1529, and in 1530-1, in a ship provided by himself {em uni men catur), went with the Governor of India's fleet to the attack of Diu. Later he was commissioned by the Viceroy, D, Joao de Castro, to furnish lifesize drawings^ of all the Governors of India, so that he must then have been living at Goa. The ever-growing abuses in India and the scanty reward given to his fifty years of service and honourable wounds ^ embittered his last years, and if his spoken comments were as incisive as the indictment of the Governors and Captains contained in the Lendas^ he must have made enemies in high positions it seems, at least, that his murder one night at Malacca went unpunished, as if to prove the truth of his frequent complaint that no one ever was punished in India. At the time of his death he may still have been at work, as in 1561 and 1563, on the revision of his Lendas or Coronica dos Feytos da India,'^ originally completed in i55i-^
or sedentary post, for they
:

Theirs was no

humdrum

^ Homcns da criafdo d'El Rei, says Correa with some pride, de que cunfias.se seus segredos (ii. 46). - Lima Felner, Noticia preliminar {Lendas, i, p. xi). * Ibid. but Correa says (Lendas, ii. 891) that he held this post at Cochin {almoxarife do almazeni da Ribeira) in 1525. * Por ter entendimento em debuxar. The portraits, drawn by Correa and painted by a native painter so cleverly that you could recognize the originals (iv. 597), as well as Correa's very curious drawings of Aden and other cities, are reproduced in the 1858-66 edition of the Lendas. * Passa de cincoenta annos [i.e. 1512-63] que ando no rodizio d'este servi(o, aieijado de feridas com que tret d cava sem satisfagao. Cf. ii. 608, iii. 437 iv. 338, 537-8, 567-8, 665, 669, 730-1. 752 ' He so styles his work in the preface of Lenda iv. * He is writing, he says, in 1561 {Lendas, i. ndo 265) ; 1561 again (i. 995 cessando cste trabalho ate este anno) 1563 (iii. 438) ; i55o(iv.25); 1551 (iv. 732).
; ' ' ; ; :
;

200

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

first

The
last

three books relate the events from 1497 to 1538;

the

The account of the discovery is based on the narrative of one, and the recollections of others, of Vasco da Gama's companions, and the subsequent events arc drawn largely from Correa's own experience.
carries

the

history

down

to

1550.

He spared
officials.

no trouble to obtain first-hand information, from aged

Malabar, distrusting mere hearsay.

Moors, natives, captives, a Christian galley-slave, or

woman from

He

lays

frequent stress on his personal evidence.^

Without necessarily establishing the trustworthiness of his work on every point, this method had the advantage of rendering it singularly vivid, and it

contains

many

a brilliantly coloured picture of the East.

is

In

many
India.
of

respects he

the most remarkable of the historians of

It was not for nothing that he had written down some Albuquerque's letters to King Manuel.^ If Albuquerque's words are still striking w^hen read after four centuries, we may imagine their effect on the boy still in his teens to whom he dictated them. Tinha grande oratoria, says Correa, and

many

years afterwards some of the phrases remained in his

memory.^
truth.
of

He no doubt
his

learnt
of

from Albuquerque
his

his

direct,

vigorous style,

love

concrete details,

regard for
rifled chests

His account of the sack of Malacca

the

gold coins and brocades of Mecca and cloth of ^old, the

narrow dusty streets in shadow in the midday calma must, one thinks, be that of an eyewitness yet Correa was not in India at the time. The explanation is that it was largely the account of Albuquerque.^ Correa writes in even greater detail than Lopez de Castanheda. There is no trace of literary leanings in his work; he is sparing of descriptions as interrupting the story. ^ Whole pages have scarcely an adjective, and this gives his narrative clearness and
;

' The value of that evidence varies. For instance, he assures us (iii. 689) that he saw with his own eyes a native 300 years old and his son of 200 yet there is something suspicious in the roundness of the figures. ^ Escrcvia com die as cartas pcra El Rei (ii. 172). * Albuquerque in one of his letters (No. 95) says that in Portugal a man is hanged for stealing Alcntejan manias. Correa repeats this phrase twice {Lendas, ii. 752 iv. 731). * Cf. ii. 247 Ell ouvi dizer a Afonso d' Albuquerque. ^ Nesie mcu trabalho ndo tomci scntido scnao escrever os feilos dus Portugueses e nada das terras (iii. 66). Cf. i. 651, 815 ii. 222.
; ;
:

THE HISTORIANS
fapidity, yet he
is

201

careless of style.
is

It

has been called redundant

and verbose, but that

true mainly of the prefaces, which

show

that Correa in a library might have developed into a rhetorical

Zurara of boas oratorias.

sneer at this
'

It

is,

however, no longer the fashion to

',

simple and half barbarous chronicler

this

'

soldier

adventurer in whose artless words appears his lack of culture '.^ His Lendas are infinitely preferable to the sleek periods of
Barros and often as
reliable,

being legendary in

little

by the ignorant meant not legend but record or log). They have a harsh flavour of -religious fervour and of lust for gold ^ and an intense atmotheir title, as understood
(for the

beyond word lenda

sphere of

the

East

sangre

incenso,

cravo e escravaria, St.

into

James

fighting for the Christians, St.

all

Thomas transformed
history
in

a peacock,

in a region of
it

horror and enchantment.

to write

Correa
India

was aware that

(iii.

was dangerous

9)

periculosae plenuyyi

opus aleae

but

although he had
of

no intention of immediately publishing

it ^

he evidently expected

some recognition
blow almost
later.

of his

work.

The appearance

Lopez dc
few years

Castanheda's Historia and Barros' Decadas must have been a

as cruel as the daggers of his assassins a

The events of India from 1506-15, chronicled by Castanheda and Barros, necessarily centred round the great figure of Afonso de Albuquerque, and they were recorded afresh by his illegitimate son Bras de Albuquerque (1500-80), whom the dying Governor recommended to the king in his last letter. King Manuel in belated gratitude bestowed his favour on this son and bade him assume the name of Afonso in memory of his father. His Comnientarios de Afonso de Alboquerque (1557) were revised by

They

the author in a second edition (1576) four years before his death. are written in unassuming but straightforward style and

furnish a very clear

^

and moderate account based on

letters

Latino Coelho, Fernao de Magcdhaes in Archivo Pittoresco, vi (1863), p. 170

et seq.

Correa himself seems to have been rather unsuccessful than scrupulous money. He tells without a hint of embarrassment (ii. 432) how he took the white and gold scarf (rumal) of the murdered Resnordim (or Rais Alimad) and sold it for 20 xarafins (about 7), and (iii. 281) helped to dispose of stolen goods in 1528 at Cochin. * Protestando d'eni mens dias esta lenda notn mostrar a ncnhiini (i. 3).
in amassing

202

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

written by Albuquerque to King Manuel.^

to

The author seems have reahzed that Albuquerque's words and deeds speak sufficiently for themselves, but the reflection produced is somewhat pale. The gallant and chivalrous apostle of the Moluccas, Antonio Galvam {c. I490?-i557), 'as rich in valour and knowledge as
printed nothing in his lifetime but his manuwere handed over after his death to Damiao de Goes as Cronista Mor.^ We have only a brief treatise by him published posthumously. Copious in matter rather than in length, for it has but eighty small folios in spite of its lengthy title, this Tratado (1563), or, if we adopt the briefer title from the colophon, this Lyvro dos Descobrimentos das Antilhas & India, is remarkable for the curious observation shown and its vivid, concise style of a man of action. Written in the form of annals, it begins with the

poor in fortune

',-

scripts

Flood, and on

f.

13 we are

still in

the age of Merlin

valuable part consists in the writer's direct experience

of buffaloes,

but the most he tells

cows and hens

'

of flesh black as this ink

'

',

of

mockcom-

ing parrots, fires

made

of earth

as in Flanders

'.

Goes,

who had
travels

certainly handled the manuscript,

may have added

this

parison
(ff.

he evidently interpolated the account of his

v.).

own

58 V.-59

The

life

of

Galvam

gives a further interest to this

rare book, for, a

man

of noble

and disinterested character, himself

a prince by election, he has always been regarded as a stock instance of the ingratitude of princes. Born in the East, the son

Albuquerque's old friend, the historian Duarte Galvam, he won his courage and martial qualities, both as soldier and skilful mariner. After subduing the Molucca Islands he, as their Governor (Captain), spent his energies and income in missionary zeal and in developing agriculture. On the expiry of his term
of

fame by

as Governor (1536-40) he refused the position of

Raja

of Ternate,

* Que colligi dos proprios originaes. The work is a history of events in India, not a biography of Albuquerque, the first forty years of whose life are represented only by half a dozen sentences (1774 ed., iv. 255). * A quelle tdo pouco venturoso como scienie &- valeroso Antonio GcUvdo (Joao Pinto Ribeyro, Preferencia das Letras as Armas, 1645). In his youth in India he won the regard of that keen judge of men, Afonso de Albuquerque, who could see in him nothing to find fault with except his excessive generosity. ' Tratado. Prologo [3 f.]. Em este tractado con noue oil dez liuros das coiisas de Maluco & da India que me Cardeal mandou dar a Damiam de Goes.

THE HISTORIANS

203

which the gratelul natives besought him to accept. He arrived penniless in Portugal and penniless died seventeen years later in the Lisbon hospital.
Besides the general histories
as the accounts of
describe.

many

briefer records of separate

regions or events were written, and these are often of great value

men who had

(.'^

seen and taken part in what they

1515-77), father of Frei Luis dc

Lopo DE SousA CouTiNHO

Sousa and one of the captains in the heroic siege of Diu (1538) he is said to have died by accidentally running himself through with his sword when dismounting from his horse wrote a striking account of the siege, especially of its last incidents, in his

Livro Primeiro do Cerco de

(1562)

Diu
:

(1556).

The

siege of

Mazagam
by Agos-

was

similarly described in clear, vigorous prose

TiNHO Gavy de Mendonqa

Historia do famoso cerco qve

Xarife pos a fortaleza de Mazagam {1607). Goa, wrote a careful Historia dos Cercos

Jorge de Lemos, of de Malaca (1585),

.

and Antonio Castilho, the distinguished son of the celebrated architect Joao, published a Commentario do Cerco de Goa e Chaul no anno MDLXX (1572). Events in the Moluccas were briefly recorded in an Informagam das cousas de Maluco (1569) by Gabriel de Rabello, who went out as factor of Tidore in 1566. The anonymous gentleman of Elvas who wrote the Relagani verdadeira (1557) of Soto's discovery of Florida was akeen observer and related what he saw in direct language. His publisher, Andre de Burgos, in a short preface washes his hands of the style
as insufficiently polished [limado).

The deeds

of D.

Cristovam da Gama,

his

conquest of a hundred

leagues of territory in Ethiopia, his defeat, torture, and beheadal,

are recounted with the vivid details of an eyewitness

by Miguel

DE Castanhoso,
fatal expedition.

of

Santarcm, who accompanied him on his This Historia (1564) was published by Joao da
to D. Cristovam's

Barreira,

who dedicated it

nephew, D. Francisco

de Portugal.

Manuel de Abreu Mousinho

of the

wrote

in

Spanish a brief account

of

conquest

of

Pegu by Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa,

which
do

a Portuguese version appeared in the 1711 edition of

Pinto's travels
:

Mendez

Breve discurso

em que

se content a conquista

204

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

The Jornada do Maraem 1614 is ascribed to

reyno de Pegu, nearly a century after the original edition, Breve

Discvrso en qve se cventa, &c. (1617).

nhao
It

feita por Jeronymo de Albuquerque

DiOGO DE Campos Moreno, who took part in that conquista. was published in the Collecgdo de Noticias para a Historia e Geographia das Nagoes Ultramarinas.^ The second volume of
this

collection contains

several re- translations of

Navegagoes
to

(by

Thome Lopez and anonymous Portuguese

Ramusio,
all

pilots) surviving

in Italian in

It

would require a separate volume

give an account of

the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

narratives of newly conquered countries written in Portuguese

and often immediately translated into many European languages, e. g. the Novo Descohrimento do Grdo Cathay (1626) by the Jesuit Antonio de Andrade [c. 1580-1634), or the Relagam of the
Jesuit

Alvaro Semmedo (1585 ?-i658) written in Portuguese but Imperio published in the Spanish translation of Faria e Sousa
:

de la China (1642).

However unliterary, they

are often so vividly

written as to be literature in the best sense.

Pedro de Magalhaes de Gandavo,

of Braga,

whose Regras
:

(1574) ran into three editions before the end of the century, deHistoria da scribed Brazil and its discovery in two short works

prouincia Sdcta^ Cruz (1576) and Tratado da terra do. Brazil first published in 1826 in the Collecgdo de Noticias. This collection
also prints

works

of the following century,

^

such as the Fatalidade

historica da Ilha de Ceildo

by Captain Joao Ribeiro, who had

served the king as a soldier for eighteen years in the preciosa

ilha de Ceildo. His manuscript, written in 1685, was translated and published in French (1701) 135 years before it was printed in Portuguese. Gandavo's Historia (48 if.), his first work (premicias), was introduced by tercetos and a sonnet of Luis de Camocs, who speaks of his claro estilo, and engenho curioso. The author himself in a prefatory letter says that

with a

'

plain

and easy

style

'

he writes as an eyewitness, content without seeking epithetos exquisitos.

The Jesuit Balthasar Tellez ^ (1595-1675) won considerable fame as, an historian and prose-writer in his Cronica da Com

Vol.

i.

No.

4.

'

The name would seem

to

have been

who married

a granddaughter

- Vol. V, No. I (1836). really Tillison, i.e. son of John Tilly, of Moraes, the author of Palmcirim.

THE HISTORIANS
panhia de lesus
(2 pts.,

205

1645, 1647) in which he forswears what he and liberties of ordinary seiscentista prose. He also edited the work of the Jesuit missionary Manuel de Almeida Historia (1580-1646), recasting it in an abbreviated form Geral da Ethiopia a Alta ov Preste loam (1660), for which Tellez' Almeida, born at friend, Mello, provided a prefatory letter. Viseu, had gone to India in 1601 and in 1622 was sent to Ethiopia, where he became the head of the mission. He died at Goa after a life of much hard work and various adventure. In writing his
calls the artifices
:

history of Ethiopia he

made

use of the Historia da Ethiopia of

an

earlier (1603-19)

head

of the mission,

Pedro Paez

(1564-1622),

who had

started for Ethiopia in 1595 but

Turks and only ransomed in 1602. (born at Olmeda), Paez wrote in Portuguese. A third Jesuit missionary, Manuel Barradas, born in 1572 at Monforte, who went to India in 1612, was also a prisoner of the Turks for over a year at Aden. In 1624 he went to Ethiope, terre maldite, and Of his three treatises the remained there some ten years. is entitled Do Reyno that de Tygre e seus mandos most important

was captured by the Although a Spaniard by birth

em

Ethiopia.

The modern

editor of these works, P. Camillo

Beccari, considers that their authors' simple style caused their

treatises to

themselves history,^ but their value for us

plicity

be regarded rather as the material of history than in is in this very simin the detailed observation

and

which bring the country

and

its

inhabitants clearly before us.

Scarcely less important, as

material for history and as

from Jesuits

human documents, are the Cartas China and Japan, especially the collection of 82 letters (Coimbra, 1570), and that of 206 letters (Evora, The Jesuit Fernam Cardim at about the* same time 1598).
in

rendered

a like service to

Brazil

in his

Narrativa epistolar,

edited in 1847

by

F. A. de
of

Varnhagen.

A more

important work
{c.

on Brazil was that

'

Gabriel Soarez de Sousa

1540-92)

He speaks of their lingua alqiianto negletia e lo stile molto semplice, naturale e piano, la qual cosa deveva ahparire un' anomalia a confronto della lingua ptirgata con cui si scriveva allora in Portogallo (Contenuto della storia This work was written in Latin in del Patriarca Alfonso Mendez, p. 115). 1651 by Afonso MENDE^ (1579-1656), born at Moura, who became Patriarch of Ethiopia in 1623. This splendid edition (Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores) also contains three volumes of Relationes et Epistolae Variorum (Romae, 1910-12).

2o6

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

em i^Sy, which its modern Varnhagcn, described in a moment of enthusiasm as the most admirable of all the works of the Portuguese quinhentistas \ Two other works of interest, half history,
the Tratado descriptivo do Brasil
editor, F. A. de
'

half

travels,

are the Jornada do Arcebispo de

Goa

Dom

Frey
of

Aleixo de Meneses (1606)

by Antonio de Gouvea, Bishop

;

Cyrcne [c. 1565-1628), in three parts, describing the archbishop's and the Discvrso da Jornada de life and visits in his diocese D. Gongalo Covtinho a villa de Mazagam e sev governo nella (1629). The writer ^the admirer of Camoes and alleged author of the 1614 life of Sa de Miranda -who, as he says, had grown white in the council-chamber, lived on till 1634. He here relates with much directness his voyage and four years' Governorship (1623-7).

The

who

Saiidades da Terra (1873) of Caspar Fructuoso (1522-91), was born at S. Miguel in the Azores, was written in 1590 and
in
',

waited three centuries title and the preamble

'

in

manuscript for an editor. Both its which Truth says that she will write
is

of

nothing but sadness, are misleading, since the book

an
of

account

in

good, straightforward style after the

manner

Castanheda and other historians of the discovery and subsequent conditions of various islands, especially of Madeira and the
lives of its

Governors.

Antonio Cordeiro (1641-1722),

Jesuit,

of Angra, wrote at the age of seventy-six an uncritical but

work entitled Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal Oceano Occidental (1717), based partly on Fructuoso's manuscript. It was only as it were by an afterthought that the historians turned to consider the history of Portugal as apart from separate The chronicles of the kings or episodes of Eastern conquest.
interesting
sujeitas no

scheme of Joao de Barros was too vast to be executed by one man and the European part was never written. Andre de Resende likewise failed to carry out his project of a history of Portugal. Pedro de Mariz [c. 1550-1615), son of the Coimbra
historical

printer, Antonio, in the last four of his Dialogos de Varia Historia

(1594) between a Portuguese and an Italian, embraces the whole history of Portugal, but these dialogues, although industriously

written in good plain ^tyle, were eclipsed by the appearance

three years later of the
first

part of the Monarchia Lusitana

THE HISTORIANS
(1597).
Its author, a

207
of

young Cistercian monk

Alcobaga, Frei

Bernardo de Brito

(1569-1617), in the world Balthasar de

Brito de Andrade, at once became

writers of his time, and he
of
is still

known as one of the best reckoned among the masters

proved
is

Portuguese prose.

His style,

clear, restrained, copious,

that the mantle of Barros had fallen upon worthy shoulders.

But, despite his rich vein of humanity, as a historian he

inferior to Barros

far

value of

and even more uncritical than Mariz. The evidence seems to have weighed with him little when it

was a question of exalting his language, literature, religion, or country, and he used and incorporated documents entirely worthless. Whether he deliberately manufactured spurious documents to serve his purposes cannot be known, but he seems at least to have quoted authorities which had never existed.^ In a word he failed to make good use of the incomparable material which the library of Alcobaga afforded. His was a misdirected erudition, and we would willingly exchange the T<nowledge of where Adam lies buried, or on what day the world began, or how Gorgoris, King of Lusitania, who died 1227 years after the Flood, invented honey, for accurate details of more recent Portuguese history. Yet he had the diligence and enthusiasm of the true historian and made use, sometimes a skilful use,^ of coins and inscriptions. His brief Geographia antiga da Lusytania also appeared in 1597, and in the same year the Cistercian Order appointed him its chronicler. Thus he interrupted his main work the second part of the Monarchia Lusitana was only

published in 1609

in

order to write the Primeira Parte da

This, in

Cronica de Cister (1602).^

many ways

his best

work,

runs to nearly a thousand pages, and treats of the saints of the

Order and especially

of the life of the

charming

St.

Bernard,

^ Nicolas Antonio dwells more than once on the invisibility of Brito's authorities {Bib. Vet. i. 65, 453; ii. 374): Nos de invisis hactenus censere ahstinemus. Antonio Brandao, Brito's successor, he says, nullum horum vidit librorum quos Brittus olim historiae suae Atlantes iactaverat ; nihil autem horum librorum {quod mirum si ibi asservabantur) vidit. Scares {Theatrum) remarks epigrammatically fama est eloquentiam minus desiderari quam fidem. 2 From a comparison of inscriptions he notes the similarity between the Etruscan and our ancient (Iberian ?) letters. The Iberians may have originally gone East from Tuscany. ^ His Elogios dos Reis de Portugal appeared in 1603.
: ' '

2o8

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

parts,

in Portugal.^ It was to be followed but Brito's early death at his native Almeida on his way back to Alcobaga from Spain, a year after he had been appointed Cronista Mor (1616), left his work unfinished.

with contemporary events

by two other

He

is

remembered

as a fine stylist, a poet

who wrote
is

history

rather than as a great historian.

Mariana, the Latin original of

whose Historia de Espaiia (1592) he knew and quoted,

parison almost a scientific writer
pseudo-scientific.

by com-

at

least he

is

not, like Brito,

The two parts of the Monarchia Lusitana written by Brito ended with the beginning of the Portuguese monarchy. Parts and Frei Antonio Brandao by to whose 3 (1584-1637), 4, sincerity and skill Herculano paid tribute, appeared in 1632 and carried it down to the year 1279. Brandao had spent nearly ten years collecting and sifting documentary evidence for his work and is a far better historian than Brito, although in style lie is not his equal. His nephew Frei Francisco Brandao
(1601-80),
vir

modestus,

diligens

Antonio as Cronista
maintained
93).
in

Mor and

et eruditus, succeeded Frei wrote Parts 5 and 6 (1650),

describing the reign of King Dinis.

The

style

was

less well

Part 7 (1633) by Frei Raphael de Jesus (1614Part 8 (1727), the last to be published, was added by Frei
(1672-1740) over a century after the publiSantos' Part 7 as well as Parts 9 and 10
first

Manuel dos Santos

cation of the

Part, but only brought the history to the battle

of Aljubarrota (1385).

remained
is

in

manuscript.

His prose

is

worthy

of a

work which

monument

of the language, not of the history of Portugal.

Perhaps the truest epitaph of this history as a whole after allowance has been made for Brito's style and the excellent work of Antonio Brandao is a severe sentence from the preface of There are histories whose tomes are the author of Part 7

'

tombs.'
It could hardly, perhaps,

be expected that the historians of the

reigns of

events in

King Manuel and King Joao HI should pass over the East as already fully related, and in Damiao de
:

' ff. 248 V.-249 V. give a very curious description of Ireland tarn remota de nossa conversagdo e metida debaixo do Polo Arctico. Brito had not inherited Barros' knowledge of geography and confuses Ireland with Iceland, but is far richer in fables, as these pages delightfully prove.

THE HISTORIANS
Goes' Cronica do Felicissimo Rey

209

Dom Emanvel and Francisco Jodo III (1613), although they lose much by compression, they still occupy a disproportionate space. Andrade wrote most correct prose, even in his poems, and the style of his history is excellent, but neither of these works gives any adequate account of the internal history of Portugal, any more than does that of Frei Luis de Sousa on Joao Ill's reign, in which there should have been more scope for originality. The same prominence is given to India in the history of Jeronimo Osorio (1506-80), Bishop of Silves, De Rebvs
de Andrade's Cronica de

Dom

Emmanvelis Regis Lvsitaniae (1571), written in Latin in order to spread the knowledge of these events per omnes reipuhlicae Christianae regiones.^ Osorio, whose father, like Lopez de Castanheda's, had been a judge [ouvidor) in India, was born at Lisbon, but studied abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and Bologna. After occupying the Chair of Scripture at Coimbra for a brief space, he went to Lisbon and became secretary to the Infante Luis. In 1560 he was made Archdeacon of Evora and four years later Bishop of Silves. (The see was removed to Faro three years before his death and his title is sometimes given as Bishop of Algarve.) A few remarkable letters in Portuguese, in one of which (1567) he attempted to convert Queen Elizabeth, show that he was skilled in the use of his native tongue his countrymen delighted to call him the Portuguese Cicero. According to Sousa de Macedo many people came from England, Germany and other parts with the sole object of seeing him '.- In England certainly his book was highly prized, and both Dryden and Pope praised Gibbs' translation, although Francis Bacon noted the
;
'

diffuseness of Osorio's style

luxurians
;

et diluta,

certainly not
to think of the

a just verdict on the style as a whole

we have but

concise sketches of Albuquerque {De Rebus, p. 380)

and King

Manuel
felicity

(p.

478).

Osorio acknowledged his ample debt to the

'

chronicle of Goes, which he describes as written

'.

with incredible Frei Bernardo da Cruz, who accompanied King Sebastian to Africa in 1578 as chaplain, in his Cronica de El Rei D. Sebastido wrote the history of his life and reign and happily
readers they were presented later by Faria e Sousa in his Asia. Flores de Espana (1631), f. 248. Arias Montano refers to him as a close friend {Doc. inid. t. xli. p. 386).

To Spanish

2362

210
describes

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

him
as
'

a young king without experience or fear

'.

The

Cronica do Rei D. Henrique (1840) completed the history of the house of Avis. It chronicles in fifty-four diminutive chapters the eighteen months' reign of the pouco nihnoso e sever
Cardeal Cardinal King Henry. It was written in 1586/ and, although anonymous, is ascribed with some probability to the Jesuit Padre

Alvaro Lobo (1551-1608). The Jornada de Africa (1607) by Jeronimo de Mendo^a,

Oporto,
is

of

divided into three parts, describing the expedition

and the battle of Alcacer Kebir, the ransoms and escapes of the captives, and the death of Christian martyrs in Africa. Its object was to refute certain statements in Conestaggio's recent work DelV unione del regno di Portogallo alia corona di Castiglia, but Mendoga had fought at Alcacer Kebir and had been taken prisoner he thus writes as an eyewitness, and his excellent style and power of description give more than a controversial value and interest to his book and make it matter for regret that this short history was apparently his only work. Miguel de Moura (1538-1600), secretary to five kings and one of the three Governors of Portugal in 1593, set an example too rarely followed by those who have played an important part in Portuguese history by composing a brief autobiography Vida de Miguel de Moura. It was written on the eve of St. Peter's Day, 1594, except a few pages which were added in the year
;

before the author's death.

Incidentally

it

has the distinction of

containing one of the longest sentences ever written (114 lines

1840
[c.

ed., pp. 126-9),

The painstaking and talented Duarte Nunez de Leam

1530-1608), born at Evora, son of the Professor of Medicine
legal works, Leis extrava-

Joao Nunez, besides genealogical and

gantes (1560, 1569), wrote two valuable treatises on the Portu-

guese language and an interesting Descripgao do Reino de Portugal

(1610), which he finished in 1599.

He also found time to spare from

Kings
of

his duties as a magistrate to recast the chronicles of the

The Cronicas dos Rets de Portugal (1600) contain those from Count Henry to King Fernando, and the Cronicas del Rey Dom loam de gloriosa memoria those of Kings
Portugal.
*

See Cronica, p. 46.

THE HISTORIANS
Joao
I,

211
the individuality
of interest,

Duarte, and Afonso V.

Shorn

of

of the early chroniclers,

they yet retain

much

and

Nunez de Learn would be accorded a higher place

were
it

as historian

originals
earlier

not for our knowledge of the inestimable value of the which he edited and improved '. Two generations
'

Cristovam Rodriguez Azinheiro

(or Accnheiro),

born

in

1474 (he tells us that he

the early chronicles in
taining
all

was sixty-one in May 1535), had treated the same way, but only succeeded in re-

that was jejune without preserving their picturesque-

ness in his Cronicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal.^

More

interesting personally than as historian, the

of the

Damiao de Goes (1502-74 2) was one

humanist most accomplished

which he
than we

men

of his

time,^ and, thanks partly to his trial before the

Inquisition, partly to the not unpleasant egotism with

chronicled autobiographical details, not only in his Genealogia'^

but in

many
of

of his other works,

we know more
of

of his life

know

most contemporary
and the

writers.

Traveller and diplomatist,

scholar, singer, musician, he

his lifetime,

was a man

many

friends during

have Born at Alenquer and brought up at the Court of King Manuel, he became page to the king in 1518, and five years later was appointed secretary at the Portuguese Factory at Antwerp. In 1529 he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Poland, and in this and the following years, on similar missions or for his own pleasure, saw and conversed with all the kings, princes, nobles and peoples of ChristenTen chronicles from Afonso I to Joao III. He says (1824 ed., p. 12)
tragic circumstances of his last years

won him

fresh sympathizers after his death.

'

presente volliime recopiladas, sumadas, abreviadas, todas as lemhrangas dos Reys de Portugal das caroniquas velhas e novas sent mudar sustancia da verdade. ^ Dise q hee de jdade de setenta anos, has faz e este feu'" qve (Examination before the Inquisition, April 19, 1571). The name appears as Goes, Gooes, Goiz, Guoes, Guoez, Guoiz, Goyos. Goes is a small village some twenty miles north-east of Coimbra. The name also occurs in the Basses-Pyrenees. See P. A. de Azevedo, Alguns nomes do departamento dos Baixos Pirineos que
este

Estam em

teem correspondencia em Portugal CBoletim da Ac. das Sciencias de Lisboa, viii (1915), pp. 280-1). It may be one more trace of the former occupation of the whole Peninsula by the Iberians (= high, on the height, as in Goyetche,
&c.).

See Marques de Montebello, Vida de Manoel Machado de Azevedo (1660), de Vasconcellos, Os Musicos Portugueses, i. 268. * ff. 269 V.-71. The original manuscript disappeared, but a copy (that of the Marqueses de Castello Rodrigo) is in the Biblioteca Nacional at Lisbon.
*

p. 3, ap. J.

02

212

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

'.*

dom

He made
'

the acquaintance of Montaigne's auhergistes

',

allemands,

glorieux, coleres et ivrognes

turned aside to

visit

Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg,^ and was for several months the guest of Erasmus at Freiburg. In Italy he lived with Cardinal Sadolctto at Padua (1534-8) and met Cardinal Bembo and other celebrated men of the day. At Louvain, too, mihi intime carum et iucundum, as throughout Europe, he had many devoted friends. A senator of Antwerp welcomed him in Latin verse on his return from his Scythian travels,^ Luis Vives addressed affectionate letters to mi Damiane, Albrecht Diirer painted his portrait, Glarcanus in his Dodecachordon included music of his composition.* In 1542 he was on his way to Holland with his Flemish wife when he heard that Louvain was threatened by a French force commanded by Longueval and mens ille in Academiam Louvaniensem fatalis amor took him back to share its perils. He played a principal part in the defence, and finally remained a prisoner in the enemy's hands, quasi piacularis hostia, as he says.^ His imprisonment in France lasted nine months, and after paying a ransom of 6,000 ducats he went back to Louvain. The Emperor Charles V rewarded him for his services with a splendid coat of arms. In 1545, after twenty-one years of European travel, he returned with his wife and children ^ to Portugal, and three
years later was entrusted with

Fernam Lopez'

old post, the

Antonio Galvam, Tratado, f. 59 v. He visited the Courts of Charles V, Fran9ois I, Henry VHI, and Pope Paul IH. Nicolas Antonio says of him [Bib. Nova) niorum quippe suavitate atque elegantia, ergaque doctos liberalitate insinuabat se in cuiusque animum qui Musarum commercio frueretur, facile
:

atque
^

alte.

arrived on Palm Sunday, 1531, and learning that Luther was preaching at once left the inn to hear him, but could only understand the Latin quota-

He

Next day he had dinner (jantar) with Luther and Melanchthon and afterwards returned to Luther's house, where the latter's wife regaled theni with a dessert of nuts and apples. Thence he went to Melanchthon's house and found his wife spinning, shabbily dressed.
tions.
^

Venisti

nimium usque
tuis.
:

et

usque et usque

Expectate
* Lib. Jll, pp. 264, 265 a Goes Lusitano.

Aliud Aeolij Modi exemplu auihore D. Damiano

6 He had gone with others to negotiate terms and, when barely half an hour was allowed to refer the terms to the Senate, remained in the enemy's camp in order to create a delay by conversing with Longueval. Meanwhile relief had been received and the Senate refused the terms. In his trial he says that threeof them became monks mcteo tresfilhosfrades.
:

THE HISTORIANS

213

Keepership of the Archives. He lived in the Pagos d'Alcagova with a certain magnificence, keeping open house for all foreigners,
one of

whom

records that already in 1565

4,

il

se faict fort vieulx.

Six years later, on April

was,

1571, he was arrested by the Inquisition

in prison.

and spent twenty months

It

perhaps, inevitable that he should have incurred

is it

by the enmity of life had been out of keeping with the gravedades de Hespanha, and the charges against him were numerous and varied. He had eaten and drunken with heretics, he had read strange books, the sound of songs not understanded of the people and organ music had issued from his house at Lisbon, he had omitted to observe fasts, he had called the Pope a tyrant, he set no store by papal indulgences or
suspicion, nor

necessary to explain his

trial

certain persons at Court due to passages in his works. His

auricular confession.

Even

the testimony of his grand-niece

is

recorded, to the effect that her mother

had said

of Goes, her
in a stone

husband's uncle, that he had no more

it is

belief in

God than

wall (she seems to have had Berkeleian tendencies).

less

As usual

the proceedings of the Inquisition than the bad faith

of the witnesses that arouse disgust.

who apparently came forward

told that he

of his

The poet Andrade Caminha, own accord we are not

of Goes was chamado which he now denounced had not seemed so serious to him before he knew that Goes was in the prison of the Inquisition. Goes had already been denounced to the Inquisition in 1545 and 1550, and his book Fides, Religio Moresque Aethiopum (Lovanii, 1540) had been condemned in Portugal in 1541. He was examined frequently in 1571 and 1572, was left for three months without news of his family, and complained of being old, weak, and ill, and that his body had become covered with a kind of leprosy (July 14, 1572). His sentence (October 16, 1572) pronounced him to have incurred, as a Lutheran heretic, excommunication, confiscation of all his property, and the life-long confinement of his person. He was transferred to the famous monastery of Batalha in

admitted that certain words

house.

December, but his death (January 30, 1574) occurred in his own His return and his death probably explain one another. He was growing very old in 1565 and we must suppose that his recent experiences had not made him younger. His last request

214

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

die

to

among

his family

was
fell

further explanations (that he

apparently granted, and the forward into the fire, that he

died of an apoplexy, was killed by order of the Inquisition, was beaten to death by the lackeys of the Conde da Castanheira,
or

murdered and robbed by

his

own

servants) are superfluous.

His works consist of several brief Latin treatises crowded with and in Portuguese interesting facts (especially his Hispania)
;

the

Cronica do Principe

Dom loam

(1567)

Felicissimo

4 time to translate Cicero's De Senectute

Rey

Dom Emanvel,

pt. (1566, 1567).

:

and Cronica do He also found

.

Livro

da Velhice,

(Veneza, 1534). He had not the imagination of an historian, and unless events have passed before his eyes, or happen to interest

him personally, he can be bald and meagre as an annalist. But any matter which touches him closely, as the expulsion and the cruel treatment of the Jews, or the massacre of new Christians, or the account of Ethiopia, he broadens out into moving and detailed description. The result is that this long Chronicle of King Manuel is a number of excellent separate treatises rather than a history with unity and a sense of proportion. It is the work
in
of a scholar

who

likes to describe directly,

from

his

own

experi-

ence.

that of King Manuel.

for

The Cronica do Principe was written some months before The latter was a difficult undertaking,^ many persons concerned were still alive, and subjects such
years
it

Jews needed delicate handling. For had hung fire in the hands of previous chroniclers when in 1558 Cardinal Henrique entrusted it to Damiao de Goes. After eight years the four parts were ready for press,'- but the difficulties were not yet over, for certain chapters met with strong disapproval at Court ^ and had to be altered, so that two editions of the first part appeared in 1566 (the first being apparently submitted as a proof and not for sale), but the publication of the work as a whole was not completed before 1567.
as the expulsion of the

thirty-one

^ Cf Prologo em que nmitos, conio em cousa desesperada, se nam atreveram poer a mdo. One of these many was Goes' rival, the eloquent Bishop
.

'

'

Antonio Pinheiro.
^

The fourth part was approved on January

2,

1566.

For the grounds of this disapproval see Critica contcmporanen a Chronica de D. Manuel, 1914, ed. Edgar Prestage from a manuscript in the British Museum. Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos and Mr. G. J. C. Henriques have dealt very ably with many interesting points of Goes' life and works.
^

THE HISTORIANS
Andre de Resende
and Erasmus, was a novice,
Louvain.
'

215

Scarcely less celebrated than Goes, the archaeologist Lucio

left

(1493 ?-i573),^ friend of Goes, Clcnardus, the Dominican convent of Bemfica, in which he

study abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and with very large eyes, curling hair, rather dark complexion but of a cheerful, open countenance ', living in his
in order to
Tall,

house {as casus de Resende) at Evora among his books and coins, his small garden hedged with marmores antigos as, according to Brito, too often were peasants' vinestatues and inscriptions

yards
his

he
^

exercised a considerable influence on the writers of

time and was held in high esteem by the Emperor Charles V and by King Joao III, The principal of his own works were

written in Latin, but besides his

(1593),

De

Antiquitatibus Lusitaniae

which was edited by Mendez de Vasconcellos with the addition of a fifth book from notes left by the author, he composed in Portuguese a brief but learned Historia da Antiguidade da Cidade de Evora (1553). In his Vida do Infante Dom Duarte (1789)^ he did not write the very copious history which Paiva de Andrade ^ said the subject required. He did better, for this sketch of a few pages is a little masterpiece in which the vignettes, for instance, of the boatman and his figs, or the meal in the mill, must ever retain their vividness and charm. Resende had been he shows that he the prince's tutor and writes of what he saw
'
' '

'

could decipher a person's character as keenly as a Latin inscription.

Resende's legitimate successor in archaeology,

Manuel

Severim de Faria (1583-1655), scarcely belongs to the sixteenth century although he wrote verses in 1598 and 1599. He succeeded his uncle as Canon (1608) and Precentor (1609) of Evora Cathedral and resigned in favour of his nephew Manuel de Farip Severim as Canon in 1633 and Precentor in 1642. Living in ancient
His friend Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos (1523-99), Canon of Evora, obiit octogenaritts A.C. says that he died in 1575 aet. 80 (so the Theatrum 1575). Probably the 5 is an error or misprint for 3, and the 80 correct. ' Luis de Sousa (Hist. S. Dom., Pt. I, Bk. i, cap. 2) praises his juizo e curiosidade de bom antiquario, and there are many similar passages in other writers. Resende furnished Barros, as Severim de Faria later furnished Brito, with materials and advice. 3 In a similar though more elaborate work (88 ff.) Frei Nicolau Diaz (ti596) Vida da Serenissima told the life and death of Princess Joana (fMay 1490) Quinto de Portugal (1585). Princesa Dona Joana, Filha del Rey Dom Afonso
: :

Casamento Perfeyto, 2a ed. (1726),

p. 61.

2i6

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

'

Evora when the memory of Resende was still fresh, this antistore-house of all the quary of the pale face and blue eyes, treasures of the past ',^ with his medals and statues and choice His most library of rare books, soon rivalled Rescnde's fame. important works are Discursos varios politicos (1624) containing four essays and the lives of Barros, Camoes, and Couto, and
Noticias de Portugal (1655). A less attractive personality

Manuel de Faria e SouSA (1590-1649), born near Pombeiro (Minho), a most accomis

that of

plished, industrious, but untrustworthy author

in

who wrote mainly

His Epitome de las Historias Portuguesas was published in 1628 at Madrid, where he spent the greater part
Spanish.
of his
life,

and where he

died.

He seems

affection for his native country, but he

to have retained a real was not a man of indehis

pendent character and bestowed

required.

his flatteries as

interest

After the Restoration of 1640 he stayed on at the

Spanish Court, and there appears to be some doubt whether it was Joao IV, his nominal master, or Philip IV of Spain that he His long historical works, Europa Portuguesa, served best.

Asia Portuguesa, Africa Portuguesa, appeared posthumously, between 1666 and 1681. He is most pleasant when he is not trying to make history but is simply describing, as in his account of the various provinces of Portugal.^ In his own not over-modest verdict in Part 4 of the same volume, De las primazias deste Reyno, he was el primero que supo historiar con mas acierto. Faria e Sousa was enthusiastic but unscrupulous and he has With posterity he been severely handled by the critics. has fallen between two stools, since the Spanish are only moderately interested in his subject, Portugal, and the Portuguese consider him to belong to Spanish literature.
'
'

* Monarchia Lusitana, Pt. V, Bk. xvii, cap. 5. Bernardo de Brito also praises him, and Frei Antonio Brandao acknowledges his debt to him. Faria e Sousa says that he received from him cantidad de papelcs. * Europa Portuguesa, vol. iii, pt. 3. Portugal, he says, is a perpetual Spring, and he speaks of the women who earn their living by selling roses and other flowers in Lisbon, of the almonds of Algarve, the excellent honey, &c., &c. Vol. i covers the period from the Flood to the foundation of Portugal vol. iii to Philip II of Spain. vol. ii goes down to 1557
;
;

6
Ouinhentista Prose
and the Renaissance come to Portugal in a quiet age it is not pleasant to think what havoc they might have wrought on Portuguese prose in the unreal atmosphere Fortunately they found Portugal in turmoil. of the study. Stirring incidents and adventures were continually occurring which needed no heightening of rhetoric or Latin pomp of polysyllables. A scientific spirit of accuracy was abroad, and

Had

latinization

and adventurers, travellers, mariners, mersoldiers who recorded their experiences and chants, wrote as men of action, with life and directness. Few stories are more intense and affecting than those told by the Portuguese survivors of shipwreck in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Twelve of these appeared in the original collection edited by Bernardo Gomes de Brito (born in 6).i The earliest 1688) Historia Tragico-Maritima (2 vols., 1735,
the missionaries
officials,
:

and most celebrated is the Relagam da mui notavel perda do galeao grande S. Jodo [June 24, 1552], an anonymous narrative based on the account of a survivor, Alvaro Fernandez, probably the ship's mate, which tells of the death of D. Lianor de Sepulveda and her husband with a simple pathos and dramatic power unattained by the many poets who later treated the same theme.

But the accounts

(1555), the S.

of the wreck of the S. Bento (i554), the Conceigao Paulo (1561), of D. Jorge de Albuquerque (1565),

full list see Innocencio da Silva, Dice. Bihliog. i. 377, and Grundriss, Five volumes were announced by Barbosa Machado as ready for The modern editors, besides eleven wrecks of the sixteenth, eight of the seventeenth, and two of the eighteenth, have included three of the nineteenth century. Some of the original chap-books survive, with a fine woodcut of a tossing galleon on the title-page Historia da miii notavel perda do galeam grande S. Joam (1554 ?) Relagam do lastimozo navfragio da nao Conceifani chamada Algaravia a Nova (1555) Naufragio da nao Santo Alberto (1597) Memoravel relafam da perda da nao Conceigam (1627). The RelaQatn da viagem do galeao Sao Lovrenfo e sua perdigdo (1651) is by the Jesuit Antonio Francisco Cardim (i 596-1659) the Relagam sumaria da viagem que fez Ferndo d' Alvarez Cabral, by Manuel Mesquita Perestrello, is an account of the wreck of the fine ship 5. Bento, which had taken Camoes to India.

For a

p. 339. press.

'

2i8

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

others, are scarcely less moving.
'

and

The

ships, of i,ooo tons,

as the Aguia,

the largest vessel that had hitherto sailed to

India' (1558), and under, often with rotten rudder,'or the whole
ship rotten, sepulturas dos homens, with few boats, careless and

ignorant
supplied

pilots,

badly careened, overloaded, overcrowded,

' '

ill-

worm-eaten biscuit, poisonous wine, and insufficient water, seemed to invite destruction. Between 1582 and 1602 alone thirty-eight ships were lost. The sea was not the
with
only

enemy

corsairs off the coast of Portugal, French, Dutch,

and English, Lutheran heretics who threw overboard beads and missals, or a Turkish fleet in sight of Ericeira exacted their toll when all other dangers had been successfully overcome. The story is told immediately after the event, sometimes almost in the form of a diary or log, or years later, by survivors or based on the account of survivors, and it varies according as the narrator is the captain of the ship, a landsman with a dislike of sailors, a plain soldier, a Jesuit priest, a Franciscan monk,
'

',

a distinguished Lisbon chemist a famous historian

(ii.

(Henrique Diaz

in

i.

6),

or

Lavanha

^).

All or

by Diogo do Couto,* ii. 4 by Joao Baptista most of their accounts are masterpieces of
3

vivid phraseology.
as the sea
'

We

follow as in a novel their adventures

breaks into flower

quehrando

em

frol

',

as they are

stranded on a desert island, boarded

in sight of

home, entrapped

by savages, devoured by wild beasts, exhausted by thirst and hunger,

' :

tottering, arrimados

em paos,
heat,
in

or prostrated

by
'

are but as comparison with which the calmas of Alentejo Norwegian cold toils and perils borne with heroic courage, told with the simplicity of heroes, without adorno de palavras nem linguagem floreada. Many books of travel were the natural consequence of the

discovery of India.
of the learned

The historian Joao de Barros' passion for knowledge, especially geographical knowledge, was the first cause '
and instructive Chorographia (1561)
of his

nephew

' In this Relafam do naufragio da nao S. Thome, written in 161 1, twenty-two years after the event, he refers several times to his Decadas. Naufragio da nao S. Alberto (1593). It is a summary of a largo cartapacio of the pilot. ' pedirme meu tio loam de Barros que Ihe screucsse miiito particularmente todos

OS lugares desie

meu caminho.

QUINHENTISTA PROSE

219

Caspar Barreiros (ti574), a description of the places through which he passed on his way to Rome in 1545 to thank the Pope on behalf of the Infante Henrique, Cardinalem amplissimum, But this work (edited by his brother, for his cardinal's hat. Lopo Barreiros) was an exception. Most of the travel books
were concerned with the far East. The Livro em que da relagdo do que viu
e

by DuARTE Barbosa

of

Lisbon, brother-in-law of

ouviu no Oriente (15 16) Fernam de

Magalhaes, exists in a Portuguese manuscript in the Public Library of Oporto, but was first published in Portuguese in
1 82 1

as

translation
itself

from

the

Italian

Lihro

di

Odoardo

Barbosa Portoghese,

a translation from a copy

at Seville.

The author had spent the greater part of his youth in India, and his work contains vivid and accurate notes on Eastern lands and cities, especially Malabar. One of the. causes that most moved Portugal to curiosity and acted as an incentive to discovery were the vague rumours of the existence of a mighty Christian prince, the half-mythical The priest Francisco Prester John, Negus of Abyssinia. Duarte Galvam, first with Alvarez {c. 1470 ?-r. 1540) set out Portuguese Ambassador to Abyssinia, in 15 15, but Galvam's death delayed the mission, and it was not till 1520 that Alvarez and the new ambassador, D. Rodrigo de Lima, reached the Court of Prester John. They remained for six years in the country, and during this time Alvarez recorded in straightforward notes every detail of the country and its inhabitants He considered himself old ^ with minuteness and accuracy. he shoots hares and pheasants, in 1520; he was certainly active
:

washes
locusts.

unsuccessfully for gold, looks after his slaves, his nine

mules, his fourteen cows, and organizes a procession against

On

their return, in Alvarez' friend

Antonio Galvam's

ship, to Lisbon, bringing 'the

length of Prester John's foot',

he was eagerly questioned by king, prelates, and courtiers

the whole Court trooped out along the road from Coimbra to

meet them
travel,

and
'

when he published
Informagam
lo

his

fascinating diary of

Verdadeira
it

das

terras

do

Preste

Joam

(1540),

was soon translated

Verd. Inf., p.
i
:

into almost every language of

nam

era pera velhos.

220

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Europe.^ Frei Caspar da Cruz of Evora, missionary in China, returned to Portugal in 1569, and in the same year began his Tractado em que se cotam muito por esteso as cousas da China
(1570). He calls it a singella narragam, but it contains valuable information about China, nor did the author neglect his style.

The Dominican Frei Joao dos Santos {c. 1550 -c. 1625 P)^ was born at Evora about the middle of the sixteenth century, and went out to East Africa and India as a missionary in 1586. He returned to Lisbon in August 1600 and nine years later
published his Ethiopia Oriental (1609), an attractive, curious account, written in a clear and easy style, of the natives, their land and customs. It is to be feared that some of the settlers
sadly abused his credulity, as in the case of the mercador's tale

man 380 years old, but this does not by any means impair the interest of his book. More individual
of the native sorcerer or the

and vivid
brief,

is the Itinerario (1560) of Antonio Tenreiro, who in staccato sentences describes minutely what he saw (the

yosaes of red, white,

and yellow

roses in

May

near Damascus,

the red roses of Shiraz, the

fair, white Gurgis, complexioned like Englishmen) during his travels from Ormuz to the Caspian Sea and in Palestine and Egypt, and his overland journey

from Ormuz to Portugal (1529) in which, alone with an Arab guide, he spent twenty-two days in crossing the desert. A similar land journey, a generation later, is described wdth an
equal wealth of curious detail in the Itinerario (1565) of Mestre Martim Afonso, surgeon to the Viceroy, Conde de Redondo,^
while the

Franciscan

Frei

Pantaleam de Aveiro
of

in

his

Itinerario da Terra Santa, &c. (1593) described his journey to the

Holy Land.
'

Not

less

adventurous were the travels

another

This seems to have aroused the resentment of Barros {Asia, iii. iv. 3). author, he says, had no learning. In 11. iii. 4 he again refers to him slightingly as a certain Francisco Alvarez '. Barros as grammarian similarly ignored Oliveira. ^ Barbosa Machado says, ultimamente em Convento de Goa, para onde tinha passado no anno de 1622 falleceu com saudade, &c. Innocencio da Silva read this with a comma after passado. ^ Afonso de Albuquerque mentions another surgeon Mestre Afonso in India in his time, i.e. half a century earlier. The value of the Itinerario consists in its having been written as a diary on the journey, and its author, perhaps thinking of Mendez Pinto, says hee huii grande descuido de homens que fazem semelhantes viagens e as nom escreuem porque a memoria nom pode ser capaz de tamanha cousa e tantas particularidades (p. 82).

The

'

OUINHENTISTA PROSE
Franciscan, Frei
Itinerario da

221
related

Caspar de

S.

Bernardino, who

them

with greater parade

of

of erudition in

a clear, elegant style in his

India por terra (1611), the promised second part which was unhappily not finished or at least not published. Half a century later the Jesuit Manuel Godinho {c. 16301712),^ in the Relagam do novo car,iinho que fez por terra e mar (1665), gave a remarkable account, in a style not untouched by the culteranismo of the time, of his return journey in 1663 from Ba^aim. But various and arresting as are the books of Portuguese travellers, they are all eclipsed by the wonderful Peregrinagam (1614) of F'ernam Mendez Pinto (c. 1510-83). This prince of travellers and adventurers was born at Montemor Velho. His parents were of humble station, and at the time of King Manuel's death (1521) he w^as brought by an uncle to Lisbon in order to earn his living. Although he remained in Portugal for sixteen years, in the service first of a lady of Lisbon and later of D. Joao de Lencastre,^ lord of Montemor o Velho, at Setubal, he was but just in his teens when, crossing in a boat from Alfama, he was captured off Cezimbra by a French corsair as a foretaste of pleasures to come. In March 1537 he set out for India and his odyssey began in earnest. He had no sooner reached Diu than he re-embarked on an His hope was to make expedition to the Straits of Mecca. a rich prize and become muito rico em pouco tempo. He went next with three others on a mission to Ethiopia, and on the return voyage he was captured by the Turks, placed in a subterranean dungeon, and then sold to a Greek renegade, whom he describes as the most inhuman and cruel dog of an enemy ever seen'. Fortunately after three months the Greek sold him for 12,000 reis to a Jew, who brought him to Ormuz. After spending little over a fortnight there he embarked with a cargo of horses for Goa, and later was wounded in a fight with the Turks. He next proceeded to Malacca, and was sent thence on a mission to the King of the Batas, by whom he was made welcome as rain to our rice crops '. After accompanying the
'

'

' According to Barbosa Machado he entered the Jesuit College as a novice in 1645 ^-id died in 1712 aet. 78. Godinho also wrote a life of Frei Antonio

das Chagas,
'

He was

the son of D. Jorge, illegitimate son of Joao

II.,

and was created

Duke

ol Aveiro.

222

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

king on a campaign he returned to Malacca, losing his cargo of

tin

and benjamin on the way. His next mission was to the King of Aaru. He returned to Malacca a slave, as his ship was wrecked, and after fearful sufferings he, the only survivor, was bought cheap by a poor Moorish trader. A trading expedition after a fight with to Pao and Lugor ended as disastrously Moors he succeeded in swimming wounded to land, but returned
:

In despair he joined the frcebooting penniless to Patane. Antonio de Faria, and they preyed on Chinese junks till their ship was weighed down with silver and silk, damask and porcelain. Faria and his men are represented fighting, torturing, murdering, plundering, playing at dice on deck for pieces of silk, praying a litany, and promising rich and good spoil to Our Lady After being shipwrecked they joined of the Hill at Malacca. built up theirfortunes. They weathered a Chinese pirate and again a storm by throwing overboard twelve cases of silver, sacked a Chinese city, were received in honour at Liampo (Ningpo), but again inordinate greed for gold proved their ruin, and, after a daring attempt to plunder the rich tombs of the Emperors of China in the island of Calemplui, they were finally stranded in China and arrested as vagabonds. After six weeks in the crowded prison at Nanking the Portuguese were taken to Peking and thence deported to Quansi (Kansu), where they were freed by
the timely attack of the King of Tartary.

He

sent

them

to

Cochin-China, but on the

pirate.

way they entered

the service of a Chinese

When When

vived, the
there.

first

they reached Japan only three Portuguese surEuropeans, Mendez Pinto claims, to set foot

he brought news of this land to Liampo a trading

expedition was hastily equipped and set out in defiance of times and seasons. Few of those who embarked in the nine junks
ever saw land again.
(1544).
of

Mendez Pinto eventually reached Malacca

Pedro de Faria later sent him on a mission to the King

Martavao was, however, sacked soon after his He escaped by arrival, and he was carried a prisoner to Pegu. night and after many adventures returned to Goa. He immediately set out again to challenge fortune in China and Japan '. After accompanying the King of Sunda on a war expedition he was again wrecked and spent thirteen days on a raft. Of the
Martavao.
'

OUINHENTISTA PROSE

223

eleven survivors three were eaten by crocodiles and the rest sold as slaves. Released by the King of Calapa, Mendez Pinto

served under the King of Siam and returned to Pegu and thence Once more he set out for Japan, and this time his to Malacca.

voyage prospered and he came back with a fair profit. At Malacca he was eagerly questioned by St. Francis Xavier (1506-52) He seems to have been infected as to the conditions in Japan. with the saint's enthusiasm, as were most of those who met him, and after his death he perhaps gave up a considerable fortune in order to return as missionary and ambassador to Before leaving Goa (April 1554) with St. Francis Japan. Xavier's successor, Padre Belchior, he had been received into
the

Company
in

of Jesus.

After

many

hardships they landed in

for

China

July 1556.

In the spring of 1558, a few weeks after

returning to Goa,

Lisbon on September

Mendez Pinto sailed 22. The Lisbon

home and

arrived at

officials dallied

with his

pretensions to reward for his services.

During his wanderings in India, Ethiopia, China, Japan, Tartary, and Arabia he had persevered through captivities, battles, and shipwrecks, but four or five years of official evasions broke his spirit, and he retired Philip II, stirred to interest in to live in poverty at Almada. this legendary figure, granted him two bushels of wheat in January 1583, and in July of the same year he died. He had
long before
left

the

Company

of Jesus, either of his

own

free

will or expelled,

perhaps on suspicion of Jewish descent.^ His name was erased from the Company's records and letters. Of his twenty-one years of trader, envoy, pirate, and missionary
in the far
less

interest,

East he wrote for his children a narrative of breathand, speaking generally, it bears the stamp of
gather that he was brave and adventurous, despite

truth.

We

a natural timidity, of a consuming curiosity which often got

the better of his fears, pious, temperate, apt to be carried
fugitive enthusiasms,

away

but persistent, gay, and optimistic by in defeat and disappointment. He appears not to have been particularly vain. He does not disguise some of his less creditable actions, and he certainly does not exaggerate his services in
*

Pinto, 1904

See the important works by Colonel Cristovam Ayres, Fern So Mevdes Ferndo Mendes Pinto e o Japao, 1906. ;

224

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

:

Japan.^ He may possibly have been one of the three Portuguese who discovered it in 1542 their names are given by Couto (V. viii.
12) as Mota, Zeimoto and Peixoto. Gifted with keen imagination, he could exaggerate - when expediency required, but he knew that
in the

account

of his travels

exaggeration was not expedient, and

he was constantly on guard against the notorious scepticism of his

fellow-countrymen.^
sionally,

He may have heightened the colour occabut as a rule he writes with restraint, although with delight in a good story and skill in bringing out the dramatic side of events. It is one of the charms of his work that it is very definite in dates and figures, but this also, through inevitable errors and misprints, afforded a handle to the pedantry of critics. The fatal similarity of Mendez and mendacity gave rise to the play on his name Fernam, mentes ? Minto (' Fernam, do you lie? I lie'), and Congreve, in Love for Love, by calling him a liar of the first magnitude clinched the matter in England. But comparatively early a reaction set in,* and modern travellers have unequivocally confirmed the more favourable verdict and corroborated his The mystery of the detailed descriptions of Eastern countries. its cities, its rites and imheavy scent of fervent East, the memorial customs, as well as the magic of adventure, haunt his A hundred pictures refuse to fade from the memory, pages.
:

'

'

His work did not appear till 1614 and it is uncertain to what extent it was edited by the historian Francisco de Andrade. It is thought that the account of his services as missionary in Japan may have been excised owing
'

to the hostility of the Jesuits. ^ Cap. 223 eii respondi acrecentando em mtiitas coiisas que me perguntava por me parecer que era assim necessario a reputafdo da nafdo portuguesa. ^ Cf. caps. The complaint is echoed by 14, 70, 88, 114, 126, 198, 204. almost every Portuguese traveller of the day. Bishop Osorio refers to the even the truthful and exact Francisco Alvarez fidei faciendae difficidtas fears his readers' disbelief. * Cf. Faria e Sousa (laudari a laudato f) Yo le tengo por muy verdadero A. de Sousa Macedo, Eva e Ave, ii. 55, 1676 ed., p. 495 El Rcy Catholico D. Philippe II, quando veio a Portugal, gostava de ouvir a Fernao Mendes, em ctijas peregrinafoens sucessos que dellas escreveo mostrou tempo com a experiencia a verdade que se Ihe disputava antes que ouvesse tantas noticias d'aquellas partes Soares, Theatrum diii apud Lusitanos fidem non meruit donee rerum qui secuti sunt eventus et aliorum scripta nihil Ferdinandum a vera discrepasse confirmarunt Manuel Bernardes, Nova Floresta, i (1706), p. 124 as Relafoes do nosso Fernao Mendez Pinto que ndo merecem tdo pouco credito como alguns Ihe ddo. Either never man had better memory or he was the most solemn liar that ever put pen to paper is the verdict of Jose Agostinho
: ; :

&

'

'

de Macedo (Motim

Literario, 184.1 ed.,

ii.

17).

OUINHENTISTA PROSE
whether they are
of silk-laden Chinese

225

junks or jars of gold dust,

vivid descriptions of shipwreck (the hiss and swell of the waves

are in his rich sea-Latin) or the awful pathos of the

Queen

of

Martavao's death, the sketch of a supercilious Chinese mandarin or of St. Francis Xavier tramping through Japan. Five years after Mendez Pinto's return to Portugal a book
scarcely less strange than his PeregrinaQam, of atmosphere as
oriental

and

of interest as

absorbing although more

scientific,

was

printed at Goa,

Its author,

Garcia da Orta^

[c.

1495-r. 1570),

born at Elvas, the son, perhaps, of Jorge da Orta, owner of a shop [temdeiro] in that town, studied medicine for ten years (1515-25) at Salamanca and Alcala, and in 1526 began to practise as a doctor at Castello de Vide. From 1532 to 1534 he w^as Professor at the University of Lisbon, and in March 1534 sailed with his friend and
patron, the insatiable Governor
as king's physician.
;

and inquiring mind and died at a good old age, probably at Goa. There, on the veranda of his beautiful garden, in this land of bellissimi giardini,^ served affectionately by many slaves, and with the books of his well-stocked library ready to his hand,* he would regale his
In France he was known as du Jardin. Familiarly this great botanist seems to have been called Herbs. A copy of the first edition of the Coloquios has Gracia Dorta o Ervas on the back of the binding. This might be an ignorant mistake for D'Elvas. * The Governor's brother, Pero Lopez de Sousa, wrote a Diario da Navegafao (1530-2) first published at Lisbon in 1839. The soldier in Couto's Dialogo says, nao vat tao mal negociado Mr por Fysico mor pais todos os que
'

Martim Afonso de Sousa,^ to India The East cast its spell over his curious he remained under twelve or more Governors

esle cargo
^

serviram iiraram nos sens tres annos sete ou oito mil cruzados, Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Porloghese. * He must have spent many a half-hour in the corner bookshop in Goa canto onde pousa mentioned by Couto (Dec. vi. v. 8, 1781 ed., p. 400) um livreiro unless this is a misprint for hiveiro, as the neighbouring sirgueiro seems to indicate. The growth of Portuguese literature in the East would Great folios like the Cancioneiro de furnish matter for a curious essay. Resende (see Lopez de Castanheda, v. 12, and Barros, Asia, iii. iii. 4, for the strange use made of it in India) and the Flos Sanctorum were taken out, and it is improbable that they were brought back when every square inch was required for pepper. Thousands of precious volumes must have gone down in shipwrecks, others profane books and auios were thrown overboard at the bidding of the priests. For the fate of a case of Hebrew Bibles (briuias) Amadis de Gaula was apparently see Correa, Lendas da India, i. 656-7. A most interesting list of in India in 15 19 (Lopez de Castanheda, v. 16). books ready to be sent to the Negus of Abyssinia in 15 15 is given in Sousa Viterbo's A Livraria Real (1901), p. 8.

2362

226

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

guests with strange fruits

all

the maneiras a giila of India

His knowledge was based and with still stranger knowledge on personal observation, for although he respected Galen and Dioscorides as the princes of medicine and was possessed of great erudition, he was not disposed to bow blindly to the authority of any writer, Arab or Greek, least of all to Scholasticism, he went to Nature and in his Coloquios dos Simples (1563) recorded what he had seen and heard, the truth without rhetoric, setting aside the mil fabulas of Pliny and Herodotus. These fifty-nine dialogues, arranged in alphabetical order, pay more regard to facts than to style. They are full of varied information and give us a most pleasant insight into the writer's character, strong, humorous, obstinate, and into his life at Goa. From a scientific
point of view they are of great importance
:

not only did they

of

provide the
plants,

first

description of cholera

and

many unknown
earlier

but

after three

and a

half centuries they retain their

scientific

interest

and value.

Begun many years

in

Latin,^ they were published in the author's old age, with an

introductory ode by his friend, the poet Camoes.

Unhappily

they became
1605

known

to

Europe

chiefly in a garbled Latin version

I'ficluse (Clusius) a fifth edition appeared in which the Italian and French translations were made. It was not until the nineteenth century that the skilful and eager care of the Conde de Ficalho enabled a larger number of those who read Portuguese to appreciate Orta at his true

by Charles de

from

worth.

Born

at Alcacer do Sal, the celebrated scientist

Pedro Nunez

(1492 .''-1577 ?), whose name lives in the instrument of his invention, the nonius,'^ was Cosmographer to Kings Joao HI
* Unless Correa's description (Lendas, iv. 288-9) is earlier. Other events recorded by Correa which must have closely affected Orta are the fate of a bachelor of medicine strangled and burnt by the Inquisition at Goa in 1543 (iv. 292) and the outbreak of small-pox, from which 8,000 children died there in three months in 1545 (iv. 447). The Dialogo da perfey^am &- partes que sum necessarias ao bpj^ medico (1562), with the exception of the dedicatory letter to King Sebastian and the title, is written in Spanish (25 ff.). Apparently Afonso de Miranda found it in Latin among the books of his son Jeronimo (who had studied at Coimbra and Salamanca) and translated it. 2 Composto, he says {Coloquios, i. 5). Dimas Bosque (ib. i. 1 1) says comcgado. * Thus he contributed to the fact, which he notices in the Tratado da carta de tnarear, that the Portuguese sea enterprises were based on careful preparaThe nonius was perfected in the following century by Vernier. tion.

OUINHENTISTA PROSE

227

and Sebastian and Professor of Mathematics at the University Prince Luis and D. Joao de Castro of Coimbra (1544-62). were his pupils. He wrote indifferently in Latin, Spanish, or
Portuguese, declared that as science treats of concrete things it can be expressed in any language however barbarous,^ and,
in order to secure for
it

a wider public, translated into Portuguese

the Latin

treatise {lihellus)
:

De Sphaera by John

of

Halifax

Tratado da Sphera (i537),^ and into (Joannes de Sacro Bosco) Spanish his own Libro de Algebra en arithmetica & geometria (1567), originally written in Portuguese and addressed to his pupil and friend the Cardinal-King Henrique. His other works,

De Crepuscidis (1542), were written in Latin. Homeric hero Duarte Pacheco Pereira (1465 ?1533 ?) about whose life, apart from the hundred days at Cochin (1504) and a fight off Finisterre (1509) with the French pirate Mondragon, singularly little is known, ^ on his return from India in 1505 wrote a work entitled Esmeralda de Sit7i This curious and important survey of the Orbis [1505-6.?]. coast of Africa, the work of one more accustomed to wield sword than pen, but sometimes as picturesque and interesting as Duarte Barbosa, was to have consisted of five books, but only It remained in three and a part of the fourth were written.
including the

The

manuscript for nearly four centuries.

The
*

three Roteiros (logs)

written by the famous Viceroy

:

Tratado da Sphera, Preface. This volume contains also two brief treatises by Nunez in Portuguese Tratado sabre cartas duuidas da naiiegagao, answering certain questions em defensam da carta put to him by Martim Afonso de Sousa, and Tratado de marear, addressed to the Infante Luis. The De Sphaera of Joannes de Sacro Bosco was printed with a preface by Philip Melanchthon in 1 5 38. Arraez, in his Dialogos, 1604 ed., f. 56, says sei algo da Sphera porque qttando Pero Nunez a Ha a certos honiens principals eu me achava presente. ^ He himself says that he was born in the excellent city of Lisbon {Esmeralda, iv. 6), and he was one of the captains sent out by Joao II to continue the discovery of the West Coast of Africa. In 1520-2 he was Governor of the fortress of S. Jorge da Mina, but his last years were spent in poverty. Other works of a similar nature, livros das rotas or derrotas, are printed in Libro de Marinharia. Tratado da Aguia de Marear [15 14] de Joao de Lisbaa Cf. also Capiado e coordenada par J. I. Brito Rebello. 1903[11526]. G. Pereira, Roteiros Portugiiezes da viagem de Lisbaa d India nos seculos xvi e xvii, 1898 H. Lopes de Mendon9a, Estudos sabre navios portuguezes nos seculos xv e xvi, 1892, and O Padre Fernando Oliveira e a sua obra nautica, 189S (pp. 147-221 contain O Liuro da fabrica das naos, of which,
^
. .

P 2

228

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

(2)

(i) from Lisbon from Goa to Diu, 1538-9, (3) from Goa to 1541, are decked out with no literary graces. He wrote, he said, for seamen, not for ladies and gallants. Yet the scientific curiosity and enthusiasm of this keen-eyed, broad-minded observer give his descriptions force and truth, the same practical lucidity that marks his letters, which according

D. JoAO DE Castro (1500-48) on his voyages

Goa in 1538, the Red Sea in

to

to his friend Prince Luis contained todas as coiisas necessarias

e

nenhuas superjiuas, and they were early prized

in

Spain as

harto notables,

muy

curiosos}

The

third Roteiro

would seem

to have been originally written in Latin, and perhaps translated by Castro at his beloved Sintra home. The manuscript was bought by Sir Walter Raleigh, and it appeared in English in 1625, 208 years before it was published in Portuguese.

Greater historical interest attaches to the letters of an earlier

Governor, Afonso de
to be

Albuquerque

(1461-1515).

That grim
said what comment.

conqueror of the East might have smiled somewhat sardonically

numbered among Portugal's

writers.
it,

He merely
his

he had to say, and there was an end of

would be

But it is precisely this directness the powerful grasp of reality and the horror of useless rhetoric which gives excellence to

These incomparable reports, written to King Manuel in moments snatched from his many occupations as Governor of India (1509-15), sometimes rise to a biblical grandeur
the prose of his Cartas.

and eloquence, as
Onor,
rei dele

in the splendid

passage beginning Goa

Perhaps, after
all,

c vossa

paga-vos pareas.
art,
^

he was

not wholly unconscious of his

it is

clear

as Osorio

notices, he

and certainly the source of was a devoted student of the

'

Bible.

In more familiar

a few emphatic words, as

mood he can give a vivid sketch in when he describes the judge, a little
;

man

dressed in a cloak of coarse cloth w'ith a crooked stick

and Sousa Viterbo, Trabalhos says the preface, ninguem escreveo ateegora) nauticos dos portuguezes nos seculos xvi e xvii {Historia e Memorias da Ac. das Set end as, torn. V\\ (1898), nzew. 3 torn, viii (1900), mem. i). Diogo de Sd's De Navigatione was published in Paris in 1549; the Arte Practica de Navegar (1699) by the Cosmographo Mor Manuel Pimentel (1650-1719) appeared a century and a half later and had several editions in the eighteenth centurj'. ' Fr. Antonio de San Roman, Historia General de la India Oriental, Valla;

dolid, 1603. ' De liehvs

Emmanvelis (1571), p. 380: Kon erat alienus a ntium erat lectione sacrarum praecipue literarum nhlertahattir.

Uteris, (~

cum

QUINHENTISTA PROSE
under
wiles
his

229
'

arm

',

or the impostors

who

will practise

a thousand

and
c.

deceits for one

ruby

'.

To
(born

turn to lesser men,

Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita

and the
first

1560), a distinguished Lisbon advocate

Camoes, was a poet celebrated his letters is perhaps a little forced, for his wit in and the obscurity of the allusions now interferes with our enjoyment. The interest of the extracts from a manuscript in the British Museum written by Francisco Rodriguez Silveira (1558-C. 1635) in 1608, published under the title Memorias de um
editor of the

Rythmas (1595) his day. That of

of

Soldado da India (1877), consists both in the record of his thirteen years' service in India (1585-98) and in the account during the succeeding ten years of Portugal and especially Beira, the
condition of the roads, the land, the peasants, and the sway of

them The Arte da Caga da Altanaria (1616) of Diogo Fernandez Ferreira (born c. 1550), page of the Pretender D. Antonio, is a work The writer evidently delights in his theme of great interest. and has a real love of birds, the migratory habits of which he describes in Part 6 and he treats of swallows and of the swallowthe local caciques
thief,

Turk, Pasha, tyrant, he

calls

and

his indignation gives a pleasant vigour to his prose.

'

grass which restores sight

',

of the

food

made
other

of sugar, saffron,

and

almonds

for

nightingales,

and

alluring

topics.

Among

the rare and curious books of the time

we may

notice

that on the prerogatives of

q ho genero femenino
te

women, Dos priuilegios &proerogatiuas

par dsreito comii

&

ordenacoes do Reyno

mais que ho genero masculino (1557), by Ruy GoNgALVEz, Professor of Law at Coimbra in 1539 and subsequently Court Advocate
at Lisbon.

Two
of

writers especially

attract attention
in

even in the feast

century offers so

interest

which Portuguese prose

this

abundantly.

The son
settled in

of

distinguished

Dutch illuminator

Antonio de Hollanda, who and may have illuminated the Book of Hours of Queen Lianor, Francisco de Hollanda (1518-84), born in Lisbon, painter, illuminator, and architect, in his short treatises Da fabrica que fallece d cidade de Lishoa and Da scieiicia do desoiho, showed an enthusiasm for his subject

and painter

Portugal,

painted Charles

at Toledo

230

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

sixteenth century.
Inquisition

almost out of place in the Portugal of the second half of the Indeed, he nearly ran into trouble with the

by seeming

to

make

painting

'

divine

',

but prudently

altered the passage.

His curious and celebrated treatise

is

Da
at

Pintvra Antigva (1548)

written in a style which

may

be rather

rejoiced in than imitated, for, as he tells us, he

was more

home with
and

the brush than with the pen, but

it is full

of ingenious

original remarks.

The

first

part deals in forty-four brief

chapters with painting generally, and opens with a fine passage

describing the

work

of

God

as the greatest of

all

painters.

The

second part contains the Qiiatro dialogos,

in the first

three of

which he records the conversations of Vittoria Colonna, Michelangelo, Lattanzio Tolomei, and himself in the church of St. Sylvester or in a garden overlooking Rome conversations which, despite their Portuguese dress, bear the stamp of truth and will retain their fascination so long as interest in art endures. Francisco worked first in the household of the Infante Fernando and then in that of the Archbishop of Evora. In 1537 he set out on a journey to Rome by land (Valladolid, Barcelona, Provence), and in Italy remained from 1538 to 1547. His
;

friendship

with

Michelangelo continued

after

his

return

to

Hollanda to Michelangelo in 1553 proves. The last part of his life he spent in the country between Lisbon and Sintra among the Portuguese whom he -had called desmusicos, and despite his comfortable circumstances he received a pension of 100,000 reis from Philip II he must often have looked back with regret to the fullness of those nine years in Italy. But his countrymen, thanks largely to the scholarly researches and studies of Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos, are now fully alive to his merits. And, indeed, even in the sixteenth century a passage in Frei Heitor Pinto's Imagem da Vida Christam sets him side by side with the great Italian.'^ Philipe Nunez, who professed as a Dominican in 1591, wrote on painting in the next century Arte poetica e da pintura e symmetria A work on music by Antonio Fernandez of about (1615). the same date. Arte de Mvsica de canto dorgam e canto chant
Portugal, as a letter from

Pt. 1, 1572 ed., f. 224 ndo feyto por tndo do nosso Oldda Angela mas par men bayxo ingenho.
'
:

tie

do vosso Michael

OUINHENTISTA PROSE
(1626), consists of three treatises
original.

231

which do not profess to be Manuel Nunez da Silva wrote on the same subject

in his Arte

Minima

(1685).

In the preface (1570) to his Regra Geral, written in 1565, GongALO Fernandez Trancoso^ {c. 1515-^, 1590) professed not to

have

sufficient literary skill

even for

this simple calendar of

mov-

previous year (1569), in which at Lisbon he lost both wife and children in the great plague (a beloved
able feasts.

Yet

in the

son), in order to distract his

daughter of twenty-four, a student son, and a choir-boy grandmind from these sorrows,- he wrote
its

kind in Portuguese literature; or at least he wrote then the first two books, which appeared under the title Covtos e historias de prove ito e exemplo (1575).^
a remarkable work, unique of

third part
of

was published posthumously

in 1596.

The number

and kind

the editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries testify to its popularity, but since the eighteenth century no new edition has been printed and the book has fallen into a strange neglect. * Trancoso did not claim originality: he

merely collected stories from what he had heard or read.^ The stories, only thirty-eight in number, are very various. The subjects of many of them resemble those of Franco Sacchetti's
Francesco .Straparola's Le xiii Piacevoli and some are directly imitated from Boccaccio's 11 Decamerone or Giovanni Battista Giraldi's Gli Ecatommiti or from Matteo Bandello (fiS^s).^ But often they are traditions so widespread that they occur in many authors and languages, as that (ii. 7) which corresponds to Straparola's third Notte and of which Dr. F. A. Coelho recorded twenty-one other foreign
Novelle or Giovanni
Notti,

or besides four popular variants in Portuguese which the cunning answers to difficult questions are similar to those in Sacchetti, No. 4 [Mestre Bernabd signer di Milano), and Dr. Braga's Contos tradicionaes do povo porluguez,
versions,
i.
;

17, in

Or Gon9alo Fernandez of Trancoso (Beira). His name has no connexion with the phrase contar histovias a trancos (de coq a I'dne). * Preface His object was prender addressed to the Queen in Pt. i. a imaginagao emferros. ^ Timoneda's El Patranuelo appeared in the following year. * See, however, Dr. Agostinho de Campos' selections (1921). ^ O que aprendi, ouui oil li (1624 ed.) que aprendi, vi ou li (1734 ed.). ^ See Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, tom. ii (1907), p. Ixxxvii et
'
;

seq.

232

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Sem
Cuidados).

No. 71 [Frei Joani

(i.

Others are apparently of

oriental origin, as the judge's verdict,

15), or

the king and the barber

(iii.

3).

worthy of Sancho Panza But the subject and

place (Lisbon, Oporto, Evora, Coimbra, &c.) of most, although

not of the longest, of these tales are Portuguese.^

trifling

Some
details

are

anecdotes which acquire a charm and vividness through

character

their

popular

and the author's simple

supper of

of

description, as the picture of the peasant family near

sitting

round the
10).

fire after their

is

Oporto maize-bread and chest-

nuts

(i.

The author

not content that

we should draw

our

own

moral, but this scarcely spoils the reader's pleasure in

these malicious and ingenious tales.

Despite

inroads
life

of

the

exotic

and

all

the

chances

and

changes of
indeed

and

literature in this century,

the Portuguese

maintained their interest in the romances of chivalry, in which they saw a reflection of their own prowess in the East. Dull as Clarimundo may now seem, it made a great impression in its day, and was eagerly read, from Lisbon to the Moluccas.^ Even as late as 1589 Bishop Arracz considers
it

necessary to say that a prince should have better

ler por Clarimundo,^ while Rodriguez Lobo, thirty years later, brackets it with Amadis Many a young page and escudeiro must and Palmeirim^ have aspired not only to pore over the cronicas but to write one of his own.^ The facility of a Barros is, however,

ways

of

spending his time than

given to few, and both Jorge Ferreira's Memorial and Moraes'

Palmeirim de Inglaterra were written later in life. Francisco DE Moraes [c. 1500-72), a well-known courtier in the reign of King Joao III, whose Treasurer he was, and' a Come/iidador of the Order of Christ, in 1540 accompanied the Portuguese Ambassador, D. Francisco de Noronha, to Paris as Secretary,
'

The

spelling of the in iii. 8.

'

alternation of the indigenous and the exotic may be seen in the same name as Piro ( = Pero, Pedro, Peter) and Pyrrho (Pyrrhus)
ed., p. 2.

Ropica Pnefma, 1869

Dialogos, 1604 ed., f. 157. A third edition of Clarimundo (1601) appeared before the second edition of the Dialogos. * Corte na Aldea (1619), Dialogo i (1722 ed., p. 5).
'
'

had

Moraes, Dialogo

(1852 ed., p.

11).

Barbosa Machado seems to have considered him much under seventy at the time of his death in 1572.

OUINHENTISTA PROSE

233

and at the French Court he fell passionately in love with one of the ladies-in-waiting of Queen Leonor (sister of the Emperor Charles V and widow of King Manuel of Portugal) named there Claude Blosset dc Torcy. His love was not returned was a great discrepancy of age between them, his knowledge of French was very slight, and his passion robbed him of wit and reason. If the Due de Chatillon was favoured, or if the English Ambassador gave Mademoiselle de Torcy his arm, Moraes would flare up in jealousy, and when in the presence of the queen the elderly lover went down on his knees la belle Torcy (to whom Clement Marot had addressed one of his Etrennes and who eventually married the Baron de Fontaines) prayed him not to
:

continue to
after leaving

make

her as well as himself ridiculous.

Moraes,

France in 1543, or early in 1544, recovered from Of his subsequent life his passion and married in Portugal, little is known he appears to have returned to France, and in
;

1572 he was murdered at the entrance of the Rocio, the cenHis Cronica de Palmeirim de Inglaterra, tral square of Evora. written in France or Portugal or both, was probably published
in 1544,

but the earliest existing Portuguese edition is that of which contains the dedication to the Infanta Maria, written over twenty years earlier (1544). Chiefly remarkable for the excellence of its style, Palmeirim will always retain its
Evora,
1567,

place in Portuguese literature as a masterpiece of prose, musically

soft,

yet clear and vigorous.

of its readers will

Cervantes considered
like the

be preserved in a golden casket

few

now

differ

it worthy to works of Homer,^ but from the more modern and

'

moderate opinion of Menendez y Pelayo that it requires a real effort to read the whole of it. The effort required to read
'

the

miserable

vSpanish

translation

of
is

1547-8

is

infinitely

greater.

The

fact that this translation

of earlier date

than any

surviving Portuguese edition gave rise to the theory that Moraes

had translated

his

now

believes this

dispelled wittily
'

work from the Spanish. No competent critic any doubts that may have lingered were and for ever in Mr. Purser's able essay (1904).
;

The tradition, mentioned by Cervantes, that it was written by a learned and witty king of Portugal is clearly traceable to that other tradition that King Joao III as Infante had been joint-author of Clarimundo.

234

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

version, with
its

The Spanish
and
its

painful efforts to avoid lusitanismos

palpable mistranslations (such as suavidad or alegria

for saudade),

shows

less

knowledge

of the sea, of Ireland,^

and

of

Portugal.

Moreover, the preference of the author of Palmcirim

is obvious, and the passage in which ladies of the French Court arc introduced corresponds to Moracs' Descvlpa de hvns amoves,'^ first published with the Dialogos in 1624. Moraes himself would probably not have been greatly troubled by the impudent claim set up for Luis Hurtado and Miguel Ferrer. To have made a masterpiece out of their book would have been an achievement as great as to have made it out of old French and English legends in Paris. Pahneirim's predecessors, Palmerin de Oliva (151 1), Prinialeon (1512), and Platir (1533), were probably all genuinely Spanish, although some doubts have been raised as to the first of the line, Pahnerin de Oliva

for Portugal

attributed to a cryptic lady, a femiiia docta called Agustobrica.^

to Moraes' parts were as genuinely Portuguese and added parts Fernandez DioGO 3 4 (1587), concerned with the deeds of Palmeirim's son, Dom Duardos,^ and Balthasar GoNQALVEZ LoBATO parts 5 and 6 (1602), in which are told those Three brief but of his grandson, Dom Clarisol de Bretanha. very lively and natural Dialogos (1624) show that Moraes was not only an excellent stylist but a keen observer. The fidalgo
Its successors
I
:

and

and and
>

escudeiro, the lawyer

and the love-lorn mogo, are

all

clearly

wittily presented.
'

Mount Brandon, Smerwick (and The Three Sisters) of the pleasant densely wooded coast of Kerry, are Greek to the Spanish translator and become San Cebrian (Cyprian) and San Maurique. que tinha com hua dama francesa da raynha dona The title continues
'

but
^

'

'

Leanor per nome Torsi, sendo Portngues, pela quai, fez a historia das datnas francesa s no sen Palmeirim. * It is scarcely possible that the author (Francisco Vazquez?) considered that Burgos, as his birthplace liis mother had a part in the work. * From being merely the legend above, the mounted knight on the titlepage Dom Duardos de Bretanha became the title of the book.

7Religious

and Mystic Writers

Amador Arraez
thus
' :

There

is

one of his dialogues defines mysticism a theology called mystic, as being hidden and
in

unintelligible to those

who have no
suffices

part in

it.

It

is

attained by

much
of

love and few books and with

much meditation and

its

purity

heart,

which alone

for

exercise,

and consists
'
:

mainly
God,

in the noblest part of

our will inflamed in the love of

^
'

its full

and perfect good.'

Our

will inflamed

perhaps
Style, so

these words explain the excellence of the style, the intensity

and

directness, of the writers in this mystic theology.

his disciples,

shy and elusive to Flaubert and

wrote not with an eye on verbal
of the heart,
'

came unsought

to

the religious writers of the sixteenth century,

artifices

because they
of the fullness

but out
'

self-gathered for an outbreak

and

their

works

can

still

be read with pleasure by priest and pagan.

Mysticism,

inherent in the character of the Portuguese, runs through a great

part of their literature

we find it, for instance, in the merry poetry of Gil Vicente or in the precious accents of Soror Violante do Ceo. Strength of character, aloofness, rapt enthusiasm,
;
:

singleness of purpose
its best,

these are the qualities of mysticism at

and if it also manifests itself in vagueness and confusion, this was not so with the great mystic and religious writers of the golden age of Portuguese literature. To them mysticism was not a cloudy goodness or an abstract perceptiondulling humanity, not a mist but a pillar of fire, in the light of which the facts and details of reality stood out the more clearly. But if the intensity of many of the mystics has its natural complement in the fervour and directness of their prose, this was not always the case, and it was not only in profane works that
the Portuguese language
A.11

fell
is
'

into the pitfalls of culteranismo.

the more remarkable

the purity, the exquisite taste, the

Dial. X. 4.

236

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

charm
of

simplicity and
prose.

some

of the later,

seventeenth century,
itself,

The

secret of this prose lay in fact in cidteranismo

the points and conceits of which were based on a recognition of

the value of words.

All the seiscentistas set to playing with

words

as with

unset stones of price.

The more

critical

or

inspired writers joined in the

stones, leaving the rest to

game but selected the genuine those who did not care to distinguish

between gems and coloured glass. A faint vein of mysticism is to be found in the work of Frei Heitor Pinto [c. 1528-1584?), who was born at the high-lying little town of Covilhan and professed in the famous Convento dos Jcronimos at Belem in 1543. After taking the degree of Doctor of Theology at Siguenza he in 1567 competed for a Chair at Salamanca University, but came into collision with Fray Luis de Leon, and in a bitter contest between the Hieronymite and Augustinian Orders Pinto was defeated. He returned to Portugal, became Professor of the new Chair of Scripture at Coimbra University in 1576, Rector of the University and Provincial of his Order. After the death of the Cardinal-King he appears vehemently to have espoused the cause of the Prior of Crato. King Philip accordingly invited Pinto to accompany him to Spain he was one of the fifty excluded from the amnesty of 1581^and scandal added that the king had him poisoned there in 1584. Pinto was an eminent divine, a man of wide learning, a master of Portuguese prose, and he appears to have inspired his pupils with affection but King Philip could scarcely have considered him worth poisoning, especially when removed from his sphere No doubt he went to Spain with extreme reluctof influence. ance on other occasions of his busy life when the affairs of his Order drove him to France and Italy he had sighed in tears (in spite of his interest in travel, his love of Nature, and especially his antiquarian curiosity ^) for his quiet cell at Bclem, where Perhaps too he he had lived many years in great content
-^

'

'.

JSarbosa Machado are Rector 1565, Provincial 1571. introduces himself as a theologian in his dialogues, and one may infer several facts concerning his life, e. g. that he had been in Rome (Iniagem, Pt. 2, 1593 ed.. f. 351 v.), Montserrat (f. 88), Marseilles (f. 88), Savoy (f. 295), Madrid (f. 190), that he kept a diary (f. 190), that he was curiuso de antigualhas (f. 352).
'

The dates given by

'

He

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

had not forgotten
said sturdily,
his defeat at

237

King Philip ', he put me into Castillo but never Castille into mc.' Pinto wrote commentaries on various books of the Old Testament, which were published in Latin, but his principal
Salamanca.
'

now

'

may

work consists in the dialogues, a ynaneira dos de Platdo, of his Imagem da Vida Christam (1563), followed by the Segunda Parte dos Dialogos (1572). The first part has six dialogues, the subjects being true philosophy,
religion,

justice,

tribulation,

the

solitary

life,^

and remembrance

of death.

The

five of the

second

part treat of tranquillity of

ship, causes,-

life,

discreet ignorance, true friend-

and true and spurious possessions. It is impossible to read a page of these dialogues and not be struck by the extraordinary fascination of their style. It is concise and direct without ever losing its harmony. Perhaps its best testimonial is that its magic survives the innumerable quotations, although one may regret that the work was not written, like the Trabalhos de Jesus, in a dungeon instead of in a well-stocked library.^ Apart from the proof it affords of the exceptional capacity of the Portuguese language for combining softness and vigour, the work contains much ingenious thought, charming descripSome twenty editions in various tions, and elaborate similes. languages before the end of the century show how keenly it was appreciated. It was certainly not without influence on the Dialogos (1589) of the energetic and austere Bishop of Portalegre, Amador Arraez {c. 1530-1600), who spent his boyhood at Beja and professed as a Cc.rmelite at Lisbon a year after Frei Thome de Jesus and two years after Frei Heitor Pinto had professed in the same city. Like the former he studied theology at Coimbra.*
Macedo, quoted by Innocencio da Silva (iii. 176), alleged this to be Petrarca (1304-74) should 'faithful translation' from Petrarca. praise Belem Convent and Coimbra University, refer to the recent death (1557) of King Joao III, or speak of our Francisco de Hollanda we are not told. Pinto in a later dialogue, Da Tranqnillidade da Vida, refers to Petrarca's Vita Solitaria (Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 47 v.). - Since 1590 is implied as the date of this dialogue on f. 290 of the 1593 edition it must be emphasized that the Segunda Parte appeared original^
*

Why

'

'

in 1572.
^

Pt. 2, 1593 ed.,

Cf.

f.

366 v.

eu revolvo os livros
:

com grandes

trabalhos

& vigilias.
*

adolescencia.

Dialogos, 1604 ed., f. 346 Coimbra, onde gastei a flor de minlia (This edition really has but 344 ff. since f. 29 follows f. 22.)

238

THE SIXTEENTPI CENTURY

when Archbishop of Evora, chose Arraez to in 1578 appointed him to the see of TripoH. and be Three years later he was made Bishop of Portalegre by Philip H. He resigned in 1596, and spent the last four years of his life in retirement, in the college of his Order at Coimbra. A few weeks
Cardinal Henrique,
his suffragan,

before his death he wrote the prefatory letter for the revised
edition of his great work.^
It

consists of ten long dialogues

priest, lawyer,
is

between the sick and dying Antiocho and doctor,

or friends.
life

The

longest, over a quarter of the whole,

a mystic

some are purely religious, as Christam, some historical or political Da Paciencia e Fortaleza {Da Gloria e Triunfo dos Liisitanos Das Condigoes e Partes do Bom Principe). That on the Jews {Da Gente Judaica) is marred by a spirit of bitter intolerance on the other hand there is an outspoken protest against slavery. The whole of this interesting miscellany, which incidentally discusses a very large number of subjects, 2 is tinged with mystic philosophy, and at the same
of the Virgin,

and

of the others

time shows a keen sense of reality.

In style as in degree of
Pinto's

mysticism

it

stands

midway between

Imagem and the

It is evident that its composition, although than that of the Imagem, has been the subject of much care, and the author declares in his preface that while adopting a common, ordinary style ', to the exclusion of forced tricks and elegances, he has striven after clearness and harmony (the two postulates of his contemporary. Fray Luis de Leon). The result is a treasury of excellent prose, in which the harmonious flow of the sentences in nowise interferes with precision and restraint, that grave brevity which Arraez notes as one It can rise to great of the principal qualities of Portuguese.

Trabalhos de Jesus.

less artificial

'

eloquence (as in the lament of Olympio) without ever becoming

rhetorical or turgid.

and Arraez was a very conscious art, that Frei Thome de Jesus (1529 .^-82) was the man, and the man merged in mysticism, without thought of

The prose

of Pinto

of the still greater

Dialogos de Dom Frey Amador Arraiz, Coimbra, 1604. The idea of the work belonged to his brother, Jeronimo Arraez, who did not live to complete what he had begun. * The same variety occurs in Poderes de Amor em geral e horas de conversaQam particular (1657), by Frei Cristovam Godinho (c. 1600-71) of Evora.
'

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITI^RS

style.

239

He was the son of Fcrnam Alvarez dc Andrade, Treasurer King Joao III, and of Isabel dc Paiva. One of his brothers was the celebrated preacher Diogo dc Paiva de Andrade (1528-75), another the historian Francisco dc Andrade; a third, Frei Cosme da Presentagao, distinguished himself in philosophy and theology, but died at the age of thirty-six at Bologna, while the work of a nephew (son of Francisco de Andrade), Diogo de Paiva de Andrade (1576-1660), Casamento
to
perfeito (1636),
sister
is

counted a

classic of

Portuguese prose.

His

As a boy at the Augustinian Collegio de Nossa Senhora da Graga at Coimbra he is said to have been all but drowned while swimming in the Mondego. He professed at the Lisbon convent of the same Order in 1544, went to Coimbra to study theology, and then became master of novices at the Lisbon convent.-^ Here in 1574 he planned a reform of the Order, but when all was ready for the secession of the new Recoletos an intrigue put an end to the scheme, which a kindred spirit, Fray Luis de Leon, later carried into effect. Frei Thome was permitted to retire to the convent of Penafirme by the sea, near Torres Vedras, where he might hope to indulge his love of quiet and solitude. He was, however, appointed prior of the convent and Visitor of his Order, and in 1578 was chosen by King Sebastian to accompany him to Africa. At the battle of Alcacer Kebir, as he held aloft a crucifix or tended the wounded, he was speared by a Moor and taken prisoner to Mequinez. Here he was loaded with chains and placed in a dungeon, and as the slave of a marabout received 'less bread than blows'. The Portuguese Ambassador, D. Francisco da Costa, intervened, and he was removed to Morocco. Frei Thome had borne all his sufferings with the most heroic fortitude, and now, broken in health but not in spirit, he refused to lodge at the ambassador's and asked to be placed in the
D. Violante married the second Conde de Linhares.

common

prison.

During a captivity

of

nearly four years,

regardless of his

own f ate,^ with

unflagging devotion he ministered

' He wrote the life of the prior, Frei Luis de Montoia, whose Vida de Christo he completed. * Tendo elle sua nidi e irmdos muito ricos e a Condessa de Linhares sua irtnda, todos offerecidos a pagar o grosso resgate que os Monros pediam, por saberem a qualidade de sua pessoa {Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique, p. 38).

240
to the
last

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

numerous Christian
prisoners,

and was occupied

visited

to the

with their needs.

1582).

Costa,

who

shared the general respect

and

affection for this saint

17,

and hero,

him

as he lay
!

dying (April

Vattene in pace, alma beata e hella

It was during his captivity that he composed the work that has

given him the lasting fame earned by his

cracks of the prison door.^
(2 pts., 1603, 9)

life

and character,

writing furtively in the scant light that filtered through the

These fifty Trahalhos de Jesus embrace the whole life of Christ, and deserve, more than Renan's Vie de Christ, to be called a gracious fifth Each t'rabalho is, moreover, followed by a spiritual Gospel. exercise, and these constitute a Portuguese De Imitatione Christi. Rarely, if ever, has such glow and fervour been set in print none but the very dull could be left cold by these transports of The prose wrestles and throbs in an passionate devotion. agony of grief or rapture, of mysticism carried to the extreme Frei limit where all power of articulate expression ends.^ Thome de Jesus is a master of Portuguese prose not by any No arts or graces but through the white heat of his intensity. book shows more c.learly that style must always be a secondary
:

consideration, that
of style follows.
It

if

there be a burning conviction excellence

could evidently only have been written by

one who had greatly suffered, indeed by one who still suffered, one who expressed in these fervid accents of heavenly communion an oblivion of self and an energy habitually employed In a prefatory letter in eager earthly service of his fellow men. (November 8, 1581) addressed to the Portuguese people he
declared his intention of publishing as
of
it stood this masterpiece mystic ecstasy, which he believed to have been written by

divine inspiration.*

Another celebrated

treatise of a mystic character

is

the Voz do

See his prefatory letter in the Trabalhos. Cf. Antonio, Bib. Nova, ii. 307. horrivel masmorra. ^ Cf. p. 39 (1666 ed.) O 6, 6 amor ; 6, 6, 6 amor, cole a lingua e o entendiAh, ah, ah bondade ; or p. 54 mento, dilatai-vos vos por toda esta alma, &c. ah, ah amor sem lei, sem regra, sem medida, adoro-te, louvo-te, desejo-te, por ti

Barbosa Machado speaks of hua

: ,

suspiro. ^ He also wrote Oratorio sacra de soliloqtiios do amor divino (1628) and various works in Latin. Manuel dodinho refers to his Estimulo das Missoes {Relagao,

1842 ed., p. 47).

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

Amado
(1579)

241

^y the learned Canon D, Hilariam Brandao works of this century are very numerous. (11585). We may mention the anonymous Regras e Cautelas de proueito espiritual (1542), which is written in* biblical prose and deals with the fifteen perfections or excellences of charity and kindred

The

religious

the dialogues Desengano de Perdidos em dialogo dons peregrmos, hit christao e hu turco (Goa, 1573) by the
subjects
;

e?itre

first

Archbishop

of

Goa, D. Gaspar de Leao (fi576), and the Dialogo

um religioso com um peregrino (1578) by Frei Alvaro de Torres [Vedras] (fl. 1550), who was drowned in the Tagus when on the way to his convent at Belem.
espiritual: Colloquio de

D.

JoANA DA Gama

(fi568), a

nun

of noble birth

who

directed

a small community founded by herself at Evora, a few miles

from her native Viana, published a short collection of moral sentences in alphabetical order, followed by a few poems [trovas] Ditos da Freyra (1555). She insists, perhaps a little too emphatically for conviction, on her lack of intelligence and ability, and says that these sayings were written down for herself alone and that she purposely avoids subtleties {ditos sotijs), but her aphorisms contain some shrewd personal observation. Fact and legend have combined to weave an atmosphere of romance about the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, better known as Frei Luis de Sousa (1555 .?-i632). A descendant of the second Conde de Marialva, he early entered or was about to enter the Order of Knights Hospitallers at Malta, but was captured by the Moors in much the same way and at about the same time (1575) as was Cervantes. He was taken to Algiers, and may have known Cervantes there, or the statement that he became Cervantes' friend may have been an inference from the latter's mention of him in Los Trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda they may have met in Lisbon in 1590, or at Madrid. Sousa Coutinho returned to Portugal in 1578, and some years later married D. Magdalena de Vilhena, widow of D. Joao de Portugal, one of all the peerage that fell with King Sebastian at Alcacer Kebir. Sousa
: ;

Coutinho, at the invitation of his brother in Panama,

is

said to

hope of making a fortune, but the date is not clear. His unbending patriotism was immortalized when as Governor of Almada in 1599 he burnt down his house rather
in the
2362

have gone thither

242

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

than receive as guests the Spanish Governors of Portugal. The prospect of riches at Panama may have seemed especially alluring after this rash act. He appears to have lived quietly in Portugal for some years before 1613, when both he and his wife entered a convent. Their act has been variously explained as due to melancholy disposition or to the early death of their daughter, D. Anna de Noronha. Probably after her death the example of their friend the Conde de Vimioso and the conviction that the only abiding pleasure
is

the renunciation of

all

the rest were prevalent factors in their decision.

The

legend,

however, related by Frei Antonio da Encarnagao and dramatized

two centuries later by Garrett, records that D. Joao de Portugal, D. Magdalena de Vilhena's first husband, had been not killed but taken prisoner in Africa, and after many years' captivity he reappears as an aged pilgrim and bitterly reveals his identity. In the convent of Bemfica, where he had professed in September 1614, Frei Luis de Sousa was consulted on various matters by the Duke of Braganza and others who valued his fine character and clear judgement, but he did not live to see the Restoration. He was entrusted by his Order with the revision of works left by another Dominican, Frei Luis de Cacegas [c. 1540-1610). These he re-wrote, giving them a lasting value by virtue of his style. The first part of the Historia de S. Domingos, a new
'

kind of chronicle

'

as he calls

it

in his preface

addressed to the

king, appeared in 1623,

but the second (1662) and third (1678)

parts were not published in his lifetime.

fourth part (1733)

was added by Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina (1660-1740), who among other works wrote a curious miscellany of verse and prose, romance and literary criticism, entitled Seram politico In the biography of the saintly and strong-willed Arch(1704).
the excellence of Sousa's style
effect for the

bishop of Braga, Vida de D. Fr. Bertolomeu dos Martyres (1619), is even more apparent, for it has

here no trace of rhetoric and the pictures stand out with the more
adjectives

economy with which they are drawn the dearth of noticeable. The archbishop's visits to his diocese give occasion for charming, homely glimpses of Minho. Neither of these books is the work of a critical historian (in the Vida, for instance, winds and waves obey the archbishop), but the
is

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

latter, especially,
is

243

in

matter and manner one of the master-

livro divino, as a modern Portuguese writer called it/ The Annaes de El Rei Dom Jodo Terceiro, written at the bidding of Philip IV, was published in

pieces

of

Portuguese literature, a

1844 by Herculano,
a series of

who
is

described the

work

as little

notes, except in the Indian sections,

It

more than which sum-

marize Barros.

as a stylist, not as a historian, that Frei

Luis de Sousa will always be read, and read with delight.subject of his biography, Frei

The Bartholomeu dos Martyres

(1514-go), wrote in Portuguese a simple Catecismo da Dovtrina

friend Fray Luis de

Christam (Braga, 1564), resembling the Portuguese work of his Granada (1504-88) Compendio de Doctrina
:

Christda (Lixboa, 1559). The Historia da Vida do Padre Francisco Xavier (1600), by the Jesuit Joao de Lucena (1550-1600), born at Trancoso,

an eloquent preacher and Professor of is also one of the classics of the Portuguese language. It receives a glowing fervour from the author's evident delight in his subject the life of the famous Basque missionary in whose arms D. Joao de Castro died. His command of clear, fluent, vigorous prose, his skilful use of words and abundant power of description, enable him to convey this enthusiasm to his readers. Part of the matter of his book was derived from Fernam Mendez Pinto, but the style is his own. Like Frei Luis de Sousa, Frei Manuel da Esperan^a (15861670) became the historian of his Order in the Historia Seraphica da Ordem dos Frades Menores (2 pts., 1656, 66). We know from remarks in the second part that he paid the greatest attention to its composition, for which he had prepared himself by reading hiia multiddo notavel of books on that and kindred subjects.
his

who made

mark

as

Philosophy

in the

University of Evora,

Similar excellence of style marks the later

*

work

of the Jesuit

Branco, Estrellas propicias, 2^ ed., p. 204. Its only fault, the detailed description of the commemoration festivities, which come as an anticlimax. * Other works of the period are similarly read rather for their style than as history, as the Historia Ecclesiastica da Igreja de Lisboa (1642) and the Historia Ecclesiastica dos Arcebispos de Braga (2 pts., 1634, 1635) by D. Rodrigo DA CuNHA (1577-1643), the Archbishop of Lisbon who had an active share in the liberation of Portugal from the yoke of Spain in 1640.
C. Castello
artistically, is

Q 2

244

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Oriente conqiiistado Francisco de Sousa (1628 }-iyi^), (2 vols., 1710), in which he chronicles the history of the Company
in the East.

The most celebrated Portuguese preacher of his time,^ Frei Thome de Jesus' brother, Diogo de Paiva de Andrade
(1528-75),
1561.

represented Portugal

at

the

Council of Trent in
15)
fell

His

eloquent

posthumously

upon Francisco Fernandez Galvao (1554-1610), the prose of whose Sermoes Less (3 vols., 1611, 13, 16) is admirably restrained and pure.
in three parts.

Sermoes (1603, 4, His mantle

were

published

sonorous than the periods of Paiva de Andrade, the Trattados [sic] Quadragesimais e da Paschoa (1609) and Tratados das Festas
e

Vidas dos Santos

(2

pts.,

1612, 15) of the

Dominican Frei

Antonio Feo (1573-1627) perhaps gain rather than lose by being read, not heard. In the clearness and precision of their prose they are scarcely inferior to the remarkable Sermoes Augustinian Frei Philipe da (3 pts., 1617, 18, 25) of the

Luz (1574-1633), confessor to the Duke of Braganza (afterwards King Joao IV), in whose palace at Villa Vigosa he died. he is as precise as Feo He, too, writes sem grandes eloquencias in his use of words, and his vocabulary is as extensive. Purity, concision, clearness, and harmony give him, together with Feo, Ceita, and Veiga, a high place in Portuguese prose. The sermons for which the Dominican Frei Pedro Calvo (born c. 1550) was celebrated were published in Homilias de Quaresma (2 pts., 1627, 9), and at the repeated request of a friend he wrote his Defensam das Lagrimas dos ivstos persegvidos
;

(1618) to prove that

'

tears shed in time of trouble do not lessen

merit
of

The Sermoes (1618) and Consideragoes (1619, 20, 33) Frei Thomas da Veiga (i578-i638),like his father a Professor
'.

of -Coimbra University, are written in a style of great excellence,

as,

his
'

more redundant^ and latinized, is that of contemporary, like him a Franciscan, Frei Joao da Ceita
although a
trifle

Another renowned Court preacher was D. Antonio Pinheiro (f 1582 ?), Colleccao Bishop of Miranda, whose works were collected by Sousa Farinha das obras portugtiesas do sahio Bispo de Miranda e de Leiria, 2 vols., 1785, 6.
:

e. g. officio e

Macedo (O
portugueza.

dignidade, gritos e brados, boca e lingoa, cuidao e imagindo. Couto, p. 82) rightly calls Ceita urn dos principaes textos em lingua

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

it

245

(1578-1633), whose prose has a natural grace and harmony, if Luz. His best is less pure and indigenous than that of

known works are the Quadragena de Sermoens (1619) and Quadragena Segunda (1625). Two more volumes of Sermoes Two slightly later writers (1634, 5) appeared after his death. were Frei Cristovam de Lisboa (11652), brother of Manuel Severim de Faria, and Frei Cristovam de Almeida The former, author of Jardim (1620-79), Bishop of Martyria. da Sagrada Escriptura (1653) and Consolagam de Ajfiictos e Allivio de Lastimados (1742), in the preface to his Santoral de Varios Sermoes (1638) deplores the new fashion of certain preachers who hide their meaning under their eloquence. He is himself sometimes inclined to be florid. Bishop Almeida attained a reputation for great eloquence even in the days of Antonio Vieira.'^ His Sermoes (1673, 80, 86) are simpler than those of Vieira, but for the reader their prose lacks the quiet precision of Ceita, Veiga, or Luz, whose sermons may be considered one of the sources from which a greater master of Portuguese,

Manuel

Bernardes,

derived

his

magic.

The Jesuit

Luis Alvarez (1615.^-1709.^), who was born a few years after Vieira, and lived on into the eighteenth century, also had a great reputation as a preacher. The fire is absent from the printed page, but his works, Sermoes da Quaresma (3 pts., 1688, 94, 99), Amor Sagrado (1673), and Ceo de graga, infer?io custoso
1692), are notable for the purity of their prose.

are very various in subject and treatment.

(ti655), author of

The religious works of the seventeenth, as of the sixteenth century Frei Joao Cardoso

Ruth Peregrina (2 pts., 1628, 54), also wrote a lengthy commentary on the 113th Psalm in twenty-one discourses Jornada Dalma Libertada (1626). Ten years earlier a Jew, Joao Baptista d'Este, had published in excellent Portuguese a translation of the Psalms Consolagam, Christam e Lvz para Povo Hebreo (161 6). His title was suggested by other noted preachers were the Jesuits Francisco do Amaral (1593 1647), who pubhshed the first (and only) volume of his Sermoes (1641) in the year in which Vieira came to Portugal, and Francisco de MENDON9A (1573
: :

1626), a master of clear and vigorous prose in his two volumes of Sermoes (1636, 9) ; and the Trinitarian Baltasar Paez (i 570-1638), whose Sermoes de Quaresma (2 pts., 1631, 3), Sermoes da Semana Santa (1630), Mortal de Sermoes (1649), may still be read with profit.

246

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Samuel
(fl.

that of a far more remarkable book by another Jew,

Usque

1540), Co^isolagam as Tribulagoens de Israel, written

first

probably between 1540 and 1550^ and

printed at Ferraraby

Abraham ben Usque in 1553. The author was the son of Spanish Jews who had taken refuge in Portugal, where he was born,
probably at the end of the fifteenth century.^ His famous work is an account of the sufferings of the Jewish race. In three dialogues Jacob {Ycaho), Nahum {Numeo), and Zachariah Israel, in person, relates his {Zicareo) converse as shepherds. fall of Jerusalem, an event which is described sorrows down to the in detail, and so on to the persecutions in European countries
{novas gentes), and at the end of each dialogue the prophets

administer their comfort.

of Israel's tribulations

The book
calling for

closes

with a chorus of

rapturous psalms in biblical prose, rejoicing at the coming end

and

mies,

and thus

finishes

on a note

of joyful faith

hope, without an inkling of charity.

style, rich in Oriental
is

vengeance on their eneand courageous The first dialogue, which

condenses Old Testament history, has a rhythmical, luxuriant

imagery, but
later,

where

Roman

history

the authority, or in the tragic account of the persecution of

in

Jews

the style

Portugal^ under Joao II and the two succeeding kings, Nor is there a trace of false is shorn of rhetoric.

ornament
final

in a long passage of wonderful eloquence, Israel's complaint and invocation to sky and earth, waters and

mortal creatures.

The agony and awful glow

of indignation at

these recent events had a restraining influence on the style,

which

loses

nothing by this simplicity.

life

Quieter descriptions are

those of the shepherd's

and

of the

chase in the

first,

and

of

spring and evening in the third part.

The
end

Jesuit

Diogo Monteiro (1561-1634), when towards the

great occupations

of his life
'

should his
*

he published his Arte de Orar (1631), promised, allow, to print very soon the
'

Ha poucos
,

annos que he arribado (the Inquisition

:

in Portugal), Pt. 3,

190S

ed

f.

xxxii.

^ See Portuguese is a lingoa que mamei, but his passados p. 5 of Prologo are from Castile. ^ The inhabitants of the Peninsula are astuios e maliciosos, Spain is a hypocritical and cruel wolf ', the Portuguese arc fortes e quasi barbaros, the English maliciosos, the Italians, since the book was to appear in their country, merely warlike and ungrateful '.
'
'

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

:

247

second volume dealing with the divine attributes. This did not Meditagoes dos attribvtos divinos appear in that generation

(Roma,

1671).

The Arte

de Orar contains twenty-nine treatises

(604 ff.). Its subjects are various (of the virtue of magnifiof the esteem in which singing is held by God, &c.), cence
;

and they are presented with fervour and

tilian

clear concision,

and

especially with a complete absence of oratorical effect.

Quin-

takes part in one of the six dialogues which compose

the Peregrinagam Christam (1620) by Tristao Barbosa de Carvalho (ti632) he is on a pilgrimage from Lisbon to the tomb of Saint Isabel at Coimbra, but he expresses himself in
;

excellent

Portuguese, modelled

perhaps on

that

of

Arraez.

The prose of the Retrato de Prvdentes, Espelho de Ignorantes (1664) by the Jesuit Francisco Aires (1597-1664) often rises
to eloquence, notably in the fervent prayers.

His Theatro dos

Trivmphos Divinos contra os Desprimores Hvmanos (1658) is of The Franciscan Frei Manuel dos a more practical character. Anjos (1595-1653) laid no claim to originality in his Politica predicavel e doutrina moral do bom governo do mundo (1693), written in a clear and correct but slightly redundant^ style. Frei Luis dos Anjos [c. 1570-1625) in his lardim de Portugal (1626) gathered edifying anecdotes of saintly women from various writers, and set them down in good Portuguese prose. The Franciscan Frei Pedro de Santo Antonio {c. 15701641) in his lardim Spiritual, tirado dos Sanctos e Varoens spiritvaes (1632) contented himself with translation of his
authorities, adding, he
of his

modestly says,

'

some things

of

my own

not

much importance'.
is

He

carefully avoided interlarding

Portuguese with Latin,

1630-1708),

his object

he'mg fazer prato a todos.

Even more humble

Espinola
{c.

the work

of the Cistercian

Frei Fradique

who compiled

in his Escola Decurial

(12 pts., 1696-1721) an encyclopaedia of themes so various as

the fate of King Sebastian, the duties of

of storks.

women, and the

habits

Although

it

lacks the literary pretensions of the

1 If, for instance, the bracketed words in the following sentence (p. 3, 5) Este poder se nao be omitted it gains in vigour and loses little in the sense deo aos Reys para extorsoens [& violencias] mas para amparar [& defender] propria Decs parece que tern as mdos atadas a rtgores OS vassallos porque ate
:

[(S'

castigos] &' livres a cletnencias {&' niisericordias].

248

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Pacheco

Divertimento erudito by the Augustinian Frei Joao

A similar (1677-? 1747), it contains some curious matter. miscellany of anecdotes and precepts was written by Joao
Baptista de Castro in the eighteenth century Hora de Recreio nas ferias de maiores estudos (2 pts., 1742, 3), The life of the ardent Frei Antonio das Chagas (1631-82)
:

in contrasts. Born at Vidigueira, of an old Alentejan Antonio da Fonseca Scares began his career as a soldier family, out of one of his many love affairs), in (arising duel in 1650; a which he killed his man, drove him to Brazil, and it was only

abounded

after several years of distinguished service

that he returned to

In 1661 he attained the rank of captain, but in the following year abandoned his military career, and in 1663 professed in the Franciscan convent at Evora,
Portugal, perhaps in 1657.

exchanging the composition of gongoric verse for a voluminous correspondence in prose, and his unregenerate days of dissipation for a glowing and saintly asceticism. [Trocando as galas em burel e os caprichos em cilicios are the words with which he veils
the real sincerity of his conversion.)
Preferring the humbler

but strenuous duties of missionary in Portugal and Spain to the bishopric of Lamego, he founded the missionary convent of Varatojo, and died there twenty years after his novitiate. During those years he built up and exercised a powerful spiritual influence throughout Portugal, and it continued after his death. Few of his poems survive, since he committed the greater part of his profane verse to the flames, but some of his romances however, as a prose- writer, is, It may still be read.
especially in his Cartas Espirituaes (2 pts., 1684,
7),

that he

There is less affectation in these more familiar letters than in his Sermdes genuinos (1690) or his Obras Espirituaes (1684). The very titles of some of his shorter treatises, Vozes do Ceo e Tremores da Terra, Espelho do Espelho, show that he had not even now altogether escaped the false taste of the time, and artificial flowers of speech, plays on words, laboured metaphors and antitheses
holds a foremost place in Portuguese literature.

appear
'

in his

prose.

But

if

it

has not the simple severity of

He had been fortunate, for, says Antonio Vieira in 1640, ndo ha gnerra no mundo onde se morra (do frequentetnenlc coniu na do Brazil.

RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS

a Bernardes,
it

249

possesses so persuasive, so passionate an energy,

and

is

of so clear a fervour

and harmony that

its

eloquence

is

felt to

be genuine.
Jesuit Frei

The
to

Joao da Fonseca (1632-1701),

in the preface

one of his works, Sylva Moral e Historica (1696), which may have given Bernardes the idea of his Nova Floresta, rejects affected periods and new phrases, and there is no false rhetoric in his Espelho de Penitentes (1687), Satisfagam de Aggravos

which takes the form of dialogues between a hermit Another Jesuit, and other devotional works. Alexandre de Gusmao (1629-1724), although born at Lisbon, He spent most (eighty-five years) of his long life in Brazil. Montanhas wrote, among other works, Rosa de Nazareth nas de Hebron (1715), compiled from various histories of the Company of Jesus, and Historia do Predestinado Peregrino e seu Irmdo Precito (1682). The latter is an allegory in six books which lacks the human interest of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, which it preceded. It describes the journey of two brothers, Predestinado and Precito, out of Egypt to Jerusalem (Heaven) and Babylon (Hell). The style is simpler and more direct than might be inferred from the inflated title, and often has an
(1700),

and a

soldier,

effective

if

studied eloquence.'^
is

Vieira dying

reported to have said that the Portuguese

in the

language was safe

keeping of Padre Manuel Bernardes.

his interest in literature to the
e

The aged
end,
last

Jesuit,

who maintained
and
t]\Q

may have
year of his

received Bernardes' Lmz

life,

Calor

(1696) in the

Exercicios Espirituaes (2 vols., 1686)

had appeared ten years

(1711),^

earlier.

Other works, Sermoes

e Praticas

Nova

Floresta (5 vols., 1706-28), Os Ultimos Fins do

{lyzy), Varios Tratados (2 vols., 1737), were soon forthcoming to justify the prophecy. Manuel Bernardes and Maria Bernardes, son of Antunes the Joao (1644-1710), was born at Lisbon, studied law and philosophy at Coimbra
e.g. in the following passage (p. 47), in which Calderon and Joao de join hands The world and its glory is a passing comedy, a farce that ends in laughter, a shadow that disappears, a thinning mist, a fading flower,
'

Homem

Deus

'

a blinding smoke, a dream that is not true.' ^ Estimulos de amor divino (1758) is an extract from this, as the Tratado breve da ora(am mental (5th ed., 1757) is extracted from the Exercicios Espirituaes.
'

Pt. 2 appeared in 1733.

250

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

University, and at the age of thirty entered the Lisbon Oratory, where he spent thirty-six years. That was all his life, yet through his books this modest, humorous, austere priest has exercised a profound influence not only, as Barbosa Machado declares, in guiding souls to Heaven, but in moulding and proHis style is marked in an tecting the Portuguese language. equal degree by grace and concision, intensity and restraint, smoothness and vigour.^ With him the florid cloak, in which many recent writers had wrapped Portuguese, falls away, leaving the pith and kernel of the language the conceits of the culteratios disappear, and the most striking effects are attained without apparent artifice. In his hands the pinchbeck and tinsel are transmuted into delicate pieces of ivory. The charm of his style is difficult to analyse, but it may be remarked
;

that his vocabulary

is

inexhaustible, his precision unfailing, that

he

is

not afraid to employ the commonest words, and that the

is

construction of his sentences

of a transparent simplicity, as

bare of rhetoric as

is

the poetry of Joao de Deus.

His reputa-

tion as a lord of language has survived every test.

His works

are not merely the deliciae of

a few distant scholars but an

acknowledged glory of the nation, praised by that literary iconoclast Macedo, and quoted as an authority in the Republican Parliament of 1915. The most popular of his works are Luz e Calor, and especially the Nova Floresta, in which moral and familiar anecdote go quaintly hand in hand, but if one must choose between excellence and excellence his masterpiece is the Exercicios Espirituaes, in which thought and expression often rise to sublime heights. One may perhaps compare him
with Fray Juan de los Angeles (I1609). His simple doctrines spring from the heart and, winged by shrewd knowledge of men,
followers

touch the heart of his readers. One of his more immediate was Padre Manuel Consciencia {c. 1669-1739), author of a large number of works on moral and religious subjects,
the best
(6 vols.,
*

known

of

which

is

Mocidade enganada

desenganada

1729-38).

He

da

celestial grafa, licita

often deliberately links a soft and a hard word, as ca^a e cdo, candores a guerra. Thus his style becomes crespo sem aspereza.

IV

I580-I706
The
Philip
II

Seiscentistas

entered his
1581,

on June

29,

new capital under triumphal arches and the subjection of Portugal to Spain

during the next sixty years in part accounts for the fact that nowhere was the decadence of literature in the seventeenth

century more marked than at Lisbon.

For Spain in her sturdy independence and reaction from rigid classicism had led the way in those precious affectations which invaded the literatures of
its Lylyan and cultured style, now found a ready welcome in Portugal. The literary style which corresponded to the Churriguerresque in architecture naturally proved congenial to the land of the estilo manuelino. King Philip was glad to conciliate and provide for Portuguese men of letters,^ but if in the preceding centuries many of them wrote in Spanish, that tendency was now necessarily strengthened. Another cause of decadence was no doubt the Inquisition, although its influence in this respect has been greatly exaggerated. It required no immense tact on the part of an author to prevent his works from being placed on

Europe, and the universal malady, gongorism with

conceits

the Index.

An

examination, for instance, of the differences

between the 1616 edition of Eufrosina and the condemned 1561 edition shows that the parts excised were chiefly coarse
passages or unsuitable references to the Bible (this was also

That remarkable mathematician, Pedro Nunez, pays a tribute to the enlightened patronage of letters by Cardinal Henrique, the most ardent promoter of the Inquisition in Portugal qui cum nullum
the charge against the letters of Clenardus).
:

volencia

Bernardo de Brito, no lover of Spain, bears witness to com que (rata os homens doutos.

favor

bene-

252

I58O-I706
saluti prospiciat

tempus intermittat quin semper ant animarum

aut optimos quosque auctores evolvat aut
colloquia audiat}

liter atorum

hominnni

No
few

literary figure in

in the Peninsula,-

Portugal of the seventeenth century, can rank with D. Francisco Manuel de

Mello (1608-66). Born at Lisbon,^ he belonged to the highest Portuguese nobility and began both his military and literary career in his seventeenth year. He wrote in Spanish, although,
he felt it to be a hindrance,^ and it was not till over he was forty that he published a work in Portuguese
in verse at least,
:

Carta de Guia de Casados (1651).^

Few men have accomplished

life

more, and towards the end of his

that
it

he could say with pride

idle

would be

difficult to find

an
in

hour

in

it.

He was

shipwrecked near
battle of the

St.

Jean de Luz
in 1639.

1627 and fought in the

sent with the Conde de

Downs

He was

Linhares to quell the Evora insurrection in 1637, ^^id took part in the campaign against revolted Catalonia {1640), which he described
in his

Guerra de Cataluna
like Mello

(1645), written e7n varias fortunas

and

recognized as a classic of Spanish literature.

A man

frankly

outspoken dangerous

must have made many enemies, enemies

During the Catalan
arrest to Madrid, apparently on

in a

time of natural distrust.

campaign he was sent under

and a
little later,

suspicion of favouring the cause of an independent Portugal,'

when he was

in the service of the

King of Portugal,
19,

the suspicion as to his loyalty recurred.

1644, he

On November
It

was arrested

at Lisbon on a different charge.

appears

that a servant dismissed

plicating his
'

by Mello revenged himself by imformer master in a murder that he had committed

Crepusculis, Preface. Martim Afonso de Miranda later (Tempo de 2, 1624) writes of a pouca curiosidade que hoje ha acerca da lifdo dos liuros. como tambem o risco a que se expoem os que escreuem. * Menendez y Pelayo set Mello above all except his friend Quevedo. ' Mr. Edgar Prestage discovered his baptismal certificate and established the date (1608) beyond doubt, though it is still often given as 161 1. On his mother'ssideMello was great-grandson of the historian Duarte Nunez de Lcam. * Prefatory letter to Las tres Mvsas del Melodino (1649) el lenguaje estrangero tan poco es favorable al que compone. ' He was writing it in January 1650. * Historia de los mnvimientos y separacion de Cataluna y de la guerra, &c. Lisboa, 1645. ' On his release after four months of imprisonment the Count-Duke Olivares Ea, caballero, ha sidu tin crro, pero erro con causa. said to him

De

Agora, prologo to Pt.

THE SEISCENTISTAS
(of

253
this of his

man

as obscure as himself).

Whether he did
enemies
is

own

initiative or at the bidding of Mello's

it

uncertain,

but they saw to

that Mello once in prison should not be soon

released. They might, probably did, assure the king that this was the best place for one devoted to the cause of Castile '.
'

There are other theories to account for Mello's long imprisonment, the most romantic of which that he and the king were rivals in the affections of the Condessa de Villa Nova, and, meeting disguised and by accident at the entrance of her house, drew their swords, the king recognizing Mello by his voice is now generally abandoned. Although no evidence of Mello's participation in the murder was forthcoming, he was condemned to be deported for life to Africa, for which Brazil was later

substituted. or less
^

It

was only

in 1655, after eleven years of

strict

confinement, that he sailed for Brazil.

more Joao IV
:

died in 1656 and two years later Mello returned to Portugal he was formally pardoned^ and spent the last years of his life
in

The

important diplomatic missions to London, Rome, and Paris, unfaltering courage and gaiety with which he faced his

adventures and misfortunes win our admiration, but his life can strike no one as literary. Yet it is probable that but for his long imprisonment he would never have found leisure to write

and prosperity might have dimmed his and dulled his style that style (influenced no doubt by Quevedo and Gracian) which is hard and clear as the glitter of steel or the silver chiming of a clock, with concmnitas quaedam venusta et felix verhorum.^ Even when full of points and conceits it retains its clearness and trenchancy, and in his more familiar works he is unrivalled, as the Carta de Guia de Casados, in which, innuptus ipse, he brings freshness and originality to the theme already treated in Fray Luis de Leon's La Perfecta Casada (1583), Diogo Paiva de Andrade's sensible but less caustic Casamento Perfeito (1631), and Dr. Joao de Barros' Espelho de Casados
of his best works,

many

insight

* The first five years were, in his own words, rigorous. In 1650 he was removed from the Torre Velha to the Lisbon Castello, and thenceforth enjoyed greater liberty. He had been transferred from the Torre de Belem to the Torre Velha on the left bank of the Tagus in 1646. ^ The document was discovered by Dr. Braga and published in his Os

Seiscentistas (1916), p. 339. ^ Apprubatio of Cartas, Roma, 1664.

254
(1540),^ or the pithy

1580-1706

and delightful Cartas Familiares, of which mere fragment were published at Rome in 1664, with a rapier-thrust of his wit and a maxim of good sense on every page, preserving for us some vestige of what Frei Manuel Godinho described as his 'admirable conversation' when The Epanaphoras de varia he met him at Marseilles in 1633. ^ Historia Portugueza (1660) are unequal and often excessively Three of the five are, however, the accounts of an detailed.^ the Alteragoeyis eyewitness and as such are full of interest de Evora (i), the Naiifragio da Armada Portuguesa em Franga (ii), and the Confiito do Canal de Inglaterra (iv).^ Mello's knowledge of men was as wide as his knowledge of books, and both appear to great advantage in his Apologos An individualist in religion^ and politics,^ Dialogaes (1721). an acute thinker and a keen student of men and manners, he found no dullness in life even at its worst and no solitude, for, if alone, his fancy instilled wit and wisdom into clocks' and coins ^ and fountains.^ The first three Apologos contain incisive portraits in which types and persons are sharply etched in
five centuries

a few lines

the poor escudeiro, the beata, the Lisbon marketlitigious ratinho, the fidalgo
priest,

woman, the
the

from the
,

provinces,^**

ambitious
political

the shabby grammarian,

miles gloriosus,
boiling

the worldly

monk,

place-hunter,

or

melancholy

author, a tinselled
'

nobody

down

the good sayings of

exists in the Lisbon BibHoteca divided into four parts. The author, in his apophthegms on the character of women, quotes the classics widely, and refers to the Uthopia [so] of Sir Thomas More and to Cclestina. ^ Relagam, 1842 ed., p. 233. ^ por este modo de historiar {que i aquelle His digressions are methodical que eu desejo ler) pretendo escrever sempre {Epan. ii). In Epan. i he says: Refiro, pode ser com demasia, todos os accidcntes deste negocio. * He re-wrote this Epanaphora twice, the first two versions having been lost. * Cf. Visita das Pontes (Ap. Dial. 3), 1900 ed., p. 89: cada qiial desde caminho por onde logar em que estd acha uma linha muito junto de si que 6 pode ir a Dens. * Cf. Hospital das Lettras (Ap. Dial. 4), 1900 ed., p. 114: por falta de cuidar cada um em se aproveitar deste mundo que delle Ihe toca, langam todos a perder todos juntos do modo que vemos. ' Relogios Fallantes (Ap. Dial. i). Escriptorio Avarento (Ap. Dial. 2). * Visita das Pontes (Ap. Dial. 3). " Cf. the backwoodsman described by Couto as algum fidalgo criado Id na Beira que nunca vio Rei (Dialogo do Sold. Prat., p. 31).

A copy

of this rare
v.).

and curious work

ff.

Nacional (Res. 264

It contains 71

THE SEISCENTISTAS
past writers.
is

255

The fourth Apologo entitled Hospital das Lettras more especially to literary criticism; Mello devoted (1657) Quevedo, with Justus Lipsius, and Traiano Boccalini (who died when Mello was five) makes a notable scrutiny of Spanish and
within limits.
naturally
affairs,

Portuguese literature. As a literary critic Mello is excellent Himself an artificial writer, although as it were
artificial,

bred at Court, versed

in social

and

political

he considered that the proper study of mankind was man, and, like Henry Fielding a century later, admired the wondrous power of art in improving Nature } For him the country and
'

'

Nature, the bucolic poetry and prose of Fernam Alvarez do

Oriente, the ingenuous narratives of the early chroniclers,
;

had

he preferred Rodrigo Mendez Silva's Vida y hechos no charm Condestable (Madrid, 1640) to the Cronica do Condel gran destabrer But all that was vernacular and indigenous attracted him, as is proved in his letters, in his lively farce Auto do Fidalgo Aprendiz (1676), and in the Feira dos Anexins, which is a long string of popular maxims and of those plays upon words in which Mello delighted. His poetry Las Tres Musas del Melodino is marred by the conceits which (1649), Ohras Metricas (1665) in his prose often serve effectively to point a moral or drive home an argument. It is far too clever. When in a poem On the death of a great lady we find the line contigo sepultara a sepultura we do not know whether to laugh or weep, but we suspect the sincerity of the author's grief, and although he wrote some excellent quintilhas, most of his poems, which are, as might be expected, always vigorous, are too sharp and thin, stalks without flowers, the very skeletons of poetry. It is to his prose in its wit and grace, its shrewd thought, its revelation of a sincere and lofty but unassuming character, its directness,^ its bom portugues velho e relho, that he owes his

'

'

place

among

the greatest writers of the Peninsula.

The
'

taste in poetry in the seventeenth

:

and eighteenth cen-

Cf. Aidegrafia (1619),

f. 85 v. emendar a Natureza. Edgar Prestage, Esbogo, pp. 128-9.

^ Like another equally brilliant soldier historian, Napier, he rarely spells a foreign word aright. Cf Epanaphoras, p. 204 A este nome Milord corresponde no estado feniinil o nome Lede. Falmouth, where he had actually been, becomes Valmud, the Isle of Wight Huyt. Whitehall Huythal, the Earl of Northumberland Notaborlan (Brito has Northubria).
.

256
turies

I 580-1706

is seen in two collections, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese Fenix Renascida (5 vols., 1716-28) and Eccos que Clarim da Fama da (2 vols., 1761, 2). The latter is sufficiently characterized by its title, too long to quote in full. As to the former the Phoenix seems to have given real pleasure to contemporary readers, but for us the bird and song are flown and only the ashes remain, from which a sixteenth-century poem such as the sonnet Horas breves stands out conspicuously. The subjects

two and more domestic to a cousin sewing, to an overdressed man, to a large mouth, a sonnet to two market-women fighting, another to the prancing horse of the Conde de Sabugal, on a present of roses, two long romances on a goldfinch killed by a
are often as trivial as those of the Cancioneiro published centuries earlier
:

cat, verses sent

with a

gift of

handkerchiefs or eggs or melons,

or to thank for sugar-plums

the Fenix rarely soars above such

The magistrate Antonio Barbosa Bacellar (1610-63) figures largely, with glosses on poems by Camoes, a romance A umas saudades, a satirical poem A umas beatas. His romances
themes.
varios are mostly in Spanish, but a few of his sonnets in Portu-

The fifth volume opens (pp. 1-37) guese have some merit. with a far more elaborate satire by Diogo Camacho (or Diogo Jornada que Diogo Camacho fez as Cortes do Parnaso, de Sousa)
:

the best burlesque

poem

of the century, in

which the author did

not spare contemporary Lisbon poets. ^ The poems of Jeronimo Bahia likewise cover many pages. He it is who bewails at
length the sad fate of a goldfinch. In oitavas he wrote a Fabula
de Polyfemo a Galatea,^ and in octosyllabic redondilhas jocular

accounts of journeys from Lisbon to Coimbra and from Lisbon into Alentejo (on a very lean mule) which are sometimes amusing.

His sonnet Fallando com Deos shows a deeper nature, and the
collection contains other religious verse, notably that of Violante

Montesino, better

known

as

Soror Violante do Ceo

satirist

(1601-93).

Here,^ as in her Rythmas varias (Rouen, 1646) and Parnaso

'

more personal and picaresque

:

was D. Thomas de Noronha

(11651), whose works were collected by Dr. Mendes dos Remedios in his Poesias Ineditas de D. Thomas de Noronha (Coimbra, 1899). Subsidios, vol. ii The satiric poem Os Ratos da Inquisifdo by Antonio Serrao de Castro (1610-85) was first published by Castello Branco in 1883. * Vol. iii contains a poem by Jacinto Freire de Andrade with the same title.

Fenix Hen.

ii.

406

iii.

225

v. 376.

THE SETSCENTISTAS
Lusitano de divinos
e

257

humanos

versos (2 vols., 1733), this nun,

who

spent over sixty years in the Dominican Convent da Rosa

and who from an early age was known for her skill upon the harp and in poetry admiring contemporaries called her the tenth Muse showed that she could write with simple
at Lisbon,

fervour, as in the Portuguese deprecagoes devotas of the Meditagoes

da Missa (1689) or her Spanish villancicos. But she could also be the most gongorical of wjiters, her very real native talent being too often spoilt by the taste of the time.^ Bernarda
parahilis, like Soror Violante

Ferreira de Lacerda (1595-1644), another femina incomand Dercylis considered the tenth Muse and fourth Grace, wrote almost exclusively in Spanish, nor can her Soledades de Biigaco (1634) or her epic Hespana Libertada (2 pts., 1618, 73) be considered a heavy loss to Portuguese literature. Soror Maria Magdalena Euphemia da Gloria (1672-? c. 1760), in the world Leonarda Gil da Gama, in Brados do Desengano (1739), Orhe Celeste (1742), and Reino de Babylonia (1749), rarely descends from the high-flown style indicated in these titles. On the other hand, the Franciscan nun of Lisbon, Soror Maria do Ceo (1658-1753), or Maria de Ega, in A Preciosa (2 pts., 173 1, 3) and Enganos do Bosque, Desenga^ws do Rio (1741), among much verse of the same kind has some poems of real charm and an almost rustic simplicity. By reason of a certain intensity and a vigorous style D. Francisco Child Rolim de Moura (1572-1640), Lord of the towns of Azambuja and Montargil, although more versed in arms than
in letters,

wrote

in

Os Novissimos do

Homem

(1623) a

poem

quite
its

as readable as the longer epics of his contemporaries, despite

duller subject (man's first disobedience

cantos in
'

and all our woe). The four oitavas are headed Death, Judgement, Hell, Paradise.the deplorable pun of a superior superior Que se Prior sois agora
:

Hers

is

Sempre
*

The

real title of the first

fostes suprior. 1623) edition is Dos Novissimos de

Dom

Francisco

conducted by his son Abel through Hell and comforted by a vision of Paradise. As he is the first man and only Abel has died, he must forgo Dante's pleasure in meeting his personal enemies there, but there is something perhaps even more awful in the thought of the empti-

Rolim de Moura.

Adam

is

ness of these infinitos logares (iii. 48). Virgil's Facilis descensus, &c., is translated in two lines of great badness Onde descer he cousa tdo factivel Quanto tornar atraz tern de impossivel (iii. 36).
:

2362

258

I580-I706
life of

Of the

Manuel da Veiga Tagarro wo know

little

or

nothing, but his volume of eclogues and odes, Lavra de Anfriso

(1637), stands conspicuous in the seventeenth century for its

simplicity

and true

lyrical vein.

There
is

is

nothing original in

harmonious softness. In the odes he succeeds in combining fervent thought with He aimed high Horace, a classical restraint of expression. Lope deVega, and Luis de Leon seem to have been his models. Some measure of the lattcr's deliberate tranquillity he occasionally attained. The works of the discreet and accomplished ', keen-eyed and graceful D. Francisco de Portugal (15851632) appeared posthumously ^ Divinos e hutnanos versos (1652) and (without separate title-page) Prisoes e solturas de hiia alma, consisting of mystic poems mostly in Spanish in a setting of Portuguese prose, and, in Spanish, Arte de Galanteria (1670), of which a second edition was published in 1682. Lope de Vega
these four eclogues, but the verse
of a
;
'

praised the 'elegant verses' of the Gigantoinachia (1628) written

by Manuel de Galhegos (1597-1665). That he could write good Portuguese poetry the author showed in the 732 verses of his Templo da Memoria (1635), in the preface of which he declares that it had become a rash act to publish poems written in Portuguese but quotes the example of Pereira de Castro and of Gongora as having used the language of everyday life and plebeian words without indignity. The later epics testified to the perseverance of their authors rather than to their poetical talent. They arc perhaps less

who should have discouraged the kind and recognized that the Lusiads were only an accident in Portuguese literature, the accident of the genius of Camoes. As
guilty than the critics,

a rule the epic spirit of the Portuguese expressed

in

itself

better

Gabriel Pereira de Castro (1571 ?-i632) forestalled Sousa de Macedo in his choice of a subject. His Vlyssea, ov Lyshoa Edificada, Poema heroyco (1636) was published posthumously by his brother Luis, and perhaps the most remarkable
prose.

thing about

it is

that

it

should have run through six editions.

in ten

The structure
'

of the

poem,

cantos of oitavas,
est

is

closely

Nihil tamen eo vivenle exciissttm nisi Solitudines {hoc the Theatrum.

Saudades), says

THE SEISCEXTISTAS
modelled on that
to the world
of the Litsiads,

259
of

and the gods

Olympus duly

take a part in the story.

He

sings,

he says boldly, to his country,

and to eternity, but his sails flap sadly for lack of inspiration and enthusiasm, and his daring eyijambements ^ do not compensate for the dullness of theme and treatment. If, for instance, we compare his storm ^ with that of the Lusiads (vi. 70-91) it must be confessed that the former has much the Ulysses on his way to air of a commotion in a duckpond. Lisbon visits (canto 4) the infernal regions, is astonished to meet kings there, and (canto 6) relates the siege and fall of Troy. The life of Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas (1596-1656) was more interesting than his verses. He was born at Avo, near the Serra da Estrella, and his adventures began early, for he was arrested on account of a love affair (1616) and made a daring escape from Coimbra prison after wounding his jailer. His careful biographer. Dr. Antonio de Vasconcellos, has shown that there is no record of his having studied at Coimbra University. Subsequently he travelled and fought in Brazil (1623-32), Italy, France, Flanders, and Spain, and in 1641, as captain, raised and commanded a body of horse known as the Company of Lions. As Governor of Alfaiates, the key of Beira he was
'

',

wrongfully
Alfaiates
flour,

accused

of

having

treasonable

understanding

with Spain and imprisoned at Sabugal, some ten miles from

(1642).
scissors

He

obtained a book (the Flos Sanctorum)^

letter in verse to

who

King Joao IV, and gave him the habit of Avis. His long epic Viriato Tragico (1699) contains some forcible descriptions and has a pleasantly patriotic and indigenous atmosphere one feels that he is singing os patrios monies as much as the hero but in style it differs little from prose. Tedious geographical descriptions, dry catalogues of names, a whole stanza (vii. 39) composed exclusively of nouns, another (iv. 63)
and cut out a
restored

and

him

to his governorship

of
'

proper names, incline the reader

e. g.

less to

praise than sleep,

(x.

126)

Hua montanha
Se erguia ao Espalda.
. .

e serra

ar,
.

em

inhabitada cuja corpulenta

ii.

30-49

Do undoso

leito,

donde repousava

mar, &c.

R 2

26o

I 580-1
is

706

from which he
author works in

only gently stirred

when

the sun

is

called

a solar emhaixadora.
Ariosto,

In the prevailing fashion of the time the

poets.

Camoes, Sa de Miranda, Garci Lasso, While the work was still in manuscript another poet, and perhaps a relation, Andre da Silva Mascarenhas, helped himself liberally to its stanzas (they
lines of

and other

number

2,287)

foi"

his epic

Destruigao de Hespanha (1671),

could have given no better proof of the poverty of his genius. Francisco de Sa de Meneses {c. 1600-1664 ?), although less true a poet than his cousin and namesake the Conde de Mattosinhos, won a far wider fame by his epic poem Malaca Conqvistada (1634), in which he recounts a heroica historia dos The reader who accompanies his frail feitos de Albuquerque. bark^ through twelve cantos of oitavas feels that he has well

He

earned the
is

fall of

Malacca at the end.

For although the author

^

not incapable of vigorous and succinct description he too often

with periphrases and Manueline ornaments which delay the action. The sun is the lover of Clytie or the rubicund son of Latona '. He stops to tell us that a diamond won by Albuquerque had been cut by skilled hand in Milan ', and some of his more elaborate similes Canto 7 tells of the future deeds of are not without charm. the Portuguese in India. The gods interfere less than in the Lusiads (Asmodeus plays a part in canto 6), but the general effect is that of a great theme badly handled. After the death of his wife, the author spent the last twenty years of his life (from 1641) in the Dominican convent of Bemfica as Frei Frandecks out the pure gold of Camoes' style
' ' ' '

cisco de Jesus.

Antonio de Sousa de Macedo (1606-82), mogo fidalgo of IV and later Secretary of Embassy and Minister [Residente) in London (1642-6) and Secretary of State to the weak
Philip

and unlettered Afonso VI, wrote

of considerable interest

at the age of

twenty-two Flores
in

de Espana, Excelencias de Portugal (1631).

This historical work

and importance was written

Spanish
in

por ser mais universal, but he returned to Portuguese presently

*

xii.79: Sou fragil lenho. In the storm in canto 2 {Ets que n reo de improuiso se escurece) he seems to have realized that Camoes' description could not be improved upon.
^

THE SEISCENTISTAS

261

a curious prose miscellany, Eva e Ave (1676), and in the epic poem Vlyssippo (1640) in fourteen cantos of oitavas. He seems to have
felt

that interest could not easily be sustained

by the

subject,

the foundation of Lisbon by Ulysses.

Accordingly, following

Canto 6 summarizes the events of the Iliad and the Odyssey, canto 10 describes a tapestry adorned with future Portuguese victories,
in canto 11 the Delphic Sibyl foretells the deeds of Portugal's

the example of Camoes, he inset various episodes.

kings,
of her

down

to Sebastian, in canto 12 the W'ise Chiron prophesies

famosos vardes. The style is correct, but the poem as a whole is commonplace. Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo, of Setubal, although no records of his life remain, won high fame

by

poem in oitavas (tw^elve cantos) Afonso Africano which 'the marvellous prowess of King Afonso V (1611), is described. The poem, admired by Almeida Garrett, in Africa is particularly wearisome because it is largely allegorical. The king conquering Arzila represents the strong man subduing the city of his own soul, the Moors are the spirits of the damned, and seven of their knights representing the seven deadly sins
his

epic
in
'

are defeated
virtues.

by seven Christian knights who stand

of

for

the

The poverty

profane prose, compared with

is

its

flourishing

condition in the preceding century,

also remarkable.

historians of the seventeenth century have already been

tioned.

few men-

The

literary academies, of

which the most famous were

the Acadeynia dos Generosos (1649-68) and the Academia dos Singular es (1663-5),^ existed rather for the interchange of wit

and complimentary or satiric verses than for the encouragement of and scientific research. The Conde da Ericeira's Portugal Restaurado and Freire de Andrade's Life bear no comparison with works of the Quinhentistas. Yet it was the second golden age of Portuguese prose, as the names of Manuel Bernardes and Vieira prove. The latter's letters, with those of Frei Antonio das Chagas and Mello, are in three different kinds the political, religious, and familiar the most notable written in the century.
historical

the

of the same kind came into being in this and half of the next century. Most of their members now belong to the (Brazilian) Acadeinia dos Esquecidos the Forgotten.
'

Numerous other academies

first

262

I58O-I706
in the preface to his Infortvnios

Gaspar Pires de Rebello

tragicos

da Constante Florinda (1625) excuses himself for its not spiritual and divine books only benefit our intelligence '. The book, which records the love of Arnaldo and Florinda, of Zaragoza, shows the modern novel growing through Don Quixote out of the Celestina plays and the romances of chivalry, but has little other interest. A second part was published in 1633, and Novellas Exemplares, six stories
publication on the ground that
'

by the same author,

with more or
appointingly
greater
story,
dull.

in 1650.

Numerous other works appeared

sensational titles but contents dis[c.

less alluring or

Mattheus de Ribeiro

1620-95), in his
(1672,
4),

Alivio de Tristes e
skill

Consolagdo de Queixosos

shows
of

than Pires de Rebello in the invention

'

the

but it is marred by the diffuse and pedantic style April becomes an academy in which Flora was opening the doors The pastoral novel ended in sad for the study of flowers contortions with the Desmayos de Mayo em somhras de Mondego
'.

(1635)

by DioGO Ferreira de Figueiroa (1604-74).

(ff.

Its title

and the three involved sentences which cover the

pages
10, 11)

first

three

convey an adequate idea

of its character

and

contents.

Of several

prose

works written

Miranda,
important

of Lisbon, in the first third of the century, the

is

by Martim Afonso de most

4).

Tempo

de Agora (2 pts., 1622,

It

contains
evils of

seven dialogues dealing with truth and falsehood, the

idleness, temperance, friendship, justice, the evils of dice

and is Much of their matter interestand precepts for princes. cards, ing and the comments incisive, especially as to the prevailing luxury in food and dress. They tell of the infinite number of curiously bound books at Lisbon, of the soldiers unpaid, eating of the delight in foreign fashions, and at the doors of convents the craze for diabolical books from Italy to the exclusion of livros de historias and books in Portuguese. The anonymous Primor e honra da vida soldadesca no Estado da India (1630), editedby the Augustinian Frei Antonio Freire (t:. 1570-1634), is a different work from Geronimo Ximenez de Urrea's Didlogo de la verdadera honra militar (1566), which it resembles slightly in title. It is divided into four parts and contains various episodes
'

',

'

'

TIIK

SEISCENTISTAS

263

of the Portuguese in the East and some curious information. Miguel Leitao de Andrade (1555-1632) went straight from

Coimbra University

to Africa

with King Sebastian.

After the

battle of Alcacer Kebir he succeeded in escaping from captivity,

followed the cause of the Prior of Crato, and was imprisoned

under Philip

II.

In his book, in twenty dialogues, Miscellanea

do Sitio de N. S" da Lvz do Pedrogdo Grande (1629), he disclaims any purpose of writing history. It reveals an inquiring and

observant but uncritical mind, interested in

the
It
'

fossils, inscriptions,

astrology, the early history of Portugal, etymology, heraldry,

infinite

and

wonderful secrets of Nature daily being revealed '. contains a graphic account of his escape from Fez, but on the
its

whole, in spite of attractive passages and interesting details,

scarcely merits

great reputation.

Do

Sitio de Lisboa (1608),

which Mello praises as aquelle elegantissimo livro, by the author of Arte Militar (1612), Luis Mendes de Vasconcellos, is written in the form of a dialogue between a philosopher, a soldier, and a politician, and deserves its place among the minor classics of Portuguese literature. The famous love letters of the Portuguese nun Marianna AlcoFORADO (1640-1723), which bring a breath of life and nature into the stilted writing of that day, only belong to Portuguese
literature in the sense that Osorio's history belongs to
it

by

appeared in indifferent French [Lettres Portvgaises, Paris, 1669) and were not retranslated, or, if we accept the theory that the nun originally wrote them in French^ French siiranne et denue d'elegance translated into Portuguese for a century and a half Cartas de uma Religiosa Portugueza (1819).^ Meanwhile, even before their obscure author died in the remote
translation.
first

They

The slip in the second letter by which in the French version not the Beja Mertola Gate but Mertola itself is seen from the convent, does not favour this theory, which recently has been sustained by the Conde de Sabugosa. This passage is held to be a convincing proof, were such proof needed, of the genuineness of the letters. It is rather a proof of the reality of the love intrigue than of the nun's authorship. If Chamilly, for the edification of his vanity, were fabricating such a letter, what more likely than that he should wish to add his note of local colour and remembered vaguely the word Mertola in connexion with the view from the convent terrace ? What he could scarcely have invented or expressed is the real depth of feeling. ' Seven spurious letters, and subsequently others, were added in many of
'

the editions.

Filinto Elysio translated the twelve.

264

1580-1706

and beautiful city of Beja, they had been translated into English and Italian and had received over fifty French editions. Colonel (later Marshal) Noel Bouton, Comte dc Saint-Leger, afterwards Alarquis de Chamilly (1636-1715), accompanied the French troops sent to help Portugal against Spain, and was in Portugal from 1665 to 1667. Marianna Alcoforado, belonging to an old Alentejan family, was a nun in the convent of Nossa Senhora daConcei^ao at Beja. Her five letters, written between the end of 1667 and the middle of 1668 after her desertion, in their artIcssness, contradictions, and disorder, vibrate with emotion.

They

are a succession of intense cries like the popular quatrain

Por

te la

amar

deixei a

Deus
!

Ve

que gloria perdi agora vejo-me so,

Sem

Deus, sem gloria, sem

ti.

Sometimes, it is true, a trace of French reason seems to mingle with the ingenuous Portuguese sentiment, and it is almost incredible, although of course not impossible, since omnia vincit
amor, that the nun should have written certain passages.
a mere
to

From

these and not on the amazing assumption of Rousseau that

woman

could not write so passionately

letters

he

was ready

wager that the

wxre the work

of a

man ^

one

may

suspect that the lover,

who

did not scruple to

hand over the

letters to a publisher (unless

he was merely guilty of showing

lower and edited them, adding
letters, full of

them

to his friends),

sank a

little

a phrase here and there more peculiarly pleasing to his vanity.^

In that case the nun actually wrote these

passion
;

and

and perhaps in French, to her French lover but we only read them as they were touched up for publication by
despair,

another hand.

A work
which
'

which has nothing

in

common
is

with these fervent

the Arte de Furtar,

love letters except an enigmatic origin

in

part at least probably belongs to the seventeenth

tout

Jc pnrierais
e.g.'
'

au monde que

Ics Lettres

portugaises ont eti ecrites par

un

homme.
frankly that you were in love with a lady in your own first to leave for the front, the last to return ? My passion increases every instant (4). I do not (S)repent having adored you. I am glad that you betrayed me (3).
^

You

told
'

me
'

country

(letter 2).

Were you not ever the

'

'

'

'

THE SEISCENTISTAS
century.
It
is

265

a curious and amusing treatise on the noble

art of thieving in all kinds, private

Its

and

official, civil

and military.

anecdotes are racy

if

not original.

Two

of the happiest

incidents (in caps. 6

and

41) are copied without acknowledge-

ment from

Lazarillo de Tormes?-

The author seems

to

have had

misgivings that he had presented his subject in too favourable

a light, for he ends

by assuring

his reader thieves that

many

tons of worldly glory are not worth an ounce of eternal blessed-

and promises them before long another more liberal on the art of acquiring true glory '. These tardy qualms did not save his book from the Index. The first edition, purporting to be printed at Amsterdam, bears the date 1652'^ and attributes the work to Antonio Vieira. That attribution may be set aside. Were there no other reasons for its rejection it would suffice to read the book or even its title in order to be convinced that it is not from the veneravel penna of that great statesman and preacher. He might dabble in Bandarra prophecies, but would scarcely have sunk to the picaresque familiarities of the Arte de Furtar or occupy himself with the sad
ness,
'

treatise

habits of innkeepers, the long stitches of tailors, or the price

of straw.
It

has also been attributed, without adequate ground,

festivities at the

to

Thome

Pinheiro daVeiga (1570.? -1656), the author of a lively

entitled Fastigwiia

account of the
of

Valladolid in 1605,
(p.

Spanish Court and description (it mentions Don

Quixote and Sancho

119) but says nothing of Cervantes),

[c.

and to Joao Pinto Ribeiro

played a notable part
in

1590-1649), the magistrate

who

the Restoration of 1640 and wrote

various short treatises such as Preferencia das Letras as

(1645)
;

and even

less

plausibly to

Armas Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo

(i6i8?-8o), statesman

but an excellent writer

'

and diplomatist, an indifferent poet of prose and a careful although not

Ed. H. Butler Clarke (1897), pp. 17-18 and 65-7. The 1652 edition speaks of coronets (p. 277) who, it has been argued, were called mestres de campo till 1708 (Goes, however, in liis Cron. de D. Manuel, 1619 ed., f. 213, has os fez todos quatro coronets de mil homens cf. Gil Vicente, i. Corregedor, coronel) it refers (p. 393) to Joao IV as still alive 234 Que Deos guarde e prospere. It would appear to have been written (11656) at two periods, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, unless the passages implying the earlier date arc as deliberately misleading as the 1652
*
; :

title-page.

266
original historian.

I 580-1706

collected in his Obras (2 vols., 1743).

Politica has

His halting verses and his treatises were Of the latter the Summa

been shown by Snr. Solidonio Leite^ to be copied

title by Cesar de Meneses (11672), Bishop of Oporto and Archbishop of Braga. Both author and book were too well known for Ribeiro de Macedo to claim it as his own. He seems

almost word for word Trom the work of identical

D. Sebastiao

merely to have translated it from the original Latin published at Amsterdam in 1650, a year after the first Portuguese edition. The work is remarkable for acute thought and clear and concise
expression.

A work of a similar character is the well-written Arte

^ei^gmar (1643) by P. Antonio CarvalhodeParada(i595-i655). The Tratado Analytico (1715), by Manuel Rodriguez Leitao
{c.

1620-91), a controversial treatise written to prove the right

of Portugal to
stylist.

appoint bishops,

is

also

the

work

of a

good

Some would say

of the

the same of one of the best-known

books

seventeenth century, the Vida de

Dom

Joao de

by Jacinto Freire de Andrade (1597-1657). The author, born at Beja, was suspected at Madrid of nationalist
Castro (1651),
inclinations,

and

retired to his cure in the diocese of Viseu

after

the Restoration he refused the bishopric of Viseu.

His book

has often been regarded as a model of Portuguese prose. Pompous and emphatic,- it may be described as inflated Tacitus, or rather a mixture of Tacitean phrases, conceits, and rhetorical affectation. But if as a whole it is more akin to Castro's garish triumph at Goa than to the scientific spirit of his letters, it scarcely deserves the severe strictures which followed excessive praise^ it might even become excellent if judiciously pruned The second Conde da Ericeira, of antitheses and artifice.*
:

' Diiarte de Macedo in his Classicos Esquecidos (Rio de Janeiro, 1915). dedicatory letter says I have taken this Summa Politica from the Latin I do not ofier it as my own, because I restore it and Italian languages.' to your Highness as yours ', so that he had armed himself against such charges of plagiarism. * It loses nothing in Sir Peter Wyche's translation. Cf. the account of Castro's first arrival at Goa When the entry was to be, the two Govemours were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning of divers-coloured silks the Castles and Ships entertain'd 'em with the horrour of reiterated shootings, the Vivas and expectation of the common people did without any cunning flatter the new Government, &c.' ^ Cada clausula he filha da eloquencia mats sublime, &c. (Barbosa Machado). * e.g. 1759 cd., p. 342: cujtis riiinas seriao de sua Jama os elogtos maiores
'
: '

'

THE SEISCENTISTAS
D.

267

Fernando de Meneses

(1614-99),

wrote a Historia de

Tangere (1732) and the Vida e Acgoens d'El Ret D. jfodo I (1677), which ends with an elaborate parallel betw'een Julius Caesar and the Master of Avis. Equally clear but far more artificial is the style of the third Count, D. Luis de Meneses (1632-90), in the best-known historical work of the century in Portuguese
^^s author Historia de Portugal Restaurado (2 pts., 1679, 9^)ended his life by leaping from an upper window into the garden

of his palace

on a

May morning

in a

fit

of

melancholy.

The great prose-writer of the century, Antonio Vieira (160897), was born in the same year and city as D. Francisco Manuel de Mello and spent a life as unquiet. He was not literary in the same sense as Mello, but he has always been considered one of the great classics of the Portuguese language. He was the son
of Cristovam Vieira Ravasco, escrivao das devassas at Lisbon, but at the age of seven he accompanied his parents to Brazil (1615) and began his education in the Jesuit college at Bahia. In 1623, by his own ardent wish, long opposed by his parents, he became a Jesuit novice and professed in the following year. Before he was thirty he was Professor of Theology in the Bahia college and a celebrated preacher, the sermons in which he encouraged the citizens of Bahia in the w'ar against the Dutch being especially eloquent. In 1641 he was chosen with Padre Simao de Vasconcellos to accompany D. Fernando de Mascarenhas, son of the viceroy, to Europe in order to congratulate King Joao IV on his accession. Vieira preached in the Royal Chapel on New Year's Day, 1642. Both his sermons and his conversation greatly impressed the king, and from 1641 to the end of the reign (1656) his influence was great although not unchallenged. They were critical years in Portugal's foreign policy, and Vieira, who refused a bishopric but was appointed Court preacher, was entrusted with several important missions to Paris and The Hague (February-July 1646), London, Paris, and The Hague In 1652 he returned to Brazil (1647-8), and Rome (1650). as a missionary in Maranhao, and during two years roused the

bitter hostility of the settlers

by

his protection of the slaves

:

would be straightened out from Latin into Portuguese elogios dc sua fama.

serido os ntaiores

268
or rather

1580-1706

by his opposition to slavery. In 1655 he again left Lisbon for Maranhao,^ and during five arduous years showed unfailing courage and energy in dealing with natives and settlers.

The latter in 1661 attacked the mission-house and arrested and expelled the Jesuits. At home King Joao, Vieira's friend, Differences arose between the Queen Regent was dead. supported by Vieira, and her son, and one of the first acts of the latter on taking power into his own hands was to banish Vieira to Oporto and later to Coimbra. Here in the spring of 1665 ^ he wrote that curious work Historia do Futuro (1718), which was to interpret Portugal's destiny by the light of old prophecies, but of which only the introduction {livro anteprimeiro) was printed. An even stranger book, in which he had paid serious attention politically to the prophecies of Bandarra, was denounced in 1663, and in October 1665 Vieira was consigned
to

the prison of

the Inquisition at Coimbra.

His sentence

was not read till 1667 (December 24), and it condemned him to seclusion in a college or convent of his Order and to perpetual silence in matters of religion. The deposition of King Afonso VI (1667) and the accession of his brother Pedro II altered Vieira's prospects, and his eloquent voice was again heard in the pulpit. After preaching before the Court in Lent 1669 he proceeded to Rome on business of the Company and spent six years there. He preached several times in Italian, and Queen Christina of Sweden, who had settled in Rome in 1655, offered him the post of preacher and confessor, which he refused. In August 1675 he returned to Lisbon, where he was coldly received by the Prince Regent, and in 1681 retired to Brazil. In the same year he was burnt in effigy by the mob at Coimbra. A special brief given to him by the Pope secured his person from the attacks of the Inquisition. But even at Bahia he was not free from troubles and intrigues. His activity continued to the end of his long life. In 1688 he preached in Bahia Cathedral, and was Visitor of the Province of Brazil from 1688 to 1691. Even in 1695 we find him, although feeble and On his homeward voyage in 1654 he had suffered from a violent storm,
'

and was only saved by a Dutch pirate who landed the passengers of the
Portuguese ship at the Ilha Graciosa without their belongings.
^

Historia do Fiiluro (171 8), p. 93.

THE SEISCENTTSTAS
broken,
writing
letters

afjQ

and eager

to

finish

his

Clavis Pro-

phetical (or Prophetarum), which

manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris and elsewhere. Seventy been entrusted years earlier he had by the Jesuits with the composition of the annual Latin letters of the Company. Vieira's vein of caustic satire no doubt made him numerous enemies and increased the difficulties which his advocacy of the Jews and slaves and his fearless stand against injustice and oppression were certain to produce. Ambitious and fond of power, he could devote himself to causes which entailed a life
lies in

now

of toil

and poverty. An energetic

if

unsuccessful diplomatist, an

ingenious thinker, a statesman of far-reaching views, he was also a

fantastic dreamer, but his

dreams and restlessness rarely affected the sanity of his judgement. The works of this great writer and extraordinary man are an inexhaustible mine of pure and vigorous prose, at its best in his numerous Cartas, written in selecta
'

et

propria dictio, misquam verbis indulgens sed rebus inhaerens. Portuguese critic, Dias Gomes, notes his sustained elegance ', and we may sometimes sigh for an interval of Mello's familiarity or Frei Luis de Sousa's charm. In his famous Sermoes he

bowed intermittently to the taste of the time for conceit and artifice. He condemned the practice in a celebrated sermon, indeed but a certain humorous quaintness was not foreign to his
temperament, and
indulged.
in

the obscurity, at least, of thecultoshe, never

When

inspired

by patriotism

or indignation his

words

soar beyond cold reason and colder conceits to a fiery eloquence.

Among

writers

whom

he influenced was the Benedictine Frei

of

JoAO DOS Prazeres (1648-1709),

only the

whosc principal work,

Principe dos Patriarchas S. Bento, or Empresas de S. Bento,

first two volumes were published. Closer imitators were Frei Francisco de Santa Maria (1653-1713), Ceo Aberto na Terra (1697) and many sermons, author of and the Jesuit preacher Antonio de Sa (1620-78), whose Sermoes Varies appeared in 1750.

of Vieira

See letters from Bahia, July 22, 1695.

V
1706-18 i6
The FAghteenth Century
The
eighteenth century did not
in other countries,
kill

literature in Portugal

any

but poetry had lost its lyrism, and under the influence of French and English writers assumed a scientific, philosophical, or utilitarian character. No mighty genius arose in Portuguese literature at the bidding of Joao V (1706-50), but the king's lavish patronage gave an impulse, and he founded the Academia Real de Historia in 1720. A crop of scholars and poets followed in the second half of the century, so that it was not without some unfairness that Giuseppe Baretti wrote of the Portuguese in 1760 that di letteratura quel poco non hanno punto fama d'essere soverchio ghiotti

more than

que scrivono, sia in prosa sia in verso,

e tutto

panciuto

e petto-

ruto}

It

ponense'^
(i,

was the age of Arcadias the famous Arcadia Ulyssi(1756-74) and the Nova Arcadia founded in 1790
:

e.

precisely a century after the Italian Arcadia).

All the

poets of the century belonged to one or other of these societies

or
of the

made their mark as dissidentes from them. One of the founders Nova Arcadia, Francisco Joaquim Bingre (1763-1856),

and a few poems were collected under the title Moribundo Cysne do Vouga (1850). Atypical eighteenth-century poet is D. Francisco Xavier de Meneses (1673-1743), fourth Conde da Ericeira, who in turning to literature was but following the traditions
lived on into the middle of the nineteenth century,
of his
of his family.

staunch defender

of

pure Portuguese against

those who, he said, disfigure and corrupt the language

by the

introduction of foreign words and phrases, he wrote a large

No. 30. For a list of its members see T. Braga, A Arcadia for its statutes, ibid., pp. 189-205. Ltfiilana (1899), pp. 210-29
'

Lettere Familiari,

'

Or Arcadia Lusitana.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

number them is
oitavas.
of

271

works

in

prose and in verse.

his Henriqiieida (1741), a heroic

The best known of poem on the conquest

of Portugal
It

by Count Henry

in twelve long cantos of prosaic

may

contain lines more inspiring than these

Da mina conhecendo

a contramina fabricou Roberto, o lugar certo,

but they do not really differ greatly from the rest of the poem. The large quantity of poetry still written at the beginning of the century had met with severe criticism in Frei Lucas de

Santa Catharina's Seram

campestre
'

Politico.

He

slyly calls

the egloga

poesia ervada

'.

The

objects of the Arcadia of 1756

were to free Portuguese literature from foreign influences and If to some extent it merely substituted French or Italian influence for Spanish, its cry was also back to the classics and to the Portuguese quinhentistas. As to the language its services were invaluable, for at a time when French influence was great in Portugal and in the rest of
restore the purity of the language.

Europe it checked the use of gallicisms as to literature the attempt to write poetry on an ordered plan was perhaps foredoomed to failure it plodded along in an artificial atmosphere of Roman gods and antiquities, and became hidebound in imitation of the Horatian ode. Pedro Antonio Correa Gar^ao (1724-72), one of the first members and most prominent poets of the Arcadia, did good service in his determined efforts to deliver his country's literature from foreign imitations and the false affectation of the time, and to revert to the classics, Greek, Roman, and Portuguese. He even prophesied that Gil Vicente's day would come. His master was Horace, grande Horacio, and his Horatian odes, if they show no remarkable lyrical gift, have a dry native flavour
;
:

in

the purity of their language.

He was

also
is

successful in

reviving the cultivation of blank verse.

in

There

a fine sound

some

of the

sonnets in which he sings Marilia, Lydia, Belisa,

Maria, Nise, writes to a friend to ask for a doubloon or for

Spanish tobacco, sends birthday congratulations or laughs at a bald priest the themes are mostly of this level. His satirical
:

vein

is

marked

in his

two short comedies

in

blank verse. Theatre

272

1706-1816

Novo, a skit on the drama then in vogue, and Assembled ou Partida, in which certain Lisbon types are ridiculed and which

and much overpraised Cantata de Dido. The motive of his arrest is not clear. Tradition wavers between a love intrigue and political reasons/ and declares that the Marques de Pombal, whom he had offended, signed the order for his release on the very day of the poet's death after eighteen months of imprisonment. Pombal was effusively praised by Domingos dos Reis Quita
contains the famous

Correa Gargao's days ended tragically in prison.

Lisbon hairdresser who wrote bucolic poetr^ melodiously, but with perhaps even less originality than we have learnt to expect in that kind since the time when Virgil
(1728-70), a

mistranslated

Theocritus.

The

influence

of

Bernardez and

Camoes

is

clear,^ in

many

passages too clear, and he had un-

doubtedly caught something of their

technique.

But

his

skill and harmony in poems leave the impression that he had no

;

real feeling for the rustic life

which they describe no doubt with scissors than with more home the the faithful he was at Melampus or the nymphs and shepherd's pipe. When he is relating an event, such as the earthquake of 1755, which touched him
nearly, his ready flow of verse deserts him, in spite of his skill
in improvisation,^
occ2ision,

although the sonnet written on the same

stands out with a certain majesty

P or castigar, Senhor,

from most
If his

of his other sonnets,

mellifluous idylls

which are mere slices of eclogue. show no individuality, his return to the

classic poets of

Portugal was, as with other Arcadian poets,

a welcome change from the Spanish influence, the

mao

uso, as

he

rude strangers from the Manzanares (Eclogue 6). His tragedies and pastoral drama Licore are not more original.
calls
it,

of

'

'

Debt might seem a more probable cause, were it not for the apparent rigour of his confinement. ^ A sua alma conversava com Bernardes e Ferreira, says his friend Tolentino, who advises another cabelleireiro poet to cease writing verses, since vale mats The Arte de Furlar mentions a barber que cem sonetos a peior penteadura. who sank still lower, since he left his profession in order to cut purses. The modern writer Antonio Francisco Barata (i 836-1910) likewise began life as a poor hairdresser at Coimbra. ^ Cf. Ecloga Dorindo to Alcino {Alcino Mycenio was Quita's Arcadian I.
'

name)

E tu es dos pastores mais famosos No can tar de impro\'iso o verso brand o.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

One
of his

273

tragedies,

Ines de Castro, suggested that of Joao

Baptista
in its

Gomes

(ti8o3),

Nova

Castro,

day but

is

now

scarcely

which had a great vogue more remembered than Osmia

which the blank verse has vigour, although distinguishable from prose. This play, published anonymously, was long attributed to Antonio de Araujo de Azevedo (1754-1817), but its real author was D. Theresa de Mello Breyner, Condessa de Vimieiro, who married
(1788), a tragedy of
is
it

often scarcely

her cousin, the fourth Count, in 1767.

It was a cruel kindness DA Cruz e Silv-a (1731-99)

to edit the

works

of

Antonio Diniz
and
his

m six volumes, for, despite the fame of

many
of

his high-flown Pindaric odes, his three centuries of sonnets

other lyrics are not of conspicuous merit and are often imitative.

Having nothing
confusdo
!

to say, Elpino Nonacriense, like too

it

the Arcadian poets, said

at inordinate length.

Que enorme

he exclaims in an elegy on the Lisbon earthquake,

of his

and expression. The son of a Sargento Mor,^ he was born at Lisbon, and after studying law at Coimbra was appointed a judge at Castello de Vide. With Manuel Nicolau Esteves Negrao (11824) arid Theotonio Gomes de Carvalho (ti8oo) he founded the Arcadia Ulyssiponense, of which he drew up the statutes in September 1756. The first aim of these early Arcadians was, as we have noticed, to break the shackles of Spanish influence and gongorismo, which was, indeed, on the wane in the land of its birth. Diniz da Cruz' own poems were written in good idiomatic Portuguese. In Hyssope he satirizes with telling vigour the use of gallicisms, and his comedy Falso Heroisyno is thoroughly Portuguese in subject and treatment. From 1764 to 1774 he was stationed at Elvas, and here a quarrel between the bishop, D. Lourengo de Lancastre, and the dean, D. Jose Carlos de Lara, furnished him with the subject of his celebrated mock-heroic poem Hyssope. The legend runs that he was summoned to and most
are on a like plane of thought

poems

read his satire to the all-powerful Pombal in the presence of the

infuriated bishop,

and that the poem proved too much

for the

gravity of the minister,

'

who appointed him

a judge at Rio de

i.e.

the military governor of a district, with rank next to that of Capitdo

S

Mor.
2362

274
Janeiro (1776).

1706-1816

but

Thence he was transferred to Oporto (1787), 1790 was again appointed to Rio de Janeiro, and showed himself merciless in sentencing the Brazilian poets Claudio
in

Manuel da Costa, Gonzaga, and Ignacio Jose de Alvarengo

pendence
Peixoto (1748-93), accused of conspiring to secure the indeof their country. Hyssope was first published in

The idea of the was derived from Boileau would poem Boileau's Le Lutrin. have been horrified by its eight cantos of slovenly and monotonous blank verse, which often scarcely rises above prose but as a satire on the times and in its grotesque portraiture of prelate and lawyer and notary it is sometimes irresistibly comic. The mock-heroic Benteida, written by Alexandre Antonio DE Lima of Lisbon (1699-c. 1760?) and published fifty years
1802, three years after the author's death.
;

before

Hyssope, consisted of three cantos of oitavas. Two appeared in 1752, published at Constantinople as written by Andronio Meliante Laxaed '. Pedro de Azevedo Tojal (ti742) had used the same metre for his Foguetario (1729).
editions
'

'

'

The burlesque poem

Reino da Estupidez (1819), written in

four cantos of easily-fiowing blank verse

by the Brazilians

Francisco de Mello Franco (1757-1823) and Jose Bonifacio de Andrade e Silva (1763-1838), is professedly an imitation of
aquelle activo e discreto Diniz na Hyssopa'ida, only the butt here is not the Chapter of Elvas but the professors of Coimbra University. Like the less celebrated poet son of an Alentejan painter,

Jose Anastasio da Cunha (1744-87), artillery officer, mathematician, Professor of Geometry at Coimbra, who translated Pope and Voltaire and had milk in his tea and buttered toast on a fast-day, Francisco Manuel do Nascimento (1734-1819), better known as Filinto Elysio,^ was denounced
to the Inquisition. His thrilling escape in the year of Cunha's condemnation for apostasy and heresy (1778) brought him almost as much fame as his poems. The son of a Lisbon lighterman and a humble varina,^ he was accused of not believing
This Arcadian name was given to him by the Marquesa de Alorna, although he did not properly belong to the Arcadia, being, like Tolentino, one of the dissidentes. ' = fishwife literally woman of Ovar a small sea-town between Aveiro and Oporto.
'
'

',

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

in the
sin,

275

Flood and of throwing ridicule on the doctrine of original and by another witness of being simply an atheist. He succeeded in locking up in his own rooms the official sent to arrest him early on the 4th of July, hid for eleven days in Lisbon, and then, disguised as a poor man carrying a load of oranges, escaped on a boat bound for Havre. Had this persecution come earlier, the disquieting atmosphere of Paris, into which he was now transplanted and where, except for a few years at The Hague, he lived for the rest of his life, might have given some originality to his talent. But his mind and poetic style were already fixed, and through every political disturbance he continued his steady flow of Horatian odes and similar artificial
verse.

He wrote

for seventy years

(Lamartine notes the precoces

faveurs of his muse),

and at the age of sixty-four calculated that he had already composed 730,000 lines, probably too modest an estimate. He received by royal decree an amnesty and the restoration of his property, but never returned to Portugal. His influence on younger Portuguese poets was nevertheless Bocage, when his verses were praised by the older great.
poet, exclaimed
:

Filinto,
.
.

gran cantor, prezou meus versos

Posteridade, es

minha

It encouraged a dry and His influence was bad and good. artificial classicism, but also careful versification in pure Portuguese. Although the poems of Lamartine's divin Manuel are

no longer even by his countrymen held to be divine, they may be read with satisfaction by virtue of their indigenous expressions and a hundred and one allusions to popular traditions. It was by these characteristics that he expressed his revolt from the Arcadia. Half a long life spent in Paris was unable to imbue Filinto with the mimo de fallar luso-gallico, against which he
vigorously protested to the end.
excellence to the

This purity of style gives

many

translations which he

was obliged
is

to

write for a bare livelihood, and his native land

in his

present even

closest imitations of

Horace (Falernian becomes louro

Carcavellos).

Unfortunately his contemporaries and successors

s 2

were not always so discreet.

27^1

1706-18 1
genial satirist

Nicolau Tolentino (1741-1811), son of some years teaching rhetoric to the raw youth [bisonhos rapazes) of Lisbon. He was perpetually discontented with his lot or ready Long years have I already spent in to profess himself so. begging,' he says candidly, and shall perhaps pass my whole life in the same way.' He harps on his poverty the kitchen, he complains, is the coolest room in his house. In 1781 he obtained a comfortable post in the civil service, his poems were printed for him in two volumes twenty years later, he would receive a pheasant from one friend, a Sunday dinner of turkey from another, he acknowledges a thousand benefits, and still begs on. Before he had had time to grow rich the habit had become incurable. His was no lyrical gift, but he imitated with

The

a Lisbon advocate, after studying law at Coimbra spent

'

'

success the quintilhas of Sa de Miranda,^ in which

much
His

of his

work

is

composed {0 Bilhar
is

is

in oitavas).

He

writes naturally;
satire,

his style

thoroughly Portuguese, often prosaic.

repressed for personal reasons rather than from any failure of wit
or talent, reducible to silence

by the gift

of a pheasant, lacks inde-

pendence and thought, but sheds a gentle light on the manners of the time on the travelled coxcomb who returns to Portugal affecting almost to have forgotten Portuguese, or the rich nun who knows by heart whole volumes of the Fenix Renascida and one or two of his entertaining sonnets are likely to endure.

The Obras
in

Poeticas of the

Marquesa de Alorna

(1750-1839),

Arcadia Alcippe, are now more often praised than read, but her poetry is scarcely inferior to that of many even more cele-

As a child she defied the anger Marques de Pombal. She was detained with her sister Maria and her mother D. Leonor de Almeida in the convent of Chellas from the age of eight till the death of King Jose (1777). Two years later she married the Count of Oeynhausen, who became minister at Vienna in 1780. After his death in 1793
brated writers of the time.
of the

she lived partly in England, but spent the last twenty-five years
of her life in the

neighbourhood

of Lisbon,

and exercised con-

'

aprendi.
geleza.

Sd do Miranda, he says, em quern das doces quintilhas Sdmente a ritna Falta-me arte e natureza, Mas pude delle imitar A verdadeira sin. .

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

siderablc influence on

277

young writers not Garrett but Bocage, and especially Herculano and thus with Macedo formed a link between the poets of the Arcadia and the nineteenth century. Her works contain over 2,000 pages of verse. There are sonnets and odes, eclogues, elegies, epistles, translations or paraphrases of Homer, Horace, Claudian {De raptu Proserpinae), Pope [Essay on Criticism), Wieland, Thomson's Seasons, Goldsmith, Gray, Lamartine, and the Psalms. There is a long poem on botany which notices more than a hundred kinds of scented geranium, and indeed the range of her subjects is very wide, from May barbarous climate of England, from Leibniz fireflies to the Classical allusions are to the ascent of Robertson in a balloon.

'

'

she even drags in Cocytus in a sonnet on the everywhere death of her infant son. At the same time we have a constant
;

sense of high ideals and love of liberty.

The compositions
',

of the

'

pale,
'

limber,

odd-looking young

William Beckford in 1787, man fire and glow which Bocage now scarcely move us, vanished the (1765-1805) brought to his improvisations. For the reader thev are for the most part carboni spenti. His parents were a Portuguese judge and the daughter of a French vice-admiral in the Portuguese Navy, and he enlisted in an infantry regiment in

which

'

thrilled

and agitated

the town of his birth, Setubal, in 1779.

Ten years

later he

wandering in China reached Macao and thence Goa, which he still found a stepmother to Here he continued to live a dissipated life, poets, and Lisbon. opinions and his poem A Pavorosa revolutionary his till in 1797 lllusao da Eternidade brought him first to the Limoeiro and then for a few months to the prison of the Inquisition. His unstable romantic spirit was influenced as much by the French Revolution during the latter years of his life as by the wish in his youth to become a second Camoes, but he wrote an elegy on the execution of Queen Marie Antoinette, which he described as a crime from Hell '. He supported life during his last years He was himself his chief enemy, principally by translation. and he was also the victim of the critics who applauded his improvisations until he no longer distinguished between poetry and prose, sense and absurdity. No better Portuguese pendant
deserted at
after
'

Damao, and

278
to the celebrated line of

1706-1816
blank verse 'A Mr. Wilkinson, a clergyCarpido in one of Bocage's elegies
:

man

'

will

be found than that

ohjecto.

The undoubted talent of Elmano Sadino, as he was in Arcadia, was thus frittered away in occasional verse in which his fecund gift of satire found expression, and a great poet was lost to Portuguese literature. His impromptu sallies against rival poets, such as Macedo, brought him contemporary fame, but in some of his poems, especially the sonnets, we have proof of a possibility of greater things. No doubt his work is disfigured by pompous phrases ^ and hollow classical allusions. He did not always rise above the bad taste of the period he was unable to concentrate his talent or separate prosaic from poetical subjects. Thus he sang of an ascent in a balao aerostatico in 1794, and saw in the vil mosquito a proof of the existence of God. But his was nevertheless a very real and above all a very Portuguese inspiration,^ and some of his sonnets have force and grandeur and hover on the fringes of beauty, especially when they voice his unaffected enthusiasm
ohjecto

men, carpido

for Portugal's past greatness

and heroes.

One

of the foremost poets of the

Nova Arcadia was Belchior

Manuel Curvo Semedo

(1766-1838), two volumes of whose

Composigoes Poeticas appeared in 1803. A crowd of secondary lights revolved round the great planets of the two Arcadias. The

poems

of Alfeno Cynthio,

Domingos Maximiano Torres (1748Their unfortunate

1810), are not

without vigour {Versos, 1791).

The gay and lively Abbade of Jazente, Paulino Antonio Cabral^ (1719-89), was the son of an Oporto doctor, and was parish priest at Jazente His poems are still read for (near Amarante) from 1753 to 1784. Some their pleasant satire, but he was careless of literary fame.
author died a political prisoner at Trafaria.
of the sonnets of

both these writers deserve not to be forgotten.

(11789), a fourth edition

JoAO Xavier deMattos

'

oiwhostRimas

The sky is a estellifera morada (the starry abode), birds o phimoso aereo bando, bees niordazes enxames voadorcs, &c. * Menendez y Peiayo (Antologia, torn, xiii (1908), p. 377) calls him el poeta de mas condiciones nativas que ha producido Portugal despiies de Camoens, 'the most indigenous Portuguese poet since Camoes", and elsewhere gives the highest praise to his sonnets. ^ His modern editor, Visconde (Julio) de Castilho, has shown that the additional surname de Vasconcellos was bestowed on him gratuitously.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

for

279

appeared in the year after his death, is now remembered chiefly some of his sonnets, as that beginning Poz-se sol, with its

melancholy charm.

He was

a true but not a great or original poet.

Born
at

at Oporto, the son of a Brazilian father

and a Portuguese

mother,

Thomas Antonio Gonzaga (1744-1807?) was a judge Bahia when he was accused of taking part in the Republican

conspiracy of Minas Geraes (1789), and after three years' imprisonment was deported (1792) to Mozambique, where he died
several years
after
his

sentence had expired.

Some

of

his

Horatian and Anacreontic lyras in many metres, addressed to Marilia and collected under the title A Marilia de Dirceo [Dirceo being his Arcadian name), are graceful lyrics of an idyllic character. Of the other poets implicated in the conspiracy, Claudio

Manuel da Costa
cell,

(1729-69),

who was found dead

of the

in his prison

was an Arcadian poet

Italian school,

a gentle love of Nature in his sonnets.

and shows Of the hundred sonnets

printed in his Obras (1768) some are in Italian.

The eclogues

number twenty.
patriotism
if

In Brazil at this time, as earlier in Portugal,

not poetry suggested epics.

Jose Basilio da
life

Gama
of

(1740-95),

who

spent the greater part of his

in Por-

tugal and died at Lisbon, wrote

prosaic blank verse

an

cantos account of the struggle between

in five

Uraguay (1769)

Portuguese
[e.

and

Indians.

Jose

de

Santa

Rita

Durao

1720-84), Doctor in Theology (Coimbra), composed an epic

Caramuru (1781) on the discovery of Bahia in the sixteenth century by Diogo Alvarez Correa. This poem in ten Uraguay, but it contains some cantos of oitavas is inferior to
entitled

and the customs of Brazil.^ had certainly never existed in Bocage's contemporary and rival in Arcadia, Jose Agostinho deMacedo (1761-1831), who lived to be confronted by an even more formidable adversary in his old age, Almeida
interesting notes on the country
If

a great poet lurked in Bocage, he

Garrett.

(In one of his fierce political letters he prays that

either he or Garrett

may

be sent to the galleys.)

Born

at Beja,

he took the
'

vows
(ii.

as an Augustinian
62) is also described
10.

monk

at Lisbon in 1778.

The Couvade

Nao

S. Paulo, 1904 ed., p. 25,

by Henrique Diaz, Nanfragio da and Pero de Magalhaes Gandavo, Historia da

Provincia Sancta Cruz (1576), cap.

28o

I 706-1816
of

The future champion

of
his

law and order provoked the displeasure Evora,

superiors

at

Lisbon,

Coimbra,

Braga,

Torres
dissi-

Vcdras, by his pranks and mutinies, his boisterous and

pated
ferring

life.

Methodical theft of books was one of his minor

failings.

At last after fourteen years, his Order, tired of transand imprisoning, formally expelled the delinquent in

1792.

won

He, however, obtained recognition as a secular priest, fame as a preacher, and for the next forty years wrote in

verse and prose with an amazing copiousness.^

He

is

said to
:

have composed a hundred Anacreontic odes in three days Lyra Anacreontica (1819). During the last three years of his
life,

after he had,
to

as

he

said,

capitulated to the doctors, he

in

continued

write,

although

great

pain.

His financial

circumstances did not require this effort. His works had brought him considerable sums, he had become Court preacher and

and had many friends in high places, including Dom Miguel himself. His vanity was soothed, the unfrocked Augustinian had won the regard of princes. But to this learned and splenetic priest virulent denunciation of his hterary and political opponents had become a necessity, and he was at work on the twenty-seventh number of his periodical Desengano a fortnight before his death. He was spared the mortification His character was not of seeing his enemies triumph in 1832, amiable, and a large part of his life was unedifying, but there is something fine in his unfailing energy, for by sheer energy he imposed himself, and his self-conceit was so colossal as to be
chronicler,
'^

virtually innocuous, while his real horror of revolution, a horror

based on experience, was expressed with persistency and courage. He seems to have been quite honest in the belief that the poems of Homer, which he could not read in the original, were worthOriente was a great epic. His utilitarian less,^ and that his own
His works in the Dice. Bibliog. go from J. 2163 to J. 2475. Many are, Other eighteenth-century sermons however, single odes, sermons, &c. worth reading are those of the learned Franciscan Frei Sebastiao de Santo Antonio: Sermoes, 2 vols. (1779. 84). * Superficially, at least, more than Manuel Caetano de Sousa (1658-1734) he deserves to be called a varao encyclopedico. 3 He admires Cicero not only as jjhilosopher and orator but as a sublime poet' (O Hnmem {181 5), p. 98) and Seneca, calls Petrarca immortal, Tasso incomparable, and is generous in his appreciation of English writers. At

'

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

conception of literature was inevitably fatal to his verse.

281

He

wished to extend the boundaries of poetry,^ He wrote a long poem four cantos of blank verse on Newton (1813), recast

and increased to 3,560 lines under the title Viagem Extatica ao Templo da Sabedoria (1830), because Newton had conferred greater benefits on humanity than many a great conqueror (yet so may a dentist). He composed a long poem, Gama (1811), Oriente (1814),^ to show how Camoes should have re-written as it written Os Lusiadas. His poem is no doubt more correct observes all the rules, but unfortunately it lacks genius and is as dull and turgid as Macedo's other verse. A good word for the sea in Portuguese is mar; the poets often call it oceano, Camoes had ventured to name it falso argento, liquido estanho, with Macedo it becomes humido elemento fuiido aquoso, himido elemento (or perhaps he adopted -the phrase from Caramuru, in which it occurs). We can scarcely blame Bocage for labelling him tumido versista? Among his other philosophical poems are Contemplagao da Natureza (1801), A Meditagao (1813), A Natureza (1846), and A Creagdo (1865), now not more often read than his many odes and other verse. The most scandalous of his satires is Os Burros (1827), in blank verse, in which he lavishly and outrageously insults nearly all the writers of the time, and which may have been suggested by Juan Pablo Forner's El Asno Erudito (1782). Like his poems, his dramatic works usually have some ulterior object their purpose is not less practical than his pamphlets against Os Sehastianistas (1810) or Osjesuitas (1830) behind Ezelino and Beatriz in his tragedy Branca de Rossi (1819) loom Napoleon and Josephine, and the prose comedy A Impostura Castigada (1822) is an attack upon the doctors. The fact is that Macedo was essentially not a poet or a dramatist or a philosopher, but a forcible and eloquent pamphleteer. His philosophical letters and treatises, A Verdade
;
;
;

about the same time John Keats, as Petrarca five centuries earlier, was also reading Homer in translation, but in a somewhat different spirit. 1 Newton, Proemio. In the second edition (1827) he says that this poem, in twelve cantos and about 1,000 oitavas, written with more fire and a purer light than those of Camoes, had cost him nine years of assiduous application '. ^ Macedo called Bocage fanfarrdo glosador, and much abuse of the same
'

'

'

kind varied the

monotony

of elogio miihio.

282
(1814),

I706-I816

Homem
is

(18 15), Demonstragdo da Existencia de

Deos

(1816), Cartas filosoficas a Attico (1815), arc at their best not

when he
he
is

developing a train of scientific thought but

;

arguing ad hominem
is

and

his literary criticism in

when Motim
he

Literario (181 1)

primarily personal.
is

As a
it

critic militant

has his merits, and he

pleasantly patriotic in denouncing the

glamour

of missangas estranjeiras.

But

is

in his

political

periodicals, pamphlets,

and

letters.

Cartas (1821), Cartas (1827),

Tripa virada (1823), Tripa por uma vez (1823), A Besta Esfolhada Desengano (September 1830-September 1831), that (1828-31), he puts forth all his spice and venom. Ponderous and angry
like

in the raciest vernacular.

a lesser Samuel Johnson, he bullies and crushes his opponents He may be unscrupulous in argument,
his idiomatic

but

and vigorous prose

will

always be read with

pleasure.

Macedo's dramatic works were neither better nor worse than

those of other playwrights of the time.
It

was the professed

object of

Manuel de Figueiredo

morally and dramatically correct '.

in the fourteen

(1725-1801) to 'write plays The effect of this didacticism

volumes of his Theatro (1804-15) is disastrous. and verse, but the plays in ordinary prose are to be preferred, since in the others, like M. Jourdain, he made de la prose sans le savoir. He wrote comedies, and tragedies in which he is involuntarily comic. Even in Igfiez he keeps the even tenor of his dullness, and he warns the reader in a preface that his Ines is not to be considered beautiful since she was probably over thirty, and that her and Pedro's passion had had time to cool.^ There is more life in the plays written in a medley of prose and verse by Antonio Jose da Silva (1705-39), whom Southey considered 'the best of their dramatic writers ', but it is doubtful whether they would have received any attention in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had it not been for the tragedy of their author's life. He was born at

He

wrote

in prose

' Such woodenness was unlikely to appreciate El Greco's pictures. In the preface to his Agriparia {Theatro, vol. v, 1804) he speaks of a cxtravagancia do vaidoso Domenico, herein following Faria e Sousa, who calls Theotocopuli Pero vale mas una llaneza del Ticiano the Gongora of painters and adds que todas sus extravagancias juntas por mas que ingeniosas (Fuente de Aganipe Pr6logo.%i7).
:

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Rio dc Janeiro, the son
arrested

283

of Portuguese Jews, his mother had been by order of the Inquisition as early as 1712, and the whole family came to Lisbon, where the father practised successfully as a lawyer. In 1726 his mother was re-arrested, and this time Antonio Jose with her. He was released after suffering torture and pubhcly abjuring Jewish doctrines in an auto da je. Eleven years later, after studying at Coimbra and following his father's profession in Lisbon, he was again arrested, with his

wife

he had married cousin despite the dangerous fact that her mother had been burnt and she herself imprisoned by the strangled and Inquisition and on October 1739, he was
his
18,
first

then burnt in an auto da je at Lisbon.

before his death the people of
'

For some years (1733-8) Lisbon had admired the plays of

the

Jew

',

as they called him, at the Theatro do Bairro Alto.

Of the eight plays that have survived in print it must be said that they are for the most part very purposeless and ineffective. He attracted his audience sometimes by wit, more often by sheer farcical absurdity; the constant plays on words, the meaningless snatches of verse interpolated, do not increase the interest, which flags on every page because the author has not the slightest power The action at least is quick and varied; it of concentration. shows Silva's inventive talent and explains the popularity of his galhofeiras comedias,^ however much it may weary the reader. His plays with classical subjects are especially cold and dull, A Ninfa Syrmga ou Amoves de Pan e Syringa,^ Os Encantos de
Medea,^
Laherinto

Esopaida,^
de
Creta.^

Amphitrido,^

As Variedades
play,

de

Proteo*
e

His

best

Guerras

do
of

Alecrim

Mangerona (1737), contains some drawing and describes the devices of the starving gentlemen D. Gilvaz and D. Fuas to obtain rich wives at the expense The action consists in of miserly father and country cousin.
elements
character-

a bewildering succession of disguises, the scene (Pt.

ii,

Sc. 5) in

which Gilvaz and Fuas doctor

their stolid rival

and

ridicule the

medical profession has humour but shows the usual inability to end before the reader's patience has been long exhausted.
'
'^

Arnaldo Gania, Um ntotim ha cent annos, 3^ ed. (1896), Theatro Comico Portuguez, 4 vols. {1759-90), vol. iii.
Ibid., vol.
i.

p. 35.

Ibid., vol.

ii.

284

1706-1816
Mancha
(1733) Silva

In the Vida do Grande D. Quixote de la

made bold
scene (Pt.
i,

to

dramatize

Don

Quixote in a series of scenes not

Of his own invention there is a comical which Don Quixote is harassed by doubts as to whether the enchanters have not transformed Dulcinea into Sancho Panza he begins to sec a certain likeness but most of the scenes are directly copied and here become signally insipid, as that of Sancho's judgements (ii. 4), or that of the lion (i. 5), which is as far removed from Cervantes as the sorry lions of the Alhambra at Granada from those in Trafalgar Square. The drama of Nicolau Luis, whose life is obscure but whose name was possibly Nicolau Luis da Silva, belongs to the literatura de cordel, popular plays imitated and often directly translated from the Spanish and Italian and acted with great applause in the eighteenth century at Lisbon. Most of them were published without the author's name, and although it is believed that he wrote over one-third of the numerous comedias de cordel of the Capitdo Belisario (1781) and Conde century ^ only a few, as Alarcos (1788), can be definitely assigned to him, a fact which
over-skilfully connected.
Sc. 8), in
: ;

incidentally bears witness to his lack of individuality.

His bestof

known tragedy is D. Ignezde Castro

(1772),

an imitation

Reinar

despues de morir by Luis Velez de Guevara (1579-1644). In prose it was not an age of great writers, but of research

and learning. The Lisbon Academia Real das Sciencias,'^ founded by the Duque de Lafoes, met for the first time in 1780, and was not slow in inaugurating the work which has won for it the
gratitude of
all

who

care for the language or literature of Portugal.

D. Antonio Caetano de Sousa (1674-1759) had published his valuable Provas da Historia Genealogica (1739-48) in seven volumes, and the learned cure of Santo Adriao de Sever, Diogo

Barbosa Machado
bibliographical

(1682-1772),

had

spent
his

long

life

in

study

and

compiled

indispensable

and

curacy which

magnificent Bibliotheca Lusitana (1741-59) with a generous inacis attractive in the minute pedantry of a later age.
scarcely less

The
'

famous Vocabulario Portuguez

vi.

of

Raphael

275-85; xvii. 91-3, gives 217 titles. * Now Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa, but it is found convenient to retain the original title in order to distinguish it from a more recent (private) institution, the Academia das Sciencias dc Portugal.

Innocencio da Silva, Dice. Bibliog.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Bluteau
(1638-1734),

285
in

who was born

of

French parents

London

but spent over fifty years in Portugal, began to appear in 1712. The work of research was now carried on, among others by

Francisco Jose Freire (1719-73)

Rosa de Viterbo (1744-1822)

DOS Santos
(1745-1818)
;

Frei Joaquim de Santa Antonio Ribeiro D. Francisco Alexandre Lobo

;

the librarian

Cardinal Saraiva (1766-1845), and Frei Fortunato de S. Boaventura Critics of poetry were Luis Antonio Verney (1778-1844). (1713-92), Archdeacon of Evora, 'El Barbadifio', whose criticisms in his Verdadeiro Methodo de Estudar (2 vels., 1746) are severe, even harsh; Francisco Dias Gomes (1745-95), whom nosso celebre critico, and who was indeed a Herculano called better critic than poet, as may be seen in the notes and poems of his Obras Poeticas (1799); and Miguel de Couto Guerreiro [c. 1720-93), who showed good sense in the twenty-six rhymed
(1763-1844), Bishop of Viseu;

Patriarch of Lisbon;

rules of his Tratado da Versificagam Portugueza (1784).

smith

The best-known work of the learned son of a Lisbon blackwho became the first Bishop of Beja and Archbishop of Evora, Manuel do Cenaculo Villas-Boas (1724-1814), Theodoro de Almeida is his Cuidados Litterarios (1791).
.

(1722-1804),
original

an erudite and voluminous writer, one of the

of

members
In

the

Academy

of

Sciences,
e

was more
Telemaque

ambitious.

Feliz Independente do
(3 vols.,

Mundo

da Fortuna in

twenty-four books
for his

1779), he took Fenelon's

model and sought to combine the gall of instruction He wrote it first [uma with the honey of entertainment. boa parte) in rhyme, then turned to blank verse, but, still
dissatisfied, finally

adopted prose, taking

care,

however, he says,
it

that

it

should not degenerate into a novel.

is

The book had a wide

vogue, but

quite unreadable.

One may be thankful that

was not written in verse like that of his Lisboa Destruida (1803), an account of the earthquake of 1755, with sundry moralizings
in six cantos of oitavas, of

which a Portuguese

critic

has said that

the author, in an excess of Christian humility, resolved to mortify his pride of learning by making himself ridiculous to posterity in
verse. Afiickering interest enlivens the Cartas Familiares {1741, 2)
of

Francisco Xavier de Oliveira (1702-83).

Their subjects

286
are various
:

1706-1816
love, literature, witchcraft,

and even the relation of a man's character to the ribbon on his hat. The author gave up a diplomatic career, perhaps on account of his Protestant tendencies, and went to Holland (1740) and England (1744),

where he publicly abjured Roman Catholicism (1746). After the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 he addressed a pamphlet in French to to the King of Portugal, exhorting him to mend his ways become Protestant with all his subjects and abolish the Inquisition, He was duly burnt in effigy at Lisbon (1761), but died The letters of quietly at Hackney twenty-two years later. Alexandre de Gusmao (1695-1753), born at Santos in Brazil, have not been collected; those of the remarkable Portuguese Jew of Penamacor, Antonio Nunes Ribeiro Sanches (1699-1783), physician to the Empress Catherine H of Russia, Cartas sohre a Educagao da Mocidade, appeared in 1760 at Cologne, The Cartas Curiosas (1878) of the Abbade Antonio da Costa (1714-C. 1780) consist of thirteen letters written from Rome and Vienna from 1750 to 1780, mainly on the subject of music. The century was not rich in memoirs. The Miscellaneas of D, JoAO de S. Joseph Oueiroz (1711-64) contain some interesting and amusing anecdotes. He speaks of the Memorias Genealogicas of Alao de Moraes and of the general discredit of genealogists, and attributes Mello's imprisonment to his polite acquiescence in the suggestions of the Condessa de Villa Nova, made at the instigation of King Joao IV para lisongea-la disse que seguiria partido de Castella. But without seeing the manu; :

script

it

is

impossible not to suspect that there

is

as

much

of

Camillo Castello

Memorias

(1868),

Branco as of the Bishop of Grao-Para which he was the first to publish.

in the

VI

I8I6-19IO

The Romantic School

tfie nineteenth century was The French invasion and years of fighting on Portuguese soil were followed by a series of revolutions and civil wars. It seemed as if a more general earthquake had come to complete the ruin of 1755, against which Lisbon had The historian who attempts to record the so finely re-acted. conflicts between Miguelists and Constitutionalists, and the miserable political intrigues which accompanied the ultimate victory of the latter, must waver disconsolately between tragedy and farce. But horrible and pitiful as were many of these events, they succeeded in awakening what had seemed a dead nation The introduction of the parliamentary system to a rtew life. called into being eloquent orators, and, more valuable than much

In Portugal the

first

quarter of

filled

with violence and unrest.

eloquence, the conviction sprang up, partly under foreign

fluence, partly

in-

through love of the soil, deepened by persecution and banishment, that hterature might have a closer relation to earth and life than a philological Filintian ode. Returning exiles brought fresh ideas into the country, and the two men

who dominated Portuguese literature in the first half of the century had both learnt much from their enforced sojourn abroad. Almeida Garrett (1799-1854), one of the strangest
and most picturesque figures in literature; was born at Oporto, but spent his boyhood in the Azores (Ilha Terceira), where his uncles, especially the Bishop of Angra, gave him a classical education and destined him for the priesthood. He, however, preferred to study law at Coimbra (1816-21). Here politics were in the air and he soon made himself conspicuous as a Liberal. The fall of the Constitution drove him into exile (1823) in

288

1816-1910

England (near Edgbaston and in London), and France (Havre and Paris), and for the next thirty years politics remained one
of his ruling passions.

His

first

great opportunity for rhetorical

display was

his defence in the law-courts against the

charge of
Retrato de

impiety incurred by

the publication of his

poem

Venus (1821), although even before going to Coimbra he is said to have preached to a church full of people. He was able to return Chronista and to Portugal in 1826, and edited Portugues, which evoked Macedo's wrath and ended in Garrett's imprisonment. When Dom Miguel returned from Brazil and, instead of 'signing the paper' (the famous Carta of 1826), had himself declared absolute king (1828) Garrett again became an exile, chiefly in London, and did not return to his country till July

when he landed as a private soldier at Mindello, one of the famous 7,500 who fought for King Pedro and his daughter,
1832,

Maria da Gloria. His zeal and outspokenness rendering him an uncomfortable colleague at Lisbon, he fared rather badly in the ignoble scramble for office which followed the triumph of the cause. He was sent first on a mission to London and then as
charge d'affaires to Brussels (1834-6).

The diplomatic

service

was

in

many ways

congenial to his character, but his enemies

made

the mistake of slighting and neglecting him, and, refusing

the post of Minister at Copenhagen, he returned to Portugal and

helped to bring about the Revolution of September 1836.

his life
is

But enough to say that for the next fifteen years his activities in politics and literature were In a hundred ways he showed his versatility and unceasing. He served on many commissions, was appointed energy.
the whole history of the time
:

Inspector of Theatres

(1836),

Cronista

Mor

(1838),

elected

deputy
list,

(1837), raised to the

House

of Peers (1852).

As journa-

stylist

founder and editor of several short-lived newspapers, as and master of prose, his country's chief lyric poet in the
the nineteenth century (coming as a
fire to light

first half of

the

since the sixteenth

dry sticks of the eighteenth-century poetry) and greatest dramatist as politician and one of the most eloquent
;

of all Portugal's orators,

an enthusiastic

if

unscientific folk-lorist,'

His Romanceiro published in 3 vols. (1843, 51) contains poems of national themes drawn from popular songs and traditions, written by himself (as

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

a novelist,
critic,

289

diplomatist, soldier, jurist and judge, Garrett

played

many

parts

and with

success.

This patriot

who

did not
to

despair of his country, this marvellous

dandy who seemed

bestow as much thought on the cut

of a constitution,

of a coat as

on the fashioning

and who refused to grow old, preferring to incur ridicule as a velho namorado (his love intrigues ended only with his life and he wrote his most passionate lyrics when he was over fifty), this artist in life and literature, lover of old furniture and old traditions, this lovable, ridiculous, human Garrett, whom his countrymen called divine, can still alternately charm and repel us as he scandalized and fascinated his contemporaries. His motives were often curiously mixed. His immeasurable peacock vanity as well as his generosity prompted him to champion weak causes and assist obscure persons. A man of high ideals and an
essential honesty, he only rarely deviated into truth in matters

concerning himself.
praise.

When

past fifty he was

still

'

forty-six

'

and

he wrote an anonymous autobiography and

filled it

with

his

own

He

often gave his time and talent ungrudgingly to the

and then cried out that his disinterestedness went unrewarded. Fondof moneybutfonderof show and honours, he died almost poor but a viscount. Although of scarcely more
service of the State

than plebeian birth he liked to believe that the name Garrett, which he only assumed in 1818, was the Irish for Gerald and that he was descended from Garrt, first Earl of Desmond,^ and through
the Geraldines from Troy.-

At the mercy

of

many moods,

easily

angered

but never vindictive, unconscious duplicity but never of hypocrisy, he remained to His faults were the last changing and sensitive as a child.
mostly on the surface and injured principally himself, offering

capable occasionally of half-

Adozinda, based on the romance Sylvaninha and originally published in London in 1828 and reviewed in the Foreign Quarterly Review, October 1832) or byothers, e. g. Balthasar Diaz' O Marques de Mantua, or popular rowawces revised and polished by their collector. His own compositions (vol. i) often have great charm, as Miragaia, Rosalinda, Bernal Francez. The name of the first Earl of Desmond (cr. 1328) was Maurice fitzThomas (11356) not Gerald, Gerod, Gerott, Garrett, or Garrt (see Lord Walter FitzGerald, Notes on the FitzGeralds of Ireland). The fonns Garret and Gareth existed in Catalonia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, e.g. the Catalan poet Bernardo Garret, born at Barcelona, who wrote in Italian and became known as Chariteo (c. 1450-c. 1512).
'

Amorim, Memorias,

i.

28.

2362

290

1816-19IO
That he did not play a more
less his fault

a hundred points of attack to critics incapable of understanding

his greatness.

fruitfully effective

part in politics was

;

than that of the politics of the day but the t\vofold incentive of serving his country by useful legislation and of a personal triumph in the Chamber prevented
this

himself exclusively to literature.

tunist in the best sense of the

ingenuous victim of political intrigue from ever devoting In politics he was an oppor-

word and a Liberal who detested

in

the art of the demagogue.

His few months as Minister

of organization

1852

and of stimulating others. In the life and literature of his country he was a great civilizing and renovating force. He taught his countrymen to read and what to read, and, having freed them from the trammels of pseudo-classicism, did his utmost to prevent them from merely exchanging pedantry for insipidity.
gave no scope for
his real

power

His early verses,

Lyrica' de Joao

many

of the

Minimo

(1829), Flores

poems published or reprinted in sem Fructo (1845), and

Fahulas e Contos [1853), were written under the influence of Filinto Elysio and the eighteenth century, but, fired by romanticism during his first exile in France, he introduced it into Portugal in his epic poems Camoes (1825) and Dona Branca (1826),^ in which
prosaic passages alternate with others of fervent poetic beauty

and glimpses
in Portugal.

of

popular customs which in themselves But Garrett was no super-romantic,

spell

poetry
he

in

fact

deprecated

'

the extravagances aid exaggerations of the epheis

an end in Europe '.At Brussels he learnt German, and the poetry, and especially the plays, of Goethe cast a steadying influence over his work. Garrett had early been attracted towards the theatre. His Merope, in its subject derived from Alfieri, and Catdo (1821) were both written in his student days. Neither of them can be called dramatic. In vain a glow of liberty^ and rhetoric strives
to

meral romanticism which

now coming

Of Magrifo, a still longer epic, only fragments remain it went down in manuscript in the Amelia, sunk by the Miguelists otf the Portuguese coast. ' Preface to 4th ed. (1845) of Catao. ' The 'tyranny' of theday was that of General Beresford. Some scenes of Catao (derived from the Cato 7 1 3) of Addison) of which a Portuguese version by Manuel de Figueiredo (Theairo, vol. viii) had appeared in Garrett's boyhood, were directed against this English despot. A few years later Garrett learned to enjoy English society, as his Anglophobe biographer, Amorim, admits.
'
;

( 1

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

to melt the ice of Catdo
:

201
still

its

parliamentary debates
definitely to

leave

the reader cold.

When
last

fifteen years later, in the tercentenary

year of Vicente's
his favourite

comedy, he was able

scheme

of providing Portugal

he found

difficulties.

He

undertake with a national drama, had to provide not only theatre, actors,

and audience, but also the plays. He succeeded in instilling his keenness into some of his more lethargic countrymen, but, not content with translating from the French, Italian, or Spanish, himself wrote a series of plays to pave the way. His themes, unlike those of his earlier efforts, were now entirely national the legendary love of the poet Bernardim Ribeiro for the daughter of King Manuel in Um Auto de Gil Vicente (1838) ^ the patriotism of the Condessa de Athouguia in arming her two sons on the morning of December i, 1640, to throw ofT the Spanish yoke, in
: ;

Dona Philippa de Vilhena

an early incident in the life of (1840) one of the most chivalrous soldiers that the world has seen, the Constable Nun' Alvarez, in Alfagetne de Santarem (1842); the fall
;

of

Pombal

in

A Sobrinha do Marquez (1848);

in the life of

two famous episodes Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the first of which, the
^

setting fire to his palace rather than entertain the Spanish

Governors, preserves the national atmosphere, in Frei Luiz de Sousa (1844). These plays, with the exception perhaps of the hastily improvised D. Philippa de Vilhena, are all remarkable, although their merit is unequal. The characters, and especially the epoch in which they are presented, lend their chief interest to the first and third. The fifth, overpraised by some critics but
praised

by all^Menendez y Pelayo
and the
really

called

it

'

incomparable

'

Frei Luiz de Sousa, far excels the others by reason of the concen-

dramatic character of the plot Act II) and by its intensity and deliberately simple execution. The intensity may be almost too unrelieved, but the conception of the play showed a fine dramatic instinct. Like most of Garrett's work it was composed in a white heat, and the effect is enhanced by its excellently clear and restrained style, which brings out every shade and symptom of tragedy without distracting the attention by any extraneous ornaments. But all these plays are written in admirable prose.
(or at least of the anagnorisis of
*

tration of interest

Published in 184 1.

Written ten years

earlier.

T 2

2Q2
Indeed, a value
is

l8l6 -IQTO
given even to (iarrett's slighter pieces

Tin

Simplicio (1844), Fallar Verdade a Mentir (1845) ^ apart from indigenous his pliant, their character, by transparent, glowing

which perhaps even more than to his poetry he owes Portuguese literature. Although essentially a poet, his poems of enduring worth are a mere handful of beautiful episodes and graceful lyrics in Folhas Cahidas (1853) ^i^d vol. I (1843) of his Romanceiro but his prose stamps with individuality works so diverse as his historical novel Arco de Santa Anna (2 vols., 1845, 51),"^ his charming miscellaneous Viagens na minha terra (1846) with its famous episode of Joaninha of the nightingales, his treatises Da Educagdo (1829), Portugal na balanga da Eiiropa (1830), Bosquejo da Litteratura Portuguesa {1826), as well as his plays. All his work was thoroughly national, and when he died a group of younger writers was at hand ready to continue it.
prose, to
his foremost place in

Garrett intended as Cronista

Mor

to write the history of his

own time. More serious historians existed in the Canon of Evora, Antonio Caetano do Amaral (1747-1819) his fellow-academician the Canon Joao Pedro Ribeiro (11839) Luz
;

Soriano (1802-99), author of aHisforia da Guerra Civil (1866-90) in seventeen volumes the Visconde de Santarem (1791-1856), whose able and persistent researches were of inestirpable service to the history and incidentally to the literature of his country and the patient investigator Cunha Rivara (1809-79). While scientific research work was accumulating the bones of
;

history a creator arose in the person of

(1810-77).

Alexandre Herculano He had emigrated to France and England in 1831, lived

for a time at Rennes,

and from the Azores in 1832 with Garrett accompanied the Liberal army to Oporto as a private soldier. In the following year he obtained work as a librarian. His A Voz do Propheta (1836) (Castilho in this year translated Lamennais'
Paroles d'un Croyant), written in the impressive style of a

Hebrew

appeared anonymously, brought its author fame, and in 1839 the King Consort D. Fernando appointed him librarian of the Royal Library of Ajuda. The salary was not
prophet, although
it
'

/).

These two plays were published in vol. Philippa de Vilhena.

vii

of his Ohras (1847) with

A contemporary

novel, Helena (1871), remained unfinished at his death.

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

large,

293

of literary work, quiet

life

under 200 a year, but the post gave him the two necessaries and books. From that year to 1867 his
his

was taken up with

joined in

work, with which politics only occa-

sionally interfered.

He

edited

and

founding

Paiz. Although he

Panorama from 1837 to 1844 was elected deputy to

the Cortes in 1840 he rarely attended the sittings. His friendship with D. Fernando and King Pedro V continued unbroken till their death. In 1867 with characteristic abruptness he left Lisbon and
literature

and gave

his last ten years

almost entirely to agricul-

ture on the estate of Val de Lobos, near Santarem.^

of the land

The

call

was combined with disgust

at the politics of the

capital

mode

and probably a natural disinclination to a sedentary His retirement was greeted as a betrayal, and life. attacks formerly directed against his historical work were now But since he had no directed against him for abandoning it. intention of continuing his history, his literary work was really ended. It has three main aspects, poetry, the historical novel, and history. From the prosaic height of forty-six he informed Soares de Passos in a letter that he had been a poet till he was Some of the poems of A Harpa do Crente (1838),"^ twenty-five. especially A Tempestade and A Cruz Mutilada, rise to noble heights by reason of a fine conviction and a rugged grandeur, as of blocks of granite. Herculano had returned to Portugal imbued with profound admiration for the historical novels of Sir Walter Scott, immortal Scott as he called him, and Victor Hugo, and Panoin his remarkable stories and sketches contributed to rama and published as Lendas e Narrativas (1851), as well as in Monasticon, consisting of two separate the more elaborate Monge de Cister (1848), he parts Eurico Presbytero (1844) and wrote romance based upon scrupulous historical research. A slight leaning towards melodrama is as a rule successfully withstood, and his intense and pow-erful style enchains the attention. Eurico is really a splendid prose poem,^ in which the eighthof
' '

It was, however, no sudden decision. As early as 185 i he wrote, in a letter to Garrett, me ver entre quatro serras com algumas geiras de terra proprtas, timas botas grossas e um chapeu de Braga, bello ideal de todas as minhas am'
' . . .

blades
-

mundanas The second edition with additional poems was

'.

entitled Poesias (1850).

Cronica, poeina, Icnda on

que

qitcr

que scja, he says.

294
century priest Eurico
is

1816-1910

Herculano brooding over the degeneracy His glowing patriotism unifies the action and raises the style to an impassioned eloquence. The Middle Ages were well suited to him in their mixture of passion and ingenuousness and their scope for violent contrasts of evil and virtue, light and shadow. Most of the Lendas e Narrativas and Bobo belong to that period, and his Historia de Portugal (4 vols., 1846-53) ends with the year 1279. That he should have stopped there when the character and achievements of King Dinis must have offered him a powerful incentive to proceed shows how deeply he had felt the controversial attacks levelled at his work but with the Renaissance and the subsequent history of Portugal he was too intensely national to have great sympathy. As a historian he has been compared with Hallam, Thierry, and Niebuhr, and he stands any such comparison well. A passion for truth drove him to the original sources and documents, and, since alle Gelehrsamkeit ist noch kein Urteil, he brought the same patience and impartial sincerity to their interpretation. The results obtained he imposed on thousands of readers by his impressive and living style. ^ In his case the style was the man. Beneath coldness or roughness he concealed an affectionate, impetuous nature, a hatred of meanness and injustice. In his personal relations austere and difficult, sometimes no doubt unfair and undiscerning in the severity of his judgements, he was a perfect contrast to Almeida Garrett, compared with whom he was as granite to chalk or as the rock to the stream
of Portugal in the nineteenth century.
;

that flows past

it.

His strong will was fortunately directed by the

writers.

Marquesa de Alorna in his youth to the thoroughness of German Thoroughness marked all his work.' When the Academy of Sciences entrusted him with the task of collecting documents on the early history of Portugal he threw himself into the labour
works and documents of the first importance which began to appear in 1856. From 1867 to 1877 he undertook agriculture not as an amateur's pastime but as
'

with Siierwour v>'hichproducedthesp\cn6idPortvgaliae Monvme?ita

Historica, a series of historical

* The late Dr. Gon9alvez Viana considered Herculano the most vernacular, scrupulous and perfect writer of the nineteenth century {Paleslras I'llo'

Idjicas, 1910, p.

iG).

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

the

295

work

of his hfc, with the result that

he achieved another

The same thoroughness is evident in the Cyclopean fragment of his history and in his shorter writings, the Opusculos (1873-76).
great success scarcely inferior to his success as a writer.

His

Da

Origeni e Estahelecimento
3-

da Inquisigao em Portugal
be dispassionate
its

(3 vols., 1854-9),

deeply interesting account of the negotiations

in ceasing to

and intrigues at the Vatican,

suffer as

may

a purely historical work, but

its

vigour brooks no

denial

and

literary excellence

who

dispute

its fairness.

is acknowledged even by those Great as scholar and man, too great to

life,

be always understood during his

his

memory received a tribute

Niifiez del Arce,

from men so

different as Dollinger

and

and

it is

probable that his reputation will only increase with time.

In the historical novel Herculano had many followers. Antonio DE Oliveira Marreca (1805-89) wrote two laborious fragments in Panorama Manoel Soiisa de Sepulveda (1843) and Conde Soberano de Castella (1844, 53). JoAo de Andrade Corvo (182490), poet and dramatist,^ author of a novel of contemporary politics, 6> 5^^m^w/d;/25m(?(i87i), which contains excellent descriptions of Bussaco, wrote a long historical novel, Um Anno na Corte (1850), in which interest in the actors at the Court of Afonso VI,
:

in incidents

such as a bullfight or a boarhunt, in witchcraft or the

is

Inquisition,
is

skilfully

maintained. His style in

its

sober restraint

superior to that of

Arnaldo da Gama
French invasion
of

(1828-69),

whose

his-

1809 [0 Sargento Mor de Villar and Segredo do Abbade), or of Oporto in the fifteenth century in A Ultima Dona de S. Nicolau, or in the eighteenth in
torical episodes of the

UmMotim ha cem annos {1861)

are of considerable interest despite

their author's excessive fondness for Latin quotations.

Perhaps

the influence of Camillo Castello Branco

may

be traced in his

novel Genio do Mai (4 vols., 1857). Guilhermino Augusto DE Barros (1835-1900) is the author of a novel of the fifteenth century, Castello de Monsanto (2 vols., 1879), o^ great length and dullness. Its chief interest is for the student of the Portuguese language, owing to its large vocabulary. Bernardino Pereira PiNHEiRO (born in 1837) ^^ Sombras e Luz (1863) described scenes from the reign of King Manuel, and drew a strange portrait
1

Alliciador (1859),

Astrologo (i860).

296
of

I8I6-I9IO
III in

King Joao

Amoresdeum

Visionario (2 vols., 1874).

fell

But
and

the mantle of Herculano, as historical novelist,

especially

upon Luiz AuGUSTO Rebello da Silva (1822-71),

journalist.

politician

His Rausso por Homisio, a short novel of the time of King Sancho II, written with the exaggeration of extreme youth,

appeared in the Revista Universal Lisbon en se (1842-3), followed by OdioVelho ndo cansa (reign of Sancho I), with similar defects,ini848. In the same (the first) volume of A Epocha appeared his short conto
entitled

Ultima Corrida de Touros em Salvaterra, which

its skilful
I

won and

has retained popularity by

presentment
(1750-77).

pathetic episode in the reign of Jose

Rebello da Silva published his principal novel,

and Four years later Mocidade de D.

of a stirring

Joao soon

(1852).

In

its

somewhat tedious
but
is

descriptions the reader

loses the thread of the story,

entertained by the quick

of the separate scenes.

dialogue and almost clownish

humour

Thesouros^ (1863) may interest English readers from the fact that its principal character is WiUiam Beckford, but it

Lagrimas

has not the great merits of the preceding novel.

The author was

Fastos da Igrej a

already at work on his unfinished Historia de Portugal nos secidos

XVII eXVI II [svoh.,

1860-71). In

this, as in his

(1854-5) and Vardes Illustres (1870), his defects

his real skill as a historian, his intensity,
;

fall

away, while

and

his excellent style

remain indeed, an added intensity gives his style a new vigour and simplicity. His Historia, although less rigorously scientific and far less methodically ordered than that of his master Herculano, has value as history as w^H as literature. Rebello da Silva wrote too much, but his work generally improved with the years and might have resulted in a real masterpiece had he not died
before attaining the age of
fifty.

Meanwhile the novel had entered on a new and intensely modern phase in the hands of a slightly younger contemporary. The life of Camillo Castello Branco (1825-90), whose numerous novels have been and still are read enthusiastically in Portugal, had about it an element of improbability which is reflected in his works and made it possible to combine their
The last novel to appear in Rebello da Silva's lifetime was A Casa dos Phantasmas {1865). ^^ Noite todos os gatos sao pardos was published
'

posthumously.

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

297

apparent sincerity with a peculiar unreality. Born at Lisbon but left an orphan at the age of eight, and brought up by a sister,
wife of a doctor, in a small village of Tras-os-Montes,^ a widower
in his teens,

then a boisterous Oporto medical student, twice im-

prisoned for love affairs and finally guilty of abducting an heiress

as a bride for his son, his

whole

life

was spent

in a whirlwind,

actual or imaginary, a tragicomedy which, stricken with blindness,

he ended by suicide.

He

read and wrote in the same tem-

The sentimental atmosphere of his novels is by outbursts ot cynicism and sarcasm. When he began to write romanticism was in full swing, but his last twenty years were spent under what was to him the vexing and tantalizing shadow of the new realism. His first story, Maria nao me mates, que son tua mde! (1848), ^ was sentimental and
pestuous fashion.
relieved systematically
sensational,

and something
His
is

of these qualities
first

remained in the

greater part of his work.

(1851), in

which the story

more elaborate novel Anathema interrupted by lengthy musings and

'

moralizings, he himself described as

a kind of literary crab

lop-sided':
It is the

',

and most

of his novels are

somewhat

he confessed
hysterical

that his discursiveness was incurable.

more

among
is

his works,

such as

Amor de

Perdigao (1862)

its

character
sfrenato

well described

by the

title of

the Italian version.

Amor

or

A?nor de Salvagdo (1864) and those which combine this character with a chain of amazing coincidences, as Os Mysterios de
a-iid

Lishoa (1854)

read most avidly in Portugal.

Livro Negro do Padre Diniz (1855), which were He himself favoured the quieter

We may

Romance de um Homem Rico (1861) and Livro de Consolagdo{i8y2). prefer the attic flavour of the humorous sketch of a

country gentleman (born in the year of Waterloo) at Lisbon, in

of
(1866), which somehow recalls the best work Pedro Antonio de Alarcon. Castello Branco had a true vein of comedy, and although a great part of the work of this specialist in hysterics has an air of unreality, he is many-sided and yields

A Queda d'um Anjo

frequent surprises.
*

The

true Camillo appears only intermittently

After Camillo, as he is always called in Portugal, had been created Viscondc de Correa Botelho in 1885, his descent was traced back to Fruela, son of
Pelayo.
^ That is, a year before the novel Memorias de Antonio Pedro Lopes de Mendon9a (1826-65).

um Doudo

(1849)

by

29^
in his novels,

1816-I910
and charms with a simplicity of style and description dc Sousa, as in some of his Novellas do Minho
Os Mysterios

worthy

of Frei Luis

(12 vols., 1875-7), the country-house in Coragao, Cabega e Esto-

mago

(1862), the Tras-os-Montes^^aZg'o's house in

de Lisboa, the village priest in

Sereia (1865), Padre Joao in

Doze Casamentos Felizes (1861), the farrier in Amor de PerdiQdo, the charcoal-burners in Santo da MontanJia (1865). Then (as if with the question what will the Chiado, what will the Lisbon critics say?) he pulls himself up, lashes himself with sarcasms, and plunges into his improbabilities and passions. A poet and
:

and ingenious if unscholarly critic, he saw and decharm of the villages of North Portugal, but he satirized with peculiar venom the bourgeois life and the enriched brazileiros of Oporto, as in A Filha do Arcediago (1855), A Neta do Arcediago (1856), A Douda do Candal (1867), Os Brilhantes do Brazileiro (1869), Memorias de Guilherme do Amaral (1863), and Um Homeni de Brios (1856),^ the last two being continuations of Onde estd aFelicidade? (1856). This last work has a broader historical setting, and many of his novels are really historical episodes,^ some of which bear a strong resemblance to Perez
a learned

scribed the

Galdos' Episodios Nacionales. Especially is this the case with the latter part of As Tres Irmas (1862) and with A Bruxa de Monte Cordova (1867), both written before the appearance of
the
first

Episodio Nacional.

In Eusebio Macario and

y^

Corja he

set his

hand

to the naturalistic novel,

and

in

Brazileira de

Prazins (1882) modified this method to suit his favourite phantasy of extremes, in which the angel and martyr are contrasted

Don Juan or vulgar brazileiro or narrowminded Minho noble. Apart from their historical interest and occasional charming glimpses of life and literature, his books are invaluable for their style, and he is the author of many masterly passages rather than of any masterpiece. He somewith the romantic
times
'

here,
O

as in all else, leaving

moderation to the bourgeois

Cf. also Carlota

Prosa (1863),
(1869). * e.g.

Angela (1858), O que fazem mulheres {1858), Annas de SangU2 (1868). Estrellas Propicias (1863), Estrellas Funestas

Lagrimas Abenfoadas (1857), Carlota Angela (1858), O Santo da Montanha (1865). A Engeitada (1866), O Judeu (2 vols., 1866), O Regicida {1874), A Filha do Regicida (1875).

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

Spate
lary,

299

allows himself

to

bo carried away by his immense vocabu-

but often, indeed usually, his language is a flawless marble, a rich quarry of the purest, most vernacular Portuguese, derived from the Portuguese religious and mystic writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.^ Absorbed in his work night after night till the first songs of birds announced the dawn,
writing in or after a paroxysm of grief or excitement in his
life,

own

he

first lived,

then swiftly set on paper, the incidents of his

in a fortnight.

novels /4wor de Perdigdo was written

Their plot

may

be

ill

constructed, the delineation of characters shallow,

Balzac manque, the episodes far-fetched and melodramatic, but

they corresponded,
if

not to

life,

to the

life

of their

author and

thereby attained intensity of style and a certain unity of action.

Yet he was always greatly concerned with schools and tendencies (he imitated Emile Zola in Eusehio Macario, although
he declared the
realistic school to

be the perversion of Nature,

mile Souvcstre
de

in

As Tres

Irmds, Octave Feuillet in

Romance

but not of the channels into which he should direct it, at his best perhaps in brief essays and sketches from which his high-flown romanticism is absent,
Rico), sure of his genius

um Homem

as in the studies of the lives of criminals in

(2 vols., 1862)

Memorias do Carcere
life

and

his

many

scattered reminiscences of

in

Minho, the valley of the Tamcga, and Oporto. With his sensitive

and sadness (of which the action in his stories is too rapid), his intolerant hatred of tyranny and intolerance, his essential interest not in things nor even characters but in life and passion, and his unfailing power of expression, he may well be called 'the
restless

temperament,

his imagination, his satire

tears rather than saudade, for

[modern] Portuguese genius personified

contrast to the almost
idyllic

'.^

His

life is

a strange

serenity of

that of

Antonio

Feliciano de Castilho (1800-75), whose admirable persistency as poet and translator during a period of nearly sixty years he had been blind from the age of six enabled him to attain an

extraordinary pre-eminence in Portuguese poetry after Garrett

and other

poets"

had been broken

like crystals

while he remained

That it is not impeccable such a phrase as confortar o palacio (O Livro Negro do Padre Diniz, 1896 ed., p. 135) well shows. M. A. Vaz dc Carvalho, Seroes no Campo (1877), p. 171.

300
as a
to
tile

1816-I910
upon the housetop.

romantic with a natural leaning

perfection of form,

he always retained something of the

Arcadian school, and like the Arcadians sought his inspiration Bernardim Ribeiro and other bucolic quinhentistas. Unsympathetic critics incapable of appreciating Castilho's masterly
in

style

may
e

feel

that in the twenty-one letters of the Cartas de

Echo

Narciso (1821), in A Priniavera (1822)^ and Amor e Melancholia on a Novissima Heloisa (1828) he combined the

classical school's dearth of

thought with the diffuseness

of the

But his quadras {A Visdo, Sao Jodo, A and his blank verse are alike so easy and natural, his style so harmonious and pure that, despite the lack of observation and originality in these long poems, they have not even to-day lost their place in Portuguese literature. In their soft, vague melancholy and gentle grace they were even more popular than his romantic poems, A Noite do Castello (1836) - and Os Ciumes do Bardo (1838), and influenced many younger writers. Like Garrett he taught them to seek the subjects of their verse in the popular traditions of their own land. Indeed, so great was his bent for the national in literature that his numerous translations (from the French and English, Latin and Greek, to which, with an occasional aftermath of poems such as Outono (1862),
romantics.
Cemiterio)

Noite do

his later years

were devoted) are often remarkable rather for their

of Goethe,

excellent Portuguese versification than for faithfulness to the

originals,

and the Faust

whose powerful directness

was

unintelligible to his translator, especially as he only read the

in

poem

a French version, became translated indeed.

or the least insipid of the

The most prominent

of romantic

numerous group
younger than

and ultra-romantic

poets, a generation

Garrett and Castilho,

(1848)-"^

who

published their verses in 0*Trovador

(1856),

and

Novo Trovador

were Luiz Augusto Pal-

Part 2 is entitled A Festa de Maio (two cantos). Written in 1830. ^ This collection of contemporary poems contains verses of considerable merit. Of some 200 poems by twenty-one poets twenty-eight are by Joao de Lemos, thirty by Jose Freire de Serpa Pimentel (1814-70), second Viscondc de Gouvea, author of Solaos (1839), thirty-four by Antonio Xavier Rodrigues Cordeiro (1819-1900), and thirty-six by Augusto Jose Gon9alves Lima (182367), who reprinted his contributions in Murmnrios (1851). AsimiUtr collection of verse was A Grinalda (Porto, 1857).
'

'

'

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

301

MEiRiM (1825-93), whose Poesias appeared in 185 1, and Joao de Lemos (1819-89), some of whose poems (one of the best known is A Lua de Londres) in Flores e Amoves (1858), Religido e Patria (1859), ^ricl especially Cangdes da Tarde (1875), have a delicacy of rhythm and are more scholarly than those of most of the The three volumes form the Cancioneiro de romantic poets. Jodo de Lemos. Jose da Silva Mendes Leal (1818-86),
meirim, a successful dramatist,

author of Historia da Guerra no Oriente (1855), and, like Palin Os Dots Renegades (1839) and Homem da Mascara Negra (1843), and also a novelist {0 que
or funeral odes

foram os Portugueses),
:

as a poet is at his best in patriotic, military, Pavilhdo Negro (1859), ^^^ Cesar, Gloria e Martyrio (perhaps suggested by Tennyson's Ode on the Death of the Duke of Wellington), Napoledo no Kremlin (1865), Indiannas, in

which

his

sonorous verse has a certain grandeur.

His Canticos

(1858) contain

among

others a good

translation of

El Pirata of

Espronceda, whose influence is evident in the ode to Vasco da Gama, which forms the first part of /nimwwa^. Antonio Augusto Scares de Passos (1826-60), son of an Oporto chemist, studied
at Coimbra and published a volume of sentimental romantic poems in 1856 [Poesias). The most remarkable is the noble if

little

too grandiloquent ode entitled

Firmamento, which far

excels the

poems

of death, pale moonlight,

autumn

regrets,

and

vanished dreams of this excellent translator of Ossian. After his death a fellow-student, Dr. Lourengo de Almeida e Medeiros, Firmamento and other poems. accused him of having stolen

He had himself, he said, written the melancholy ballad Noivado do Sepulchro in February 1853, but unfortunately for his contention it had appeared over Scares de Passos' signature eight
months
earlier
his

in

Bardo.

miscellaneous writer, like so

Francisco Gomes de Amorim (1827-92) achieved popularity with his plays, published two volumes of sentimental poems. Cantos Matutinos (1858) and Desterrado is now alone Ephemeros (1866), of which perhaps remembered, and several pleasantly indigenous stories of his native Avelomar (Minho) collected in Fruitos de Vario Sabor (1876), with an attractive sketch of the priest, Padre Manuel, Muita parra e pouca uva (1878), and As Duas Fiandeiras (1881).

many

of

contemporaries,

302

1816-1910
played the sedulous Boswell to Almeida Garrett during the
life,

He

last three years of the latter's

the few interesting biographies in the

and the result was one of modern literature of the

(3 vols.,

Peninsula

Garrett,

Memorias Biographicas
satirist,

1881-8).

Among
Castilho

the host of pale moon-singers following in the

it is

wake

of

Faustino Xavier de Novaks (1822-64), who mh\sPoesias{i^$$), Novas Poesias (1858), and Poesias Postiimas (1877), preferred to take Tolentino for his model. He ridiculed the janota com pouco dinheiro, com fumos de grande and other types of his native Oporto, where for some time he worked as a goldsmith. Later he emigrated to Rio de Janeiro, but there found 'everything except literature well paid'.
a relief to find a

Two of the romantic poets lived on into the twentieth century, one even survived the Monarchy. Thomaz Ribeiro (1831-1901), born at Parada de Gonta in the district of Tondella (Beira), advocate, journalist, playwright, historian, politician, deputy, minister, peer of the realm, won enduring fame with his long
romantic poem D. Jayme (1862), which opens with fifteen striking stanzas addressed to Portugal. In this introductory ode he rises on the wings of ardent patriotism and sturdy faith in
Portugal to a fine achievement in verse.
rest of the

Less rhetorical, the

poem

(or series of

poems
its

in

varying metre) would have

is

gained by reduction to half

length, but

sometimes not

without charm
rhetoric

in its

meanderings.

Yet

it is

a kind of inspired

and natural grandiloquence that best characterize and when his inspiration falters it leaves but a hollow and metallic shell of verse. We will expect no delicate shades Subsefrom a lyric poet who calls the sky celico espectaculo. quent volumes Sons que passam (1867), which contains poems
Ribeiro,

written as early as 1854, ^ Delfina do Mai (1868), Vesperas (1880), Dissonancias (1890), Mensageiro deFez (1899) maintained, but

did not increase, his reputation as a poet.

The

chief

work

of

Raimundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato

(1829-1912), a Portuguese

born at Bilbao, was Paquita, which he began to publish in 1866, and to the completion of which he devoted nearly forty years of loving care. It is a facetious romantic poem of sixteen cantos, mostly in verses of six lines [ababcb or ababca), intended to be in the manner of Byron but more akin to Antonio de Trueba, whose

THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL

verses are imitated in Flores Agrestes (1870).
after readily agreeing with
faults, will

303
reader,
its

The modern
if

Herculano that the poem has

it is

perhaps be disposed to inquire further

its

has any

merits

but, although
is

subject

often unpoetical and trivial,

the versification

easy and occasionally excellent.

Bulhao Pato
{t.%So),

published other volumes of gentle album poetry,

goes e Idyllios (1888), besides sketches

2lS Poesias

Versos (1862), Cangoes da Tarde (1866), and Hoje: Satyras, Can-

and

recollections in prose.

Nearly
gal

fifty

years before his death the romantic school in Portu-

had received a severe shock, and the fact that long romantic poems continued to appear is proof how deep its roots had

penetrated.

2
The Reaction and After
It

was

in

1865 that Castilho, the acknowledged high-priest

of literary aspirants,

wrote a long
to
in

letter

which was published

as

introduction (pp. 181-243)

Pinheiro Chagas'

Poema

da Mocidade (1865),

which he deprecated the pretentious affectations of the younger poets. For while Castilho was dispensing his patronage to the acolytes of romanticism a new school of writers had grown up at Coimbra, who refused to

know

Joseph.

They turned

professed to replace

Germany as well as to France, sentiment by science, and in the name of

to

philosophy chafed unphilosophically at the old commonplaces

and

unrealities.

Castilho stood not only for romanticism but

for the classical style of the eighteenth century,

and

in

some

respects the secession from his school

may be

described as the

revolt of the Philistine against Filinto.

Anthero de Ouental

now

voiced the cause against the aged Castilho's preface in an

article entitled Bom Senso e Bom Gosto (1865). For the next few months it rained pamphlets.^ Snr. Julio de Castilho, subsequently second Visconde de Castilho (1840-1919), and author of many well-known works, including the drama D. Ignez de Castro (1875) and the eight volumes of Lisboa Antiga (1879-90), took up the cudgels on behalf of his father. The high principles at stake, good sense and good taste, were sometimes forgotten in personal bitterness; a duel was even fought between Ouental and Ramalho Ortigao, in which both the poet and his critic were

happily spared to literature.

But romanticism

in

Portugal has nine lives, and raised its head at

In the domain of

intervals during the second half of the century.

' The incomplete list in the Dice. Bibliog., vol, viii. records forty-four published in 1865 ^.nd 1866. These include Julio dc Castilho's O Senhor Antonio Feliciana de Castilho e Senhor Anthero de Qnental (1865, ^^ -^-i 1866), R. OTt\gdt.o's Litter atur a d'Hoje (1866), Snr. Braga's As Theocracias, Litterarias (1865), Quental's A Dignidade das Lettras (1865), and C. Castello Branco's Vaidades irritadas e irritantes (1866).

THE REACTION AND AFTER

history

305

JoAOUiM Pedro de Oliveira Martins (1845-94) always remained more than half a romantic. His life explains the character of his historical writings. Born at Lisbon, obliged to work for a living when he was barely fifteen, he succeeded at the same time
in

children,

educating himself, supported his mother and her younger married before he was twenty-five, had published

a dozen works before he was forty, was elected deputy for Viana do Castello in 1886, became Minister of Finance in 1892, and died in his fiftieth year. A career so meteoric could scarcely
give scope for that scrupulous research, that careful sifting of

evidence which modern ideas associate with the work of the historian and Oliveira Martins as historian embraced not only
;

the whole of Portuguese but the whole of Iberian history, and

Rome to boot. But even had he had more would only have been more subjects treated, not a different treatment. His whole idea of history was coloured with romance, his work impetuous and personal as that of a lyric poet. His first book, the historical novel Phebus Moniz (1867),
that of Greece and
time, the result

passed almost unnoticed.

his first historical

After several pamphlets, appeared

work,

Hellenismo

a Civilisagdo Christd

(1878),

and then in marvellous rapidity the //z5/ma da Civilisagdo

Iberica (1879), Historia de Portugal (1879), Elementos de Anthro-

pologia (1880), Portugal Contemporaneo (1881), and a further succession of historical works ending with the Historia da

Republica Roniana (1885).

of his

Although

politics

now occupied much

time he continued to publish, and wisely emphasized the biographical side of his work, of which Os Filhos de D. Joao I
(1891)

and

valuable part.

Joao II, psychology and impressionistic character-sketching,

is

Vida de Nun" Alvares (1893) are not the least Principe Perfeito (1896), dealing with King appeared posthumously and incomplete. A master of
all his

work

a gallery of pictures

and especially of portraits from Afonso

which reveal the
artist as well as his

Henriquez
subjects.

to Herculano,

His

style, nervous, coloured, insinuating, is a swift

and

supple implement for his exceptional power of skilfully summarizing a person or a period. He is capable of vulgarity (as
in the

account of Queen Philippa and the frequent use of

collo-

quialisms perfectly unbefitting the dignity of history) but not of

2362

3o6
dullness.

1816-IOIO

He uses and abuses epigram and metaphor, and is not from the pompous rhetorical antitheses of Victor Hugo (e. g. De Cid transformou-se em Wallenstein), till the reader suspects him of being ready at all times to sacrifice truth to a phrase. Yet it is surprising, considering the circumstances of his life and the extent of his work, how often he bases his history, if not on documents, on the work of reliable earlier historians, Portuguese and foreign. If he fills in the gaps with pure romance or an uncritical use of texts (for instance, in A Vida de Nun' Alvares he incorporates as authentic those charming letters of Nun' Alvarez which a mere glance at their style shows to be apocryphal) these are but the poet's arabesques, the main structure is often sound enough. Were there no other history of Portugal it might be necessary to consider his work not only fascinating but dangerous, nor would Portugal Contemporaneo alone convey an impartial or complete idea of Portuguese history in the first twothirds of the nineteenth century. We may deny him the title of great historian, we cannot deny him a foremost place in the literature of the century as a writer of brilliant intellect and feverish energy and a powerful re-constructor of characters and scenes in their picturesqueness and their passions. The work of Manuel Pinheiro Chagas (1842-95), poet, playwright, critic, novelist, historian, was even more abundant and for the most part of a more popular character and more commonplace. He is also more Portuguese, and his works deserve to be read if only for their pure and easily flowing style. Many of his novels are historical. A Cortede D. Joao V (1867) has an account of an outeiro^ in which figures the Camoes do Rocio as the poet Caetano Jose da Silva Souto-Maior {c. 1695-1739) was called.
free
'

'

The subject

of the earlier novel Tristezas a beira-niar (1866)

is

that

which Amorim in his A Ahnegagdo derived from an English novel, A Mascara Velha (continued but is here more naturally treated. in Juramento da Duqueza) appeared in 1873. As Duas Flores de Sangue (1875) is concerned with revolution in France and at Naples. A Flor Secca (1866) treats of more everyday scenes and
The outeiro (lit. hill ') was an assembly of poets to glosar motes. Often the gathering-place was outside a convent, from the windows of which the nuns gave the motes for the poets to gloss.
' '

THE REACTION AND AFTER

contains some amusing
if

307

rather obvious character-sketches, as

the old servant Maria do Rosario (a rustic Juliana), or the devout

contains six historical tales dealing with Afonso

and vixenish old maid D. Antonia. His Novelas Historicas (1869) I, Nun' Alvarez, Prince Henry the Navigator, King Sebastian, Pombal, and the

French Revolution. His Historia de Portugal (8 vols., 1867), begun on a plan originally laid down by Ferdinand Denis, contains lengthy and frequent quotations from previous historians but is coloured by later political ideas. The two shorter works Historia alegre de Portugal (1880) and Portugueses illustres
(1869) are admirably suited for their purpose

to interest the

people in the history and heroes of their country.

The chief work of the able and industrious critic and historian Jose Maria Latino Coelho (1825-91) was his Historia Politica
e Militar de

Portugal desde osfins do seculo

XVIII

ate

1814

(3 vols.,

Antonio Costa Lobo (1840-1913), editor of the instructive Memorias de um Soldado da India, in his Historia da Sociedade em Portugal no seculo XV (1904) began a meticulous and
1874-91).
well thought-out study of an earlier period of Portuguese history.

Jose Ramos Coelho (1832-1914)

is

chiefly

known for his elaborate

:

romantic biography of the brother of King Joao V Historia do Infante D. Duarte (2 vols., 1889, 90). Dr. Henrique da Gama Barros (born in 1833) in the invaluable Historia da Administragao
Publica

em

Portugal nos seculosXII

light

aXV (3 vols.,

1885, 96, 1914)

of Portugal.^

has collected an abundance of concrete, carefully verified details,

and thrown a searching

on the early history

In literary criticism as well as in historical research the

nineteenth century worthily continued

eighteenth.

the traditions of the

Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo (1845-1910) after first appearing in print as a poet in Anjo do Piidor (1870) rendered excellent service in both those fields the best-known work of Luciano Cordeiro (1844-1900) is his study Soror Marianna (1890) Zophimo Consiglieri Pedroso (1851-1910) and Antonio Thomaz Pires (11913) were celebrated for their
;
;

Historical research and compilation are carried on by Snr. Fortunato de Almeida in his Historia da Igreja em Portugal (iQio, &c.), and by Snr. Afonso de Dornellas (Historia e Genealogia, 1913, &c.). Snr. Lucio de Azevedo, well known for his studies of Pombal (O Marquez de Pombal e a sua epoca, 1909) and Antonio Vieira [Historia de Antonio Vieira, 2 vols., 19 18,
'

21), is a Brazilian.

U 2

3o8
studies in folk-lore
^
;

1816-1910
the Visconde de Juromenha (1807-87) the Conde de Ficalho works of Camoes several remarkable studies and his edition of
;

for his edition of the

(1837-1903) for Garcia da Orta

as

Annibal Fernandes Thomaz (1840-1912) Augusto Epiphanio da Silva Dias (1841-1916) as scholar and critic Jose Pereira de Sampaio Bruno, as a critic who used the pseudonym (1857-1915), Aniceto DOS Reis GoNgALVEZ ViANA (1840-1914) and Julio Moreira (1854-1911) as philologists Luiz Garrido (1841-82)
;

bibliographer

as critic

and classical scholar in his Ensaios historicos e criticos After the (1871) and Estudos de historia e litteratura (1879). death of the diligent and enthusiastic but sadly unmethodical bibliographer Innocencio da Silva (1810-76), his celebrated Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez was carried on by Brito Aranha(i833-i9I4), and the task of continuing it is nowentrusted to Snr. Gomes de Brito. To the eminent folk-lorist Francisco Adolpho Coelho (1847-1919) the language, literature, and folklore are indebted for many works of permanent value. Notable among living scholars, apart from D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos and Mr. Edgar Prestage, who both write in Portuguese, are Colonel Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, whose editions of early works are invaluable Dr. Jose Joaquim Nunes, who has devoted his careful scholarship to the early poetry and the Camoes scholar, Dr. Jose Maria Rodrigues prose Snr. Pedro de Azevedo, archaeologist and historian; Snr. David Lopes, a scholar equally versed in literature and history; Snr. Candido de Figueiredo (born in 1846), enthusiastic student and exponent of the Portuguese language; while Dr. Fidelino de Figueiredo has a wide and growing reputation as critic and as editor of the Revista de Historia. Snr. Anselmo Braamcamp Freire (born in 1849), founder and editor of the Archivo Historico Portugues and a most sagacious critic and keen investigator, is the author of attractive and important historical studies and editions, which have become more frequent since he has been able to spare more time from public affairs. Dr. Jose Leite de Vasconcellos (born in 1858) has a European reputa;
;

' For the works of these and other authors here mentioned consult the Bibliography.

THE REACTION AND AFTER

tion as archaeologist, folk-lorist, philologist,

309

and founder and

editor of the Revista Lusitana.

Ethnology, numismatics, and

poetry are

among

his other subjects,

and he maintains the renown

His untiring enthusiasm
is

of the Portuguese as polyglots, since he writes in Portuguese,

Spanish, French, Latin, and Galician.

for all that
is

popular or genuinely Portuguese

reflected in his

numerous books and pamphlets, and he happily infects younger scholars. The gift and training of exact scholarship were denied to Dr. Theophilo Braga (born in 1843), but his exceptional ardour, industry, and ingenuity have been of inestimable value to Portuguese literature, which will always venerate his name even though his works perish. More than thirty years ago they numbered over His volumes sixty, and that was, as it were, only a beginning. of verse, Folhas Verdes (1859), Visdo dos Tempos (1864), Tempestades Sonoras (1864), Ondma do Lago (1866), Torrentes (1869), Miragens Secular es (1884), which was intended to succeed where Victor Hugo's Legende des Siecles had failed through lack of a piano fundamental, have been variously judged, some regarding them as real works of genius, others as a step removed from the his works on the Portuguese people are always full of sublime
;

interesting matter.

His important Historia da Litteratura Portii-

guesa was to have been completed in thirty-two volumes, but his

energies have been spent in

many

directions,

and he has further

written works of history, including that of Coimbra University

in four

volumes, positivist philosophy, and sociology, as well as

short stories and plays.

novelists in the nineteenth century showed an tendency increasing to write plays, while authors whose reputation belonged more exclusively to the drama rarely rose above

The Portuguese

mediocrity.

The

success of Garrett's plays

was bound

to fire

a crowd of dramatists. a
fifteenth-century
thesis,

Gomes de Amorim's
(1852), Odio de

theme,

such as

Viuva

was followed Raga

Ghigi (1852), on by plays with a

(1854), written

on the slavery question at Garrett's request, and Figados de Tigre (1857), which entitles itself a parody of melodramas. Having emigrated as a boy to Brazil, he was able to use his knowledge of South America, sometimes with more zeal than Cedro Vermelho, an exotic play in five acts and discretion, as in

310

1816-1910

seventy-nine scenes, which the unfamiliar dresses and hybrid

dialogue helped to

make popular

at Lisbon.^

more recent playwrights has perhaps developed in proportion as the drama has ceased to be drama in order to become a series of isolated scenes, a novel or conto They are at their happiest when they in green-room attire. abandon formal drama for the lighter revista. Pathos is theirs and a deft handling of social themes; they can reproduce the peasant or bourgeois or noble as a class in thought and action and external conditions. Some of them possess technical skill, choose indigenous subjects and an atmosphere of chastened romanticism. But individual psychology and dramatic action are scarcely to be
success of

The notable

found.

A reader with the patience to peruse the hundreds of plays

fifty

acted and published in Lisbon during the last

rewarded by

many

delicate half-tones, polished

years would be and impeccable

verse, excellent prose, admirable sentiments,

and poignant scenes,

a poet, and

but could with

situation.
his plays,

difficulty afterwards recall a striking character or

Fernando Caldeira
Sapatinho de Setim,

(1841-94) was

Nadadoras,

Madrugada
1882.

(1894), are read less for the plot

for his carefully limned verse.

Mantilha de Renda (1880), than His volume of poems, Mocidades,

journalist,

appeared
librarian,

in

Antonio Ennes (1848-1901),

diplomatist.

politician,

Minister of Marine,

showed

command

pathos and humour as well as of style in his plays Saltimbanco (1885), the tragedy of the noble devotion of a
of

mountebank, Falla-S6, descendant of Jean Valjean, for his daughter, who has been brought up in ignorance of her birth, Os Lazaristas (1875), and Os Engeitados (1876), which insists throughout on its thesis, the wickedness and cruelty of exposing children, but has some good scenes and living characters, and the notable one-act piece Um Divorcio (1877). The principal play of Maximiliano de Azevedo (1850-1911), author of many light and commonplace comedies, as Por Forfa The scene in (1900), was the drama Ignez de Castro (1894). which Ines, full of foreboding, takes leave of Pedro before he goes hunting, and that at the end of Act IV, in which Pedro returns to find Ines, in the words of their little son, ali a dormir,
'

It

was published, with the necessary explanations,

in

two volumes

(1874).

THE REACTION AND AFTER

are effective.

311

fifth

act six years later [1361] comes as an

is

anti-climax.

Auto dos Esquecidos (1898)

the

work not

of a

dramatist but of a poet, Jose de Sousa Monteiro (1846-1909), whose poems were published under the title Poemas : Mysticos,

Modernos (1883). The auto, written in the old redondilhas of which another modern poet has sung the praises, necessarily suffers by comparison with plays in which Gil Vicente touched upon the subject the humbler forgotten heroes of the Portuguese discoveries but it has its own charm and pathos. But the most noteworthy of the dramatists of the latter part of the century was D. Joao da Camara (1852-1908), son of the first Marques and eighth Conde da Ribeira Grande and grandson of the third Duque de Lafoes. He early began writing for the
Antigos,

stage one-act pieces such as Nobreza (1873).

for
it

His work

is

various,

includes elaborate historical

dramas

in heroic couplets, as

AJfonso VI (1890), in which the king is treated with a sympathy denied to Cardinal Henrique in Alcacer-Kibir (1891), slight pieces

Poeta e a Saudade or the Auto do Menino Jesus and prose plays of contemporary Lisbon society Pantano (a series of scenes of madness and murder), A Rosa Engeitada, A Toutinegra Real, A Triste Viuvinha, Casamento e Mortalha. In these he is lifelike and natural, but many may prefer him in his more fanciful pieces, portraying the old Canon who lives up under the roof of Lisbon Cathedral, in Meia Noite (1900), or the prior and other rustic worthies of Alentejo, in Os
in verse, as

(1903)

The mad Jose

Beijo do Infante (1898). Velhos (1893), or the ancient mariner of of Pantano, the scatterbrained Clytemnestra in

A
in

Toutinegra Real, the parvenu Arroiolos and select

Dona Placida

Rosa Engeitada give little idea of the essential mellow humanity of his work, enhanced by a prose style carefully chosen and at times slightly archaic. Snr. Abel Botelho is more peculiarly concerned with the novel, and his plays Germano (1886), Os Vencidos da Vida (1892), Jucunda (1895) derive their interest from the description of certain phases of Lisbon life which could have been presented equally well in novel form. Marcelling Mesquita (1856-1919), doctor and deputy, wrote historical
dr2.m3S>,0 Regente [1440] in prose, LeonorTelles (1889, published in

1893) in verse,

Sonho da India (1898) (scenes from the discoveries

312
of

1816-1910
ten other famous Portuguese navigators), and
If

Gama and

Pedro

Cruel (1916).

these historical tragedies are

somewhat
e

ponderous, he has a lighter touch in the redondilhas of Margarida

do Monte (1910) and in the charming sketch Peraltas
Secias,

and displays psychological insight in prose plays dealing with more modern problems the comedy Perola (1889), Os Castros Velho Thema (1896), Sempre Noiva (1900), Almas (1893), Doentes (1905), which treats of hereditary madness and suicide, and in the moving tragedy Envelhecer (1909), although it is
:

perhaps out of keeping with the finely portrayed character of Eduardo de Mello that he should so end who had endured
so

nobly.

His

prose
e.g.

style

has

great

merit

(a

few words
,

require

excision,

restaurante,

rewolver,

desconforto)

and

he wrote

many

shorter problem pieces or episodes in prose

(1895),

Fim

de

Penitencia

Pedro (1902),

Noite do Calvario,

Auto do Busto (1899), Tio A Mentira (in which a wife

lies to her husband by the life of their child, who dies). The monotony of the rhymed couplets in Leonor Telles is intensified in the work of Snr. Henrique Lopes de Mendgn^a (born in 1856). His verse is more declamatory, the use of strained esdruxulo endings is carried so far that it becomes a mannerism and

the verse often resembles a hurdle-race, the line running on

smoothly

to the obstacle at its

;

recompense-o
ing

phantasma faz-rn'o).
There
is

end {thalamo

cala-m'o;,
is

silencio

This no doubt helps to

increase the effect of hollow resonance.

skill in

Nor
:

there a compensat-

psychology.

nothing subtle, for instance, in

the cruel Joao H, the

the characters of

Duque

de Vizeu (1886)

timid Manuel, the high-minded Duke, and self-sacrificing Margarida.

for the

A Morta (1891) deals with Pedro I's justice and saudade dead Ines. Ajfonso d' Albuquerque (1898) has a tempting

subject (handled previously by Costa Lobo in his play

verse

also

in

Ajfonso d' Albuquerque, 1886), but

it

is

embarrassing to

find the

most unrhetorical

of heroes, will of iron

but not as here

of gold, solemnly haranguing in couplet after couplet, (although here, as in the other plays, the atmosphere of Portugal's spacious days is well maintained)
:

tongue

E em
It is

psalmos de christao se ha de mudar o cantico De Brahma, confundindo o Indico no Atlantico.

perhaps a
relief to

turn lu the prose plays,

Azebre (1909,

THE REACTION AND AFTER

313

written in 1904), the interest of which centres in the artist FideHo, No Cego (1904), dealing with divorce, and especially to Salto

more homely peasant affairs, and to the admirably natural fishermen's scenes and dialogues enacted at Ericeirain thesecond half of the nineteenth centnxy^m Amor Lou co The author succeeds in giving a more definite picture (1899). of a whole community here than of any of his individual heroes in high places. A Heranga {1913) also has the lives of fishermen for its subject. An equally slight but charming one-act piece in verse is Sandade (1916), while the dramatist's power of evoking past scenes is shown in the glowing historical tales of Sangue Portugues {1920), Gente Namorada (1921), and Langas n' Africa (1921). The most conspicuous among slightly younger dramatists is Snr. Julio Dantas (born in 1876), who published a first volume of poems, Nada, in 1896. He is gifted with wit, lightness of touch, an excellent style, and a sense of atmosphere, which enables him
Mortal, which treats of
to bring a pleasant archaic flavour to reconstructions of the past

and observe the true

His malleable talent
(1899)

spirit of history in periods the

is

most

diverse.

equally at

its
;

ease in
in

que morreu de amor

and Viriato Tragico (1900)

Spain of the seventeenth

century:

Don Ramon
;

de Capichuela (1911);

contemporary

Lis-

bon: Crucificados (1902), Mater Dolorosa (1908), Verde (1912) the Inquisition-clouded Portugal of the seventeenth century: Santa Inquisigdo (1910), or its lighter side, with
:

Reposteiro

the bonbon marquis D. Beltrdo de Figueiroa (1902) the gentle, romantic Portugal of the middle of the nineteenth century Um Serao nas Laranjeiras (1904), or the bull-fighting Portugal of
;

same period: A Severa (1901) with the gallant Marques de Marialva and the beautiful and magnanimous gipsy of the
the

Mouraria.

The

filigree of his

elaborate stage directions

is

skil-

fully used to

enhance the
todo

effect,^

and some
If

of his scenes are

exquisite, especially the simple, very charming,

and

tragic one-act

comedy Rosas de

anno

(1907).

the characters are usually

slight sketch stands

sacrificed to their setting, here

and there a

out, as that of the cynical old cardinal

who

delights in the mental

torture of others, in Santa Inquisigdo, the attractive bishop oiSoror

Mariana

(1915), or the characters in

Ceia dos Cardeais (1902).

In this most delicate upholstery, if Wedgwood and Baedeker (as well as Maple and Mappin) are introduced, they should surely be spelt correctly.

314

i8i6-iqio
in the middle of last century comedies of contemporary Lisbon life. The comedies

Ernesto Biester (1829-80)

wrote
of
lively

Gervasio Lobato (1850-95),

as

Os

Grotescos,

Helo'isa (1878),

Festim de Balthazar (1892),

A Condessa Commissario de

Policia,

Sua

Excellencia,

and many

others, are natural, farcical

scenes of high spirits and real good

More

humour and good feeling. and charming is the work of Snr. Eduardo SchwalBACH, whose Dia de jfuizo {igi5) and Poemade Amor (igib) came to crown a long series of plays and revistas. There are touches of real comedy in the lightly sketched scenes and characters of Snr. AuGusTO de Castro's Caminhoperdido (1906), Amor dAntiga (1907), As nossas amantes (1912), A Culpa (1918), as in his slight,^
literary

attractive essays

Fumo do Meu Cigarro

Conversar (1920);

quins (1917),
Snr.

diVid

(1916), Fantoches e Manethought and character in

AuGUSTO Lacerda's

Vicio (1888), Casados Solteiros (1893),

Terra Mater (1904), A Duvida (1906), Os Novos Apos tolas (191 8). In Snr. Bento Mantua's Alcool (1909) and Novo Altar (191 1)
the problem

maybe

little

too

much

in evidence,

but

in his prose

plays
is

Md Sina (1906) and Gente Moga (1910) the human interest insistent. Md Sina, apart from the author's weakness for
is

strained coincidences,
told.

a story of peasant

life

very naturally

A young playwright of promise is Snr. Vasco de MENDONgA

of

Alves, author
of Filhos
is

Promessa (1910) and Filhos{igio). The subject

if not original (it is that of Ega de Queiroz' Os Maias and Ennes' Os Engeitados), but is treated with dignity and in a good prose style. Snr. Jaime Cortesao, hitherto known rather as a poet, has turned to the drama in Egas Moniz

unpleasant

(1918).

The

novelists of the second half of the century were

numerous

and, as a rule, too dependent upon foreign models, chiefly French.

JoAQuiM GuiLHERME GoMES CoELHO (1839-71)

between which
veloped early.
lies his brief

neither

by date

nor inclination belonged to one or other of the two schools

ten years' activity.

His talent de-

As a medical student at his native Oporto he published poems and several stories, originally printed in the Jornal do Porto and later collected with the title Seroes de Provincia (1870), and at the age of twenty-one, under the pseudonym Julio Diniz, he wrote the novel which brought him immediate

THE REACTION AND AFTER

fame and
:

315

is still sometimes preferred to his later works Uma Familia Ingleza (1868). In these scenes of the life of Oporto he drew with the most elaborate analysis the relations between

English and Portuguese which he had had frequent opportunities

of observing in that city.

Portuguese

critics hint

that

what

to

superficial readers has

due to the influence of and it is interesting that Gomes Coelho's maternal grandmother was an Englishwoman, Maria, daughter of Thomas Potter. But it is a mistake to call his work tedious; the deliberate dullness of his novels has an excitement of its own, "tis a good dullness'. The reader, tired with sensational plots and strained incidents, follows not only with relief but with growing absorption the homely daisy-chain of his stories, in which not the tiniest link in the development of the action or thought, ^especially the latter, is omitted. The interest never flags and never disappoints, leading gently on with carefully measured steps the approval of virtue and disapproval of wickedness only occasionally becomes obtrusive and insipid. Julio Diniz confessed to a preference for bourgeois types, but his real interest was in the country, and Ass Pupillas do Senhor Reitor'^ (1866), a village chronicle suggested by Herculano's Parocho de Aldea, is by many held to be his best work. The characters are delineated with
revel in detail,
;

seemed the tediousness of his novels is Dickens and other English novelists who

the

novel,

same delicate charm as that and there is a background

(husking
the
maize),
flax),

of
of

Jenny

in

his

earlier

curious observation

esfolhadas

espadeladas

(braking

flax),

ripadas (dressing the

fiadas (gatherings of

women

to spin

at the winter lareira in the faint light of a lamp hanging on the smoke-blackened wall), the men at cards in the tavern, the old country doctor going his rounds on horseback, the solemn greetings Guarde-o Deus, Louvado seja nosso Senhor Jesu Christo. If he sometimes sees the peasants as he would have them be rather than as they are, if his realism is subdued and gentle, his descrip' The Athenaeum in 1872 announced that Lord Stanley of Alderney was preparing a translation oi As Pupillas. According to a letter of Julio Diniz (March 25, 1868), 'an Englishman, a relation of Lord Stanley, who is here [Oporto] studying the history of the Portuguese discoveries ', had expressed a wish to translate it. The translation was never published. The date of the first Portuguese edition is 1867. It was dramatized at Lisbon in 1868.

3i6

1816-1910
In another village chronicle (1868), of the peasantry is described, the
'

tions are at least truer than those of the naturalistic school.

A
of

Morgadinha dos Canaviaes

Minho, the winter
'

life

cock-crow mass on Christmas Eve, the auto represented on a rough stage in the village on the Day of Kings, together with the inevitable missionaries, beata, enriched

consoada preceding

and electioneering intrigues. Some critics have seen a Os Fidalgos da Casa Monrisca (1871), written in the winter of 1869-70 at Madeira, whither he went in vain quest of health, but it is perfectly on a level with his previous work. There may be a slight tendency to exaggerate some of the characters, as there was in A Morgadinha, the contrast between Jorge and Mauricio may be too crude, the last scenes may be touched with melodrama, the style may have traces of the francesismo which Castilho noticed in his first novel, the execution may be excessively minute these were not new
'

Brazilian

',

falling off in his last novel,

defects in his works.

On

the other hand, the ruined fidalgo

D. Luiz, his chaplain and agent Frei Januario,

who

scents a Liberal

doctrine leagues away, the large-hearted peasants

Anna do Vedor and Thome da Povoa, are as interesting as Tio Vicente the herbalist or any of his previous characters, and the charming and accurate descriptions of the country that he loved so well show him at his best. This demure chronicler of quiet scenes, this specialist in the obvious, in his romances lentos, as he calls them a Portuguese blend of Jane Austen, Enrique Gil, and Fernan Caballero his delicacy is essentially feminine achieved an originality which so often eludes those who most furiously pursue it. His Poesias (1873), partly consisting of poems interspersed in his novels, have a quiet, intimate charm. A curious originality had been attained earlier by a young naval lieutenant, Francisco Maria Bordallo (1821-61). When he published Eugenio (1846) at Rio de Janeiro, and a second edition at Lisbon in 1854, it was claimed that this sea novel {romance marilimo) was the first of its kind to be written in Portuguese but his use of naval technical terms and descriptions of the sea is perhaps Panorama too deliberate. His Quadros maritimos appeared in
:

in 1854.

Few

authors arc more interesting to the

critic

(owing to the

THE REACTION AND AFTER

courageous and persistent development
of

317
than Jose

his art)

Maria de EgA de Oueiroz

(1843-1900), a far more robust writer

than Julio Diniz and the greatest Portuguese novelist of the Born at Villa do Conde, the son of a magisrealistic school. trate, he was duly sent to study law at Coimbra, and after taking his degree contributed in 1866 and 1867 a series of feuilletons

These folhetins, reprinted in Prosas Barbaras (1903), are remarkable because they show beside a love Senhor Diabo, of the gruesome and fantastic [0 Milhafre, Memorias de uma Forca) at least one story [Entre a neve) of a perfect simplicity, such as the author is sometimes supposed to have attained only towards the end of his life. His partiality for the exotic was fostered by travels in Egypt and Palestine in 1869 and manifested itself in A Morte de Jesus, Adao e Eva no Paraiso, and A Perfeigao, as well as in A Reliquia and In 1873 he in part of A Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes. Havana as Consul, and Portuguese twenty-six years went to as Consul at Newcastle-on-Tyne (1874-6), Bristol (1876-88), and Paris (1888-1900), where he died, enabled him to see his own country in a new light. His prose lost its exuberance, his taste became more severe, his extravagant fancy, so strangely combined with realism in many of his works, was merged
to the Gazeta de Portugal.
in

natural descriptions of his native land.

soul without
losing that

He

regained his

own

mockery with which he veiled a kindly, sensitive temperament, and which agreeably stamps the greater part of his writings. But indeed the
peculiar

introducer of the naturalistic novel into Portugal only played

with materialism, which in his hands was always unreal legendary and romantic, as in Frei Genebro, S. Christovam, Tesoiro
:

deliberately false

and

artificial,

as

Civilisagdo

fantasy, as
Basilio

Defunto; or half -intentional caricature, as

macabre Prima

and Os Maias. What more chimerical than A Reliquia or more elusive than Suave Milagre, or more fanciful than Mandarim (1879), in which without himself knowing China the author makes his readers know it All through his life he was as it were groping through Manueline for a purer Gothic the pity was that his education from the first should have thrown him into contact with French models so that his very language too often reads like
1

3t8
translated French

1816-IQIO

instead
and
its

of directing

him

to a truer

reaHsm

(such as that of his nearer neighbour Pereda), to which he turned

in his last works,
in

which he might have written regional

masterpieces had he not died at a

momentwhen

his art

apparently

More probably, however, his still unsatisfied craving for perfection would have sought relief in mysticism. His first novel was a sensational story written in collaboration with Ramalho Ortigao Mysterio da Estrada de Cintra
had
lost

nothing of

vigour.

(1870), originally published in the Diario de Noticias (July 24-

September 27, 1S70). It was, however, Crime do Padre Amaro in which he grafted naturalistic novel on the quiet little the (1876), town of Leiria, and the two notable if unpleasant Lisbon stories Primo Basilio (1878) and Os Maias {1880), that marked him out as the most powerful writer of the time in Portugal. But he was still feeling his way. A Reliquia (1887) is as different from Os Maias as it is from the remarkable and charming letters of A Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes (1891) and his last two novels, A Illustre Casa de Ramires (1900), most Portuguese of his works, and A Cidade e as Serras (1901). The three fragments in Ultimas Paginas (191 2) were probably written earlier. There are samples of all his phases in his Contos (1902), and the short story gave scope for his powers of observation and insight without calling A Cidade e as for an elaborate plot, in which he often failed. Serras, after developing the earlier story A Civilisagdo, is but a fascinating succession of country scenes. All Ega de Oueiroz' characters are caricatures, some more so, others less, but they are nevertheless true to a certain degree, that is to say, they are good caricatures, and living, and this is so especially in these later novels, which show how great a regionalist writer was lost in him through the influence of French schools. Yet no one can deny that his works have an originality of their own as well as power and personal charm, and all contain some striking charactersketches or delightful descriptions that are not easily forgotten.

The dullness of the naturalistic novels of Julio LouRENgo Pinto (1842-1907) is not relieved by Ega de Queiroz' pleasant irony and definite characterization. These scenes of contem'

porary

life',

while they display a praiseworthy restraint, give the

idea rather of exercises in imitation of a French exemplar or of

THE REACTION AND AFTER

one
of

319

E^a de Queiroz' early novels than

slovenly, the

of living stories.

Their

style

is

development
interest
is

of the plot prolix

tonous.

certain

attaches

to

and monoMargarida (1879)

the

although even here the author

aspiring Adelina (a Portuguese

too methodical in detailing the

past lives of the four protagonists,

the nonentity Luiz,

Madame

Bovary), Fernando, and

in the

Margarida, after they have been duly presented

opening

pages

and

to the descriptions of a fair, a"bull-fight, a flood, or

provincial politics in Vida Atribulada (1880),

(1882), EsboQOS do Natural (1882),
(1884).

Senhor Deputado and Homem Indispensavel Snr. Jaime de Magalhaes Lima (born in 1857) in

Transviado{i8ggi),NaPazdoSenhor{igo:^),03.ndReinodaSaiidade
(1904), has written novels a these

naturalistic novels

presentation of

which are quite as interesting as and more natural, but his art, especially in the contemporary politics, is a little too photographic.

Snr. Luiz de Magalhaes (born in 1859), author of several volumes of verse, wrote a single novel, Brasileiro Soares (1886). It would offer little new in theme or treatment to distinguish it from other naturalistic novels were it not for the author's success in drawing in Joaquim Soares a natural and attractive portrait of the Portuguese returned rich from Brazil (the Brasileiro). None of these novelists can rival the reputation of Francisco Teixeira de Queiroz (1848-1919). He became prominent as a novelist of the realistic school over forty years ago when under

the

pseudonym

of

Bento Moreno he inaugurated

(8 vols.), of

the series

of his
is

Comedia do Campo
Sol
e

which the
with
its

last

volume

Ao

a Chiiva
(7

(1916),
vols.),

followed by a second series

Comedia
(1879).
its

Burgueza

which began

The obvious
^

defects of his

work

Os Xoivos

its

laborious realism,

insistence

on medical or physical
its real

details,

pedantry

need not obscure

vain load of
careful style

merits.
is

The

has occasional lapses, the psychology

thin, the conversations

commonplace. His art, like a winter sunshine, fails to penetrate. Yet even in the Comedia Burgueza, where the interest must depend on the psychology, he succeeds in D. Agostinho and
e.g. a girl, Rosario, in Amor Divino, is described annihilated with the assistance of Cybele, Goya, the Venus of Milo, Reynolds, Shakespeare. Cf. the names, from Descartes to Danvin, in O Conto do Gallo.
'

320

1816-I910
in giving individuality to

Morte de D. Agostinho (1895)

that

strange rickety figure of the old fidalgo in his ruined Lisbon palacio. And in the Minho scenes of the Comedia do Campo his

scrupulous descriptions obtain their

load of priests (in

full effects.

In the romaria
its

(pilgrimage), the cantadeira (improvisator), the diligencia with

Amor Divmo),

the

girl

shepherdess, the abhade

fond of hunting wolves and boars, the old

women

spinning, the

lawsuit of centuries over the fruit of an orange-tree, the sexton

(in Vinganga do morto and Enterro de and especially some old familiar country-house, with Dona Maria and her preserves and receios infernaes, in Amor Divino and Amores, Amores (1897), Minho and the Minhotos are presented with naturalness and skill. Many of these scenes are from the short stories of Contos, Novos Contos (1887), A Nossa Gente (1900),^ and A Cantadeira (1913),' some of which have been collected in an attractive volume, Arvoredos (1895). Snr. Manuel da Silva Gayo (born in i860), poet and novelist,

Coruja and his dog Coisa

urn Cao),

wrote in Peccado Antigo (1893) a short novela as or rather a conto, remarkable for its combination
restraint.
It describes

it

calls itself,

of colour

and

country scenes and customs in a style

is

that

may
in

not be spontaneous but

well subservient to the

matter
stories

hand, and has a vigour, purity, and concision too

often lacking in

modern Portuguese
in
is

prose.

Some

of his early

were collected

A Dama

de Ribadalva (1904).

In his

later novels this style

not maintained.

We

will not quarrel

with

its

abruptness in Ultimos Crentes (1904), a remarkable

story of nineteenth-century Sebastianistas in a fishing village

to the extreme north of Estremadura, but it is more slovenly in Os Torturados (191 1), in which a certain originality of thought seems to have damaged the form in which it was expressed. There is a welcome Spanish directness in the work of the able journalist Snr. Carlos Malheiro Dias (deputy for Vianna do Gastello in 1903-5) in his novels Filho das Hervas (1900), Os Telles de Albergaria (1901), and A Paixdo de Maria do Ceo Grande Cagliostro (1905), he dis(1902). Frankly sensational in plays his gift for the short story in A Vencida (1907), a volume of dramatic tales, of which A Consoada is especially effective.
*

Comedia do Campo,

vol. vi.

Vol.

vii.

TIIK
Snr.
in

REACTION AND AFTER

321

in 1872) carefully elaborates his prose Eterna Mentira (1904) and Jornada Romantica (1913). It turns to marble in the musings of the marble faun in Ultimo Fauno (1906), but loses this unreality in studies of the poor in

JoAO Grave (born

country, Gente Pobre (1912), and town, Os Famintos (1903), a tragic story of a workman's family at Oporto. More recently he
in Parsifal (1919) and Vida e Paixdo da Infanta (1921). In the historical novel Snr. Francisco de Rocha Martins has won a special place by picturesque works such as Os Tavoras (1917). He has an eye for dramatic episodes and has composed many a living picture of

has treated historical themes with success

the past.

AbelBotelho(i856-I9I7), a colonel
of a

in the

Army, and for some

showed an
inter-

years Minister of the Portuguese Republic at Buenos Aires, author

volume

of verse,

Lyra Insubniissa

(1885),

mittent power of description in seven stories of his native Beira, collected under the title Mulheres da Beira (1898). In his series of
novels published under the heading Pathologia Social
de Lavos (1891),
:

Bardo

Livro de Alda (1898), Fatal Dilemma (1907), Prospera Fortiina (1910), he would seem to have laboured under
a misapprehension, believing apparently that the introduction
of physiology into literature

might prove him an original

writer.^

Sainte-Beuve
art fails,

may

speak of the

saletes splendides of Rabelais,

a great stylist like Signor Gabriele

may redeem

if

d' Annunzio, except when his he does not justify any theme. But

Abel Botelho's style

less

in

these wearisome novels can only be

described as worthy of their matter.

sentences, long abstract terms,

They

are a welter of shape-

French words, gallicisms,

This

expressions such as pathognomonico, autopsiagdo, neuro-arthritico,

a etiologia dos hystero-traumatismos.

pathology, but
it is

may

be magnificent
to

not art or literature.

As Farpas had come

an end some years before these novels began to appear, otherwise

Pathology, religious and social, crops up in the later novels of Snr. Vieira da Costa, Irma Celeste (1904), A Familia Maldonado (1908) yet his earlier work, Entre Montanhas (1903), a story of contemporary life in the highlying vine-lands of Douro written in 1899, was more original. The modern Portuguese novelists are nearly, although not quite, as numerous as the poets. Jose de Caldas is the author of Os Humildes (1900) and Cartas de nm Vencido {19 10), D. Joao de Castro of Os Malditos (1894) and A Deshonra, in which a strange situation is too long drawn out.
>
;

2362

322
their defects
in

1816-I9IO

who

might have been pilloried by an adept in ridicule contemporary literature occupies a place apart. As critic Jose Duarte Ramalho Ortigao (1836-1915) took his share in the controversy of 1865, as a traveller he wrote a vivid, witty, and charming account of Holland, with malicious side-reflections A Hollanda (1883). Between these two dates on Portugal a series of papers. As Farpas (1871-87), originally suggested by Alphonse Karr's Les Guepes and begun in collaboration with his His clear and friend Ega de Queiroz, had made him famous. pointed style was an excellent instrument for the barbed shafts of his satire and irony and, having discovered how powerful
:

a weapon he possessed, he wielded it to right purpose. With abundant good sense he ridiculed and undermined the foibles and follies of Lisbon life, obstinately determined to bring health
to the minds and the bodies of his fellow-countrymen and succeeding by his wit where a more sedate reformer might have the interest failed. The range of subjects covered was very wide

ephemeral and his skill in brief But although Ramalho character- sketches is remarkable. Ortigao will always be remembered as the author of As Farpas The former work it is perhaps A Hollanda that will be read. was imitated by Fialho dc Almeida in Os Gatos (1889-94), which achieved popularity in Lisbon. His is a more lumbering wit the rapier of Ramalho Ortigao is exchanged for bludgeon or umbrella. But Os Gatos, despite much that is vulgar and much that is dull, contains some good literary criticism and successful descripA battling critic was tions, of places rather than of persons. Manuel Jose da Silva Pinto (1848-1911) in Combates e Criticas (1882), Frente a frente (1909), and Na procella (1909). Equally vigorous and pure was the style of Joaquim de Senna Freitas (1840-1913) in Per agoa e terra (1903) and A Voz
of
of

many

them

necessarily

do Semeador (1908), as likewise that of Francisco Silveira DA Mota in Viagens na Galliza (1889). The literature of travel
is

not extensive.
of

Commercio
(1893)
;

Oliveira Martins published in the Jornal do Rio de Janeiro in 1892 his A Inglaterra de hoje Ega de Queiroz showed a deeper acquaintance with EngSnr. Wenceslau Jose de sometimes called the Portuguese

land in his Cartas de Inglaterra (1905).

SousA MoRAES (born

in 1854),

THE RP^ACTTOX AND AFTER

Pierre Eoti,
ha^? skilfully

323

described China and Japan in Tra^os

do Extremo Oriente (1905), Paisagens da China e do Japdo (1906), and Cartas do Japdo (three series, 1904-7). In a letter in

French at the end

pensais, naivement,

of his

Tragos he says

J'ai dit ce que je

an grS de mes souvenirs. Snr. Manuel Teixeira Gomes, versatile and

is

gifted, traveller,

diplomatist (Portuguese Minister at the Court of St. James), and

author,
essentially

an

artist.

With

a clear, coloured, liquid

style he excels in painting the blue seas, transparent air,

and sun-

burnt

Algarve in Agosto Azul (1904). His pagan and unconventional art has the power of impressing incidents on the
soil

of

mind, as of giving sharp

relief to fantastic

persons such as the

Canon and

his three witless sisters

in Gente Singular (1909),

the Danish literary lady in Inventario de Junho (1899), or the avaricious Dona Maria and the inane Minister of Sabina Freire
(1905). This
'

comedy in three

acts contains sufficient shrewdness,

'

humour, and clever characterization for a long novel instead of a short play. The tiny volumes Tristia (1893) and Alem (1895) by Snr. Antero de Figueiredo (born in 1867) were notable for their style, and in other works, Partindo da Terra (1897), the passionate letters of Doida de Amor (1910), the novel Comicos (1908), and the fascinating historical studies D. Pedro e D. lues (1913) and Leonor Teles, Flor de Altura (1916), his prose maintains a restraint and charm which place him among the best stylists of the day. One
of the noblest qualities of this prose
is its

precision, the scrupuIt is the

lous use of the right word,

common

or archaic.

more

disconcerting to find good Portuguese words such as esiagdo,

hospedaria, comodo, hondade ousted

by

gare,

hotel,

confortavel,

honomia.
of

But these
distinction.

are only occasional blemishes in a style

It

rare

can paint a whole scene

to
his
of

in

a brief

sentence, as os milheiraes amarellecem-se caladamente. This power

of description

gives excellence

Recordagoes e Viagens

(1905),

whether the recollections be

Minho

or of

uma

aldeia

espiritual in Italy.

It is really as a writer of short

sketches and

essays that he excels. In Senhora do

in the seventeen sketches of

Amparo

(1920)

and especially

Jornadas de Portugal (1918) skill in the choice of indigenous words gives a forcible and original poetry to glowing descriptions redolent of the soil.

324

1816-191O

D, Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho (1847- 1921) collaborated with her husband, the poet Gongalves Crespo, in

Contos para os nossos filhos, and in Seroes no

stories,

Campo

(1877), three

in

one of which,

Engeitada, one

reminiscences of Julio

Diniz'

Phantasias (1880) treated slight

perhaps see Casa Mourisca, and Contos e themes with a delicate charm.
of a notable historical bio-

may

But she
do

is less

well

known

as writer of contos or as poet, in Vozes

Ermo

(1876),

than as the author

graphy, Vida do Diique de Palmella (1898-1903), and of critical essays on Portuguese and foreign literatures. In the latter the
English predominates, but French, German, and Italian, as in

Arabescos (1880), are not forgotten.

The sane judgement, sym-

pathy, and insight of Alguns homens do men tempo (1889), Figuras de Hoje e de Hontem (1902), Cerehros e Coragoes (1903), No Meii

Cantinho (1909), Coisas de Agora (1913), and other volumes have been appreciated by countless readers in Portugal and Brazil.

writer

who

likewise combines literary

in verse {Poeynetos,

and

historical criticism
is

with original work

1882) and prose

the

and delicate reconstructor of the past in Embrechados (1908), Donas de Tempos Idos (1912), Gente d'Algo (1915), Neves de Antariho (1919), and A Rainha D. Leonor (1921), who collaborated with another
in 1854), skilful
stylist,

CoNDE DE Sabugosa (bom

the

Conde de Arnoso^
volume

(1856-1911), author of Azulejos

(1886), in the

of contos entitled
full of life

De

brago dado (1894).

in the

His historical portraits are

and charm, painted

warm
If

colours of knowledge and emotion.

we except
of

D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho, the literary

achievement
remarkable.
Elle (1898)
[Caiel]

women

in

Portugal in recent years has not been

Like D. Claudia de Campos, author of the novels

and

Esfinge and short stories, D. Alice

Pestana

has cultivated with success both the novel, as in Desgar-

rada (1902), and the conto, as in De Longe (1904), which contains If stories of familiar life written with sincerity and truth.
D. Anna de Castro Osorio's Ambigoes (1903) gives the impression rather of a series of scenes than of a long novel, in her
short stories Infelizes (1898)

especially

Terra

and
life

Quatro

Novelas (1908) she ably describes

'

common

family

in

town

He

wrote under the name Bernardo de Pindella or Bernardo Pinheiro.

THE REACTlOiN AND AFTER

or country, or (in

325

and present, of Virginia de Castro aged nuns in a dwindling convent. D. E Almeida has written two novels concerning the development Terra Bemdita (1907) and Trabalho of the soil in Alentejo Bemdito (1908).^ They arc frankly novels with a thesis to
Sacrificada) the lives, past
:

prove, but contain so

stand

much vigour and zest of living that they from other more futile or anaemic novels of contemporary Portugal. The growing prominence of the conto is felt in the work of
out
Castello

Branco,

Ega de Queiroz, Teixeira de Queiroz,

Snr.

Jaime de Magalhaes Lima {Via Redemptora, 1905, Aposiolos da Terra, 1906, Vozes do Men Lar, 1912), and many other
Julio Cesar Machado (1835-90) showed talent in Contos ao luar (1861), Scenas da minha terra (1862), Quadros do campo e da cidade (1868), A' Lareira (1872). His skill in the description of rustic scenes would have been more convincing
novelists.

had he not thought it necessary to introduce touches traneous elegance and humour into his very real love
country, so that the patent leather boot
is

of ex-

of the

ever appearing

among

the tamancos in these light humorous sketches and romantic tales.

As

slight

but perhaps more natural are the Contos do Tio Joaquim

;

the pleasant stories by RoDRiGO Paganino (1835-63) of village life, Contos (1874) and Seroes de Inverno (1880), written by Carlos Lopes (born in 1842) under the pseudonym Pedro Ivo and Contos (1894) and Azul e Negro " (1897) by Afonso Botelho. The poet Augusto Sarmento (born in 1835) also wrote
(1861)
;

stories

of

village

life,

these, treating of

Contos do Soalheiro (1876), but stories emigration and other minhoto evils, among

which he includes

beatas, witches,

and

brasileiros de torna-viagem.

writer of contos as disappointing as

Machado

is

Alberto

Braga
some

(1851-1911).

He

has a sense of style

of his tales, especially

and technique, and Engeitado, are pathetic, but after

Contos de aldeia,
such expressions

reading his

Contos da minha lavra (1879),

Contos Escolhidos (1892), Novos Contos, one has the perhaps

'

In novels intimately connected with the Portuguese

soil

as coloridogritante (criard),lHnchar (to partake of luncheon), endomingado (endimanchS) are more than ever out of place. The authoress has written other stories Capital Bemdito (1910), Fe (a Socialist novel), Inocente (1916), A Praga
:

(1917)* conto written

by Sur. Julio de Lemos

in 1905 bears the

same

title.

326

i8i6-igio
unfair impression that they are mainly concerned with

somewhat
in

viscondessas

and

canaries.

The learned Conde de Ficalho

Uma

Eleigdo Perdida (1888) evidently relates his

own

expe-

and this and the five accompanying contos contain some charming descriptions of Alentejo, of the reisinho cacique Lopes,
riences,

Paschoal the passarinheiro, the gossips of the village

girls

botica, the

carrying bilhas, the scent of rosemary morning dew. The same province supplies the background of the work of Jose Valentim Fialho de Almeida (1857-1912). Born at Villa de
in

Frades, the son of a village schoolmaster, he spent seven years

sadly against the grain as chemist's assistant before he was able

to turn

more exclusively

to literature.

No

recent writer has had

for this

a greater vogue in Portugal.

fact that in the

One must account

by the

somewhat

nerveless literature of the day he

showed a

few descriptions of Alentejo gave interest to his Contos (1881) and A Cidade do Vicio (1882), an interest strengthened in Paiz das
virile

and often brutal colour and energy.

Uvas

(1893).

This collection of naturalistic stories of great

is,

variety and very unequal merit

indeed, redeemed

by the
obtains

author's love for his native province.

He sometimes

powerful effects
silences, or the

when his subject is the wide summer drought and midday

spaces, the night

zinc-coloured sky

of Alentejo.

The shepherdess with her

and

distaff,

the village

crier,

the small proprietor, the harvesters with their week's provision

of coarse bread, goat's cheese, of 122 degrees,
olives, toiling in a

temperature

appear

in his stories.

His art

is

wholly external.

One need not have complained of his lack of psychology had he been able to express what he saw in good Portuguese prose. But if we turn to his style we find uncouth constructions, the constant use of French words, and worse still, French words disguised
as Portuguese
:

deboche,

coqiiettemente,

crayonar.

This

is

the

might have life in its grim pictures peasant's left robust of the Alentejan reality which would have been read with pleasure. A sober and fastidious style, sometimes recalHng that of the Spanish essayist Azorin, marks the Contos (1900) of the dramatist D. Joao da Camara. The clear etching of the bhnd man and his grandson going through the streets on Christmas Eve in As Estrellas do Ccgo and.

more pity because, had he written

in Portuguese, he

THE REACTION AND AFTER

especially, the

327

poignant sketch

of the ruined old schoVar fidalgo in

Paquete show admirably what a skilful craftsman can make of the slightest of themes. This is true to an even greater degree of
the best of
all

the Portuguese contistas, Jose Francisco

DADE CoELHO Mens Amoves

life,

(i86i-igo8).

His contos collected under the

de Trintitle Os

are

all

and deeply felt scenes of peasant an exceptional marked by delicacy of style and by
(1891), natural

a most alluring freshness and simplicity.

bells of flocks, the thin blue

The tinkling of the smoke above the roofs, the evening

mists, the flight of doves are in these pages.

And

the peasants

same sympathetic insight as their surroundings, the women singing at their work in the fields, the olivegatherers at supper in the great farm kitchen vintage and harvest, tragedy and idyll. The sympathy is extended to the animals, donkey {Sultdo), goat (Mae), and hen {A Choca). The saudade of
are treated with the
;

peasant soldiers for the land in Terra- Mater gives an opportunity for describing the life of the peasants with its hardy toil and many
simple pleasures.
In

Lareira, the longest of these stories,

is

a rustic serdo of peasants ao horralho

pleasantly

drawn out

with quatrains,

riddles, anecdotes, fairy-tales, only interrupted

by the ringing
prayer.

of the angelus

for

the

saying of prayer on

Two
:

little

masterpieces stand somewhat apart from

of two small boys, and Idyllio Rustico, which with its two ingenuous little shepherds and their flocks of sheep in the lonely places might almost be a chapter from Don Ramon Maria del Valle Inclan's Flor de Santidad (1904). Os Mens Amores shows realism at its best, that is to say, hand in hand with idealism. The author is not so enamoured of his

the rest

Abyssus Abyssum, the tragic story

brothers, rowing to overtake the evening star,

delightful style that he does not

make

the peasants speak their

natural language, and although he realizes keenly and expresses

the poetry of their

life,

he never sacrifices truth to this perception

any more than

to the strange

and

essentially false propensities

of the naturalistic school, nor refines his descriptions to a rose-

colour insipidity.

good scent
it

of the earth

and

of wild flowers
if

pervades these

realistic descriptions.

On

such

lines,

this

book
a de-

influences younger writers,

might lead the way

to

many

lightful novel of the parjiim dii terroir of Portugal.

Snr. Julio

328

1816-1910
(born in 1870), equally distinguished in prose and Maria do Ceo (1902), mystic love letters

Brandao
verse,
is

the author of

in a chiselled style, only

with the mystic writers of old the style

If

flowed naturally from an inner fervour, here

the chief consideration.
the effort
is

it has evidently been apparent it is sometimes

very successful, and in Perfis Suaves (1903) and Figuras de Barro (1910), fantastic stories and fascinating fairy-tales, he occasionEqually studied is the prose of Snr. ally achieves simplicity.

JusTiNO DE MoNTALVAo's Os DesHuos (1904), twclvc storics, of which Conto dos Reis relates the death of a peasant child as voices outside sing Sao chegados os tres Reis. The Visconde de

ViLLA-MouRA (born

in

1877) ^^^

shown

in the five contos of

Doentes da Belleza (1913), as in Bohemios (1914), that his sensitive plastic style is excellently suited to the short story. Snr. Antonio

Patricio's Serao Inquieto (1910) contains two poignant contos Precoce and Veiga. Os Pobres by Snr. Raul Brandao
(born in 1869)
is

a succession of scenes, a striking analysis of suf-

fering as exhibited in various strange types of the poor

and

of its

beauty and necessity

in the philosophy of Gabiru.

Snr.

Severo

Portela displays a tortured style in Os Condemnados (1906) smoother but equally artificial is and Agua Corrente (1909) that of Snr. Henrique de Vasconcellos in Contos Novos
;

which contains the Caminheiro. Excentricos is the title of a volume slight sketch containing some notable stories by Snr. Alberto de Sousa
(1903)

and Circe

(1908),

the

former

of

Costa.
in the

The

large

number

of contos

is

a sign

of

the times,

corresponding to the favour shown towards the brief revista

drama and

the host of sonnets which

of the past.
^

now

replace the long

romantic poems

Anthero de Quental
waved
thinks.
ture, his

(1842-91), the

Coimbra student who

the banner of revolt against a too complacent romanticism

in 1865,

was that

rare thing in Portuguese literature, a poet

who
he he

Powerfully influenced by German philosophy and

litera-

was a tortured
Born

spirit,

and when

in his sincerity

attempted

to translate his philosophy into action the result

was

too often failure.

at

Ponta Delgada

in the Azores,

* de Quental or do Quental. See J. Lcite de Vasconcellos, Lifdes de Philologia Poritiguesa (191 1), p. 125 ad fin.

THE REACTION AND AFTER

worked
for

329

studied law at Coimbra from 1858 to 1864, became a socialist,

some time as a compositor in Paris, in spite of his then, after a visit to the United States of independent means America, settled at Lisbon for some years and figured as an
;

active socialist.

town
his
in a

in the north. Villa

own

ill, he retired in 1882 to the quieter do Conde, but he could not escape from turbulent thoughts and nine years later he shot himself

Weary and

square of his native town.

If his life
is

was

ineffectual in

its

series of broken, noble impulses, there

nothing vague or un-

certain about the splendid sonnets of Odes

Modernas (1865) and

reflecting

Sonetos (1881).
a previous

They

are the effect, often perfectly tranquil, of

agony
it,

of thought, like

brimmed furrows

clear skies after rain.

His search was

for truth, not for

words

to express

far less for

words

to describe his

own

sensations.
itself

Indeed, he was far from considering poetry as an end in

and

destroyed more of his poems than his friends published. In his autobiographical letter addressed to Dr. Storck in 1887 he states
that his poetry was written involuntariamente.
after

That
it

is

to say,

much thought on

the great problems of existence verse

as

came to him unrhetorical and spontaneous, Deus without any thought whatever
:

did to Joao de

Ja sossega depois de tanta luta, Ja me descansa em paz o coragam.

Quental's poems owe their strength and intensity to the fact that

they had passed through the

fire of

ianta luta.

Totally different from Quental's was the genius of Joao de

(1830-96), the most natural Portuguese poet of the nineteenth century. Born at Messines in Algarve, he studied law at

Deus

Coimbra, became a journalist, but did not come to live permanently at Lisbon until he was elected to represent Silves in the

Chamber

of

Deputies in 1868.
lyrics

It

is

significant that

many

of his

most perfect

were contributed to provincial journals. They are written in the simple language of a peasant composing a quatrain. He sought his inspiration not in books or any of the rival schools of poetry but in his native soil and popular speech, and through him Portuguese poetry was renovated. His first published work, A Lata (Coimbra, i860), in oitavas, gives no measure

330
of his genius,

1816-1910
but some of
his best

poems, such as A Vida, were widely known before Flores do Campo (1868) appeared, followed by Ranio de Flores (1875), Folhas Soltas (1876), and finally the His last years were collected edition, Campo de Flores (1893).
spent in advertising and perfecting his special method for teachIf ever poet was born, not made, it was Joao de Deus. He is at his best when he does not attempt thought or philosophy or even give rein to his satire. His verse, clear and light as a leaf, a cloud, a stream its favourite metaphors and entirely free from rhetorical effects, has a most spontaneous charm. Despite occasional defects, the use of luke-

ing children to read.

warm

or unpoetical words, ohjectbs, chaile, ajfavel, bussola, or

such rhymes as gotta

dou-t-a, his work, which lacks the

fire

that

more spacious times might have elicited, abounds in exquisite love lyrics. The popular inspiration is also evident in the Peninsulares (1870) of Jose Simoes Dias (1844-99), many of whose poems are a mere string of quadras.

GuiLHERME Braga
verse against
'

(1843-76),

who wrote
'

vigorous political

Jesuit reactionaries

and the like in Os Falsos

Apostolos (1871) and

poet in Her as e

Bispo (1874), proved himself a talented Violetas {i86g) although even here are to be found
,

words and expressions frequently out of tune. Like Alexandre DA CoNCEigAo (1842-89), whose best-known volume of verses, Alvoradas (r866), belongs to the romantic school, Guilherme de AzEVEDO (1846-82) began with romantic verse in imitation of Garrett in Apparigdes (1861), wavered in RaQodiaes da Noite (1871), and succumbed to the new school in A Alma Nova (1874). Joao Penha (1839-1919) in Rimas (1882) and Novas Rimas (1905) shows a command of metre and harmony worthy of something Gongalves Crespo heard better than his commonplace themes. but in his verse the plaining music of a guitar of Andalucia Penha never cared to be serious. Cesario Verde (1855-86) was a Lisbon poet who in verse written between 1873 and Livro de Cesario Verde (1886), showed a most promising 1883, gift of presenting reality in phrases limpidly clear without straining after effect. Another poet who died almost as young
'

',

left

a far more definite achievement, although his

poems

are

scarcely

more numerous than those

of Verde.

Few

Portuguese

THE REACTION AND AETER

writers have,
indeed, published less than

331

Antonio Can dido

GoNgALVES Crespo
Janeiro.

He

(1846-83), a Portuguese born at Rio de studied at Coimbra University, and became a dis-

tinguished journalist and a colonial

member

of the

Portuguese

Parliament from i879toi88i.

Two

tiny volumes of lyrics,

Mwm-

turas (1870) and Nocturnos (1882), comprise his whole work, but
his restraint and his fastidiously chiselled verse place him at the head of the Portuguese Parnassians. Portuguese in his hands becomes a pliant medium crystallizing round an emotion, longes de saudade, or, more frequently, round a concrete image, a parting

at sunset [Mater dolorosa) or a village in a

Aldeia).
II

summer noontide [Na

lines

The

latter

sonnet recalls a few

of Leopardi's

Sahato del Villaggio, and in one respect, the perfection of form with which he describes quite ordinary scenes, the Portuguese

poet need not fear the comparison. An old woman spinning, children at play, a peasant's song in the fields, an orange-grove
these are incidental pictures in his at dawn musical with birds poems, and by his combination of a vague dreaming temperament with a delicate, definite artistic sense they receive a new signifiAn earlier Brazilian poet, Antonio GoNgALVES Dias cance. (1823-64), author of Primeiros Cantos (1846), Segundos Cantos
e

Sextilhas de Frei Antdo

(1848),

and Ultimos Cantos

(1851),

made
It
is

name

for himself
of that
:

by

his sextilhas.

might be said

marvellous poet Victor

not for exportation

the tendency has been for those

Hugo that he who lack

his genius to take shelter in his defects.

Since one of his earliest

followers,

Claudio Jose Nunes (1831-75), published Scenas Contemporaneas (1873) his influence has been very marked in Portugal and manifests itself in the grandiloquence, over-emphasis, and love of antithesis of much of Snr. Abilio Manuel Guerra JunQUEiRo's work. The greatest of Portugal's living poets was born at Freixo de Espada a Cinta in 1850 and was thus a small child when Hugo's poems Les Contemplatioyis (1856) and La Legende des After studying law at Coimbra he was Siecles (1859) appeared.
returned to Parliament in 1878.
year, but retired

Enthusiastically revolutionary

until 1910, he became Portuguese Minister at Berne in the following

from the service

of the

verses were published at the age of fourteen,

Republic in 1914. His first Duas paginas dos

332

1816-19IO

quatorze annos (1864), and before he was twenty he had written

Mysticae Nuptiae (1866), Vozessem Echo (1867), and Baptismo do Atnor (1868) with a preface by Camillo Castello Branco. But it was
,

Morte de Dam Jodo (1874), a poem or series of poems in which Don Juan and Jehovah are attacked impartially, that brought him resounding success, a success followed up and increased by A Velhice do Padre Eterno (1885) and, under the influence of the
Finis Patriae (1890) and the play P atria, and vigorous patriotism found vent. In all these, as in the quieter volume A Musa em Ferias (1879), there is true poetry (as well as unfailing sincerity and passionate sympathy
political crisis of 1890,

in which his eager

for the oppressed),

but

it

has to be looked

for.

weird ghostli-

and in the doido's part in Patria is accompanied by a strange and impressive lilt in the rhythm^ which corresponds to the haunting refrains of some of the shorter poems. But there seemed a danger that on the wings of applause, in political invective, and turgid rhetoric the poet might allow his genius to be totally misdirected, and it is his most remarkable achievement that in Os Simples (1892) he laid all that aside and returned to the simpler themes of peasant life which cast a spell over some of the lyrics in Finis Patriae harvesters, the li7ida
ness in Finis Patriae
:

hoeirinha guiding her great oxen, the old shepherd with his fiute

and crook on the scented hills, the cavador going to his work at cockcrow beneath the red morning star. A Caminho, the inimitable opening poem, has a delicate inspiration which is masterly in its restraint and ingenuous charm. It was well to rest on such laurels. In two subsequent odes, Orafdo ao Pao (1902) and Oragdo a Lti2 (1904), filled with a vague music, Snr. Guerra Junqueiro's poetry merges into a mystic philosophy which he intends to express in prose. Some early poems appeared in Poesias
Dispersas
is

(1921).
for

A
a

victim
to

of

Victor
justice,
.
. .

Hugo
is

to

whom

it

not easy

critic

do

the Lisbon poet

' Ndo tcnho casa, ndo tenho e.g. Tive castellos, fortalezas pclo muyido. pao. The cadence here, as in many of Snr. Guerra Junqueiro's lines, is singularly arresting. The tendency to morbid repetition is exaggerated in Patria and has influenced many younger poets, as Snr. Correa de Oliveira and, The reader is credited with no imagination and especially, Antonio Nobre. the effect is diminished. For instance, in Patria deixa-me dormir, Dortnir em dormir ! That is excellent but the word dormir is then again thrice paz repeated, until the reader sleeps.
: . .
.

THE REACTTON AND AFTER

333

Antonio Duarte Gomes Leal (1849-1921). His capacity greater than his achievement. is felt to be so much The
grandiloquence and declamatory character of the verse in his
first

volume, Claridades do Sul (1875), are accentuated in subsequent works: A Fome de Camoes (1880), A Historia de Jesus Fim de um Mundo (1900), A Mulher de Luto (1902). (1883), His satire here, as in Satyras Modernas (1899), or the biting

sonnets of Mefistofeles

em Lisboa

(1907),

is

sincerely indignant
it

but too often based on ignorance.

ism.

In

Anti-Christo (1884)

voices the eternal revolt against false civilization and materialThis, the most celebrated of his works, presents a strange medley of persons, from Barabbas to Tolstoi and Huysmans, who have this in common that they all declaim in hollow sonorous

Alexandrines.

Science, saints,

Hebrew

prophets, Chinese philo-

sophers, the eleven thousand Virgins pass in a vision before the

Anti-Christ and converse with him.

It is as

if

a Goethe without

genius had written the second part of Faust.

Sul contains poems in a totally different

But Claridades do kind, poems like De

Noute and Os Lohos, which seem to have caught something of the pathos and simplicity of Les Pauvres Gens, satire and humorismo forgotten. In his descriptions of homely scenes his verse becomes quiet, natural, and effective after reading the restrained and skilful tercetos of De Noute one is inclined to wonder whether the secret of his comparative failure is that here was an excellent Dutch genre-painter striving to be a high-flown Velazquez. But certainly he has no lack of talent, imagination, and power of
;

expression in resonant verse.

of poets in the north

been deliberately revived by a group the school of Saudosismo, and in their monthly A Aguia and the Renascenga press seek to foster all that is native in Portuguese literature. Their creed is a vague pantheism, their poetry is often equally vague and lacking in individuality, but they have the advantage of being remote from Lisbon and of not concerning themselves with foreign schools, and can therefore be natural and Portuguese. At the head
cult of saudade has

The

who have founded

of these poets Snr.

Joaquim Teixeira de Pascoaes (born

and
his native Tras-os-Montes.

in

1877) sings musically in an enchanted land of mists and shadows

of pantheism, saudade,

Merging

334
itself

I(Sl6-I9IO
entirely in Nature, his poetry
of

becomes a wavering symphony ^

The vagueness present in the night and silence. Sempre (1897), Terra prohibida (1899), Jesus e Pan (1903), Vida Etherea (1906), As Somhras (1907), is more marked in his longer poems Mardnos (191 1), in eighteen Ccintos, and Regresso ao Paraiso (19 12), in twenty- two cantos of monotonous blank verse. But Nature is justified of her child, and Mardnos, like a mountain-stream threading its transparent pools, shows abundantly that the author has also the power of con-

woven

lyrics of

densing a picture into a single

Mario Beirao (born

(1913)

in 1891),
is

and Ausente (1915)

(born in
1896),

line. To this group belong Snr. Ultimo Lusiada whose verse in strong and concrete; Snr. Afonso

DuARTE

Snr.

Para a Vida (1906), da Vida (1912), and other young writers of promise. Few if any of the younger poets have found in Portugal so ready a reception for their work as Antonio Nobre (1867-1900), whether this be due to the all-pervading melancholy, saudades
Victoria do

Augusto Casimiro, author of Homem (1910), and A Evoca0o

de tudo, to the metrical

verse.

skill,

or to the haunting intensity of his

In a series of poems written between 1884 and 1894 he combined the dreams of a student at Coimbra, a lendaria Coimbra,
the home-sickness of a Portuguese in Paris, and a real
for the poor
disillusion,

and miserable.

In these poems
title

of suffering

sympathy and

published under the

So

(1892), a strange alter-

nation of ingenuousness and satanism, fantastic visions and

serene simplicity, genuine poetry and sheer prose, refrains of
rustic

gaiety

and

of

morbid sentiment, produces a certain

He can fit his pliant metres to his will, wax, and if the book contains no perfect poems this is partly due to a deliberate intention to reflect his own incoherent moods and to an evident pleasure in incongruous A second volume, of poems written between 1895 and effects. 1899, Despedidas (1902), appeared posthumously. The permanent Secretary of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences,
measure
of originality.
like

mould them

Colonel Cristovam
in

Ayres

many fields. Well known as

e Politica

(born in 1853), has won distinction an historian of the army {Historia

vols.,

Organica

do Exercito Portuguez, 8
Cf.
is

1896-1908) and

' In details his ear is not faultless. do remorso enforcoit Jtidas (unless this

the unscannable line /T que na corda deliberately onomatopoeic).

THE REACTION AND AFTER

as a critic, he has also written short stories

335

which have placed him

poets of Portugal.
(1914),
skill,

and volumes of verse rank of the living Parnassian In Indianas (1878), Intimas (1884), Anoitecer
in the front

and Chizas ao

Veyito (1921),

he displays great technical

still

especially in the reproduction of

scenes as in the

sonnets Paizagem, Aguarella, or

of

Ao

hiar.

The Parnassian

verse

JoAQUiM DE Araujo (1858-1917) in Lyra Intima (1881) OccideiUaes (1888), and Flores da Noite (1894) has a narcotic spell, a slow lulling music. And there is real opium in the pliant melodies of Antonio Feijo (1862-1917), during sixteen years
Portuguese Minister at Stockholm,
in Lyricas e Biicolicas (1884)

and Ilha dos Amoves

cistus flowers
:

(1897).

The words

are heavy with sleep like

Astros das noites limpidas velae-vos or

neve cae

na

terra lentamente [les lourds floco7is des neigeuses annees).

is

This

perfection of metre
(1890), translations

seen at

its

highest in his Cancioneiro Chinez

from the French Livre de Jade (1867), itself a translation by Judith Gautier from various Chinese poets. The

poems

of

JoAo Diniz,

in Aquarellas (1889)

Manuel Duarte de

Almeida

Ramo
in

(1844-1914), in Estancias ao Infante Henrique (1889), de Lilazes (1887), and Terra e Azul; Snr. Manuel
;

da Silva Gayo, in Novos Poemas (1906) Snr. Julio Brandao, Saudades (1893), in which he weaves the linho luarento das saudades, Jardim da Morte (1898) and Nuvem de Oiro (1912) Snr. Fausto Guedes Teixeira (born in 1872), in his remarkable Melt Livro, i8g6-igo6 (1908) Snr. Luiz Osorio, in Neblinas Poemas Portuguezes (1884), (1890), and Alma lyrica (1891) Snr. GuiLHERME DE Santa Rita in Vacillantes (1884) and Poema de um Morto (1897), and indeed of a great caterva vatum,^ belong to this school. The chiselling of faultless sonnets has become a mannerism, but the critic who recalls the vague and often slipshod diffuseness of earlier romantic poems pauses before condemning. Perhaps it may be possible in time to combine the cunning artifice of the verse-cutter with thought and a breath of life and Nature. The CoNDE DE MoNSARAZ (1852-1913) wrotc some pleasant
;

in the poet

Without counting those of Brazil, which had an exquisite word-chiseller Olavo Bilac (1865-1918), author of Panoplias and other verse

published in Poesias {1888,

Nova

ed. 1904).

33^

1816-1910

regional verse in Miisa Alemtejana (1908), in which he describes

Hfe in the charnecas (moors)

and herdades

(estates) of Alentejo

the sound of the well-wheel

trindades,

among

orange-trees, the ringing of

the long lines of

women

hoeing, the old

herdsman

singing melancholy fados, the smoking agorda of the workmen's

meals, the storks fleeing from the July heat, the processions
to

pray for

rain.

The same out-of-door

air

and

fullness of

treatment pervade the work of Snr. Augusto Gil, with a more popular strain, in Musa Cerula (1894), Versos (1901), Luar de
Janeiro (1909), Somhra de Jimo (1915), Alha Plena (1916), Snr. Jose Coelho da Cunha's Terra do Sol (1911) and Vilancetes
(1915),!

Dia

and D. Branca de Gonta CoLLAgo's Cangoes do Meio (1912). A more vigorous talent, also, is that of Snr. Joao de Barros in Algas (1899), Entre a Multiddo (1902), Dentro da Vida (1904), Terra Florida (1909), and Anteii (1912). At the head of the Portuguese Symbolists (their symbolism has been rather external than philosophic) stands Snr. Eugenic de Castro (born

in 1869).
it

He

wished, while retaining perfection of form, to

fill

with a new imagery and colour, and that his verse in describing Nature through his sensations should remain detached and impersonal the poet is iima somhra saudosa d'outras sombras.
:

The
in

success achieved in Oaristos (1890)

(1895),

was

strikingly maintained

Sagramor

da Ceifa (1901),
Polycrates (1907),

Rei Galaor (1897), Constanga (1900), Depois Annel de Somhra do Qiiadrante (1906), Filho Prodigo (1910), and the twenty-one

sonnets of Camafeiis Romanos (1921). His versification is not sufficiently varied (a defect naturally less apparent in the shorter

poems), his rare words and rhymes often have a cumbrous

air,

but a

through the cold monotony of his verse, lighting up its heavy jewels with a glow almost of life. If it is sometimes an echo of Baudelaire, it is a Baudelaire thoroughly acclimatized." His debt was not wholly to French
real fire occasionally runs

Parnassian or Symbolist, for he had also drunk deep of Greek and

He is the son of Snr. Alfredo Carneiro da Cunha (born in 1863), whose Versos (1900) contains the poignant lines A utna crcanga morta, which recall Coventry Patmore and the pathos of Dr. Robert Bridges' On a Dead Child. The earlier edition, Endeixas e Madrigaes, appeared in 1891. * The word Nephelihatas {= Cloud-treaders), formerly applied to poets of the decadent school in Portugal, is now seldom heard.

THE REACTION AND AFTER

German
is

337

literature.

His originality

in

modern Portuguese poetry

a very real one.

Yet

it is

a pleasure to pass from verse often so

always so artificial, to the more natural poems of two younger writers. Snr. Antonio Correa de Oliveira (born in 1880) in his Auto do Fim do Dia (1900), Raiz (1903), and Auto de Junho (1904) shows a true lyrical gift, an inspiration of the
perfect,
soil,

of the quatrains of popular poetry

Passou Maio taful, Maio magano, E por onde passou nasceram rosas.
In his later works,

Alma

Religiosa

(1910),

Auto das Quatro

(1916),

Estagoes (19 11), Os Teus Sonet os (19 14), A the effect is sometimes strained or marred
iteration.

Minha Terra

by an almost morbid
in 1878) displays

Snr.

Afonso Lopes Vieira (born

Encoherto (1905), Naufrago (1898), Ar Livre (1906), and Pao e as Rosas (1908). Ilhas de Bruma (1918) is filled with the rhythm of the sea and with the traditions and native poetry of Portugal. There is a certain strength as well as a subtle music about his verse which is of good promise Whatever that future may be for Portuguese for the future.

a genuine talent in

literature,

Portugal will join the more worthily in the great

literary age

which
There
of

will eventually spring

from years
full

of terrific

upheaval

if

she studies and utilizes her

is

heritage of prose

and

verse.

the less excuse

now

for its neglect since the

is

devoted labour

many Portuguese

scholars

rendering

it

yearly

more

accessible.

2362

APPENDIX
Literature of the People
Side by side with literature proper there has always existed Portugal a literature of the people. Indeed, before Portuguese poetry was written it flourished on the lips of the people, in Sometimes this popular literature the songs of the women. almost coalesced with written literature, as in the case of the Its poetry lent a glow and cossantes in the thirteenth century. magic to the work of Gil Vicente and later to some of the its proverbial lore was reproduced in Jorge lyrics of Camoes Ferreira de Vasconcellos' prose plays and later by D. Francisco in indigenous folk-tales Trancoso found part Manuel de Mello Eighteenth-century writers neglected it, but of his material. Filinto Elysio returned to popular sources, and in the nineteenth century they inspired two great poets, Almeida Garrett and Joao de Deus. Literature and illiteracy have often gone hand in hand.
in
; ;

In Ferreira de Vasconcellos' Eufrosina (Act iii, sc. ii) we read of sings de solao, composes the workwoman [lavrandeira) who songs, loves to learn trovas by heart, gives a schoolboy farthings and the to buy cherries in return for reading aiitos to her Pratica de Tres Pastores gives us a picture of an old peasant reading out from the Bible ^ of an evening to the whole village:
' ' ;

Tinha

Esse velhinho cartapolinho Feito de letra de mao Em papel de pergaminho,

hum

E
Do

chamava-se o feitinho livro da creagao.

* The whole Bible in Portuguese was not translated until the eighteenth century, by Joao Ferreira de Almeida, O Novo Testamento (Amsterdam, This is the version 1681), Do Velho Testamento, 2 vols. (Batavia, 1748, 53). still commonly in use. Another translation, entitled Biblia Sagrada, was made from the Vulgate at the end of the eighteenth century by Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo (1725-97), author of some fifty theological and historical works in Latin and Portuguese, and a paraphrase (Historia Evaiigelica, 1777, 78, Historia Biblica, 1778-82) by Frei Francisco de Jesus Maria Sarmento (1713-90). See C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos et S. Berger, Les Bibles Portugaises in Romania, xxviii (1899), pp. 543-8: La littiratiire portugaise est en matiere de traductions bibliques d'une pauvretS desespirante. The Parocho Perfeito (1675) speaks of os parochos que ndo tiverem Bihlias (p. 19). See also G. L. Santos Ferreira, A Biblia em Portugal, 1495-1830 (L. 1906).

LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE

E
entao
serao

339

Que sempre cada

noytc depois da cca Com oculos a candea O lia por devogao A toda a gentc d'aldea.

The popular appetite

of saints,

for autos, simple Christmas plays, legends

and for long vague romances never flagged, and some of the literature written to satisfy it, by Balthasar Diaz and others, is reprinted and hawked about the countiy in folhas
volantes at the present day, as Diaz' Historia da Imperatriz Porcina (Porto, 1906) a romance of some 1,500 octosyllables in and his Tragedia do Marques de Mantua. The prose -ia Verdadeira Historia do Imperador Carlos Magno (Porto, 1906) is the last descendant of Nicolas Piamonte's Spanish translation (from the French original) Carlotnagno, printed at Seville in

1525 and at Alcala in 1570, or rather of Jeronimo Moreira de Carvalho's Portuguese version (2 pts., 1728, 37). It is an instance of the Portuguese delight in strange, even fantastic, but in any case foreign, themes. The Verdadeira Historia da Donzella Theodora (Porto, 1911), daughter of a merchant of Babylon, was introduced from the East and was translated by Carlos Ferreira from the Spanish (1524) and published at Lisbon in 1735. The Verdadeira Historia do Grande Roberto Duqne de Normandia e Imperador de Roma (Porto, 1912) is a belated echo of the French story of Robert le Diable, which also came to Portugal through Spain (Burgos, 1509). The Verdadeira Historia da Princeza Magalona (Porto, 1912) has a similar derivation from France (14th or 15th c.) through Spain (Sevilla, 1519), and retains its popularity as a record of unswerving constancy na fe e na virtude. The Verdadeira Historia de Jodo de Calais, The reprinted at Oporto in 1914, is also undisguisedly foreign. story of Flores e Branca Fror, last offshoot (a vile extract Menendez y Pelayo called it) of the charming Greek tale which came originally from the East,i was mentioned by several poets (King Dinis, Joan de Guilhade, the Archpriest of Hita) in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries ^ and in the Gran Conqiiista
'
'

* See Floire et Blancheflor. Poemes du xiii'' sidcle. Publics d'apris les manitscrits par E. du Mhil, Paris, 1856. In the original story Flores in a basket of roses enters the tower where Brancaflor is imprisoned. Senor Bonilla y San Martin {La Historia de los dos Enamorados Flores y Blancaflor, Madrid, 1916) attributes an Italian origin to the Spanish prose story. The Spanish translation probably dates from the fifteenth century. ^ For its popularity with the Provencal troubadours see Raynouard, Choix, e.g. ii. 297, 304, 305.
. . .

340

APPENDIX

de Ultramar (13th c), and was condemned by Luis Vives. The prose story copied by Boccaccio in his Filocolo is still popular in Portugal and Galicia. There is an edition printed at Oporto in 1912 Historia de Flores e Branca-Flor, sens amores e perigos que passaram por Flores ser moiiro e Branca-Flor christa. Garcia Ferreiro refers to a historia de Branca Fror as recited at a Galician escasula} Most of these popular threepenny leaflets are very quaintly illustrated on the title-page. The woodcut on the 1912 edition of Flores e Branca-Flor is worth many an epic.^ The portrait of Robert le Diable (1912 cd.) represents no less a person than Napoleon III, and the true likeness of the beautiful Princess Magalona'^ (1912 ed.) is Queen Alexandra. These folhas volantes of the literatura de cordel with m2t.r\y farsas, such as Manoel Mendes by Antonio Xavier Ferreira de Azevedo (1784-1814), reprinted at Oporto in 1878, and various progeny of the ingenious Bertoldo, as Astucias de Mengoto, Industrias de Malandrino (both Porto, 1879), Astucias de Zangnizarra (Porto, 1878), Vida de Cacasseno (Porto, 1904), contain little of the real people and More indigenous, but still attracting by less of literature. virtue of its foreign episodes, is the Auto, Livro (1554.?), Historia or Tratado do Infante D. Pedro que andou as quatro [sete] partidas do mnndo, which is attributed to Gomez de Santo Estevam, one of the prince's attendants in his long travels, and It of which the first known edition (1547) is in Spanish. has been constantly reprinted and, with romances of chivalry, Hyssope.'^ Nor do the formed the education of the notary in Trovas do Bandarra belong to literature, although these verses of the cobbler prophet of Trancoso, GoNgALO Annez Bandarra (11556.?), which caused him to figure in one of the earliest trials before the Inquisition (1541) and were subsequently interpreted as referring to the return of King Sebastian, exercised the fancy of the people and even the wits of the educated for some three centuries. Forbidden in Portugal, they were printed abroad, probably at Paris in 1603, at Nantes in 1644, Barcelona 1809, London 1810 and 1815. It was not until 1852 (Porto) that an Explicagdo of them could be published in Portugal. Their interest was then much diminished, since the thirty scissors of the verse,
:
'

Branca Fror Outra saca a relocer {Chorimas (1890), p. 148). has been reproduced, from an earlier edition, in T. Braga, Os Livros Populares Portuguezes {Era Nova, vol. i, 1881). * At either side explanatory verses, the only verse in the leaflet, tell us Magalona was the most beautiful of all contemporary princesses, that beloved daughter of the King of Naples, and her heart full of goodness. She was a model of virtues, of pure beliefs and a loving heart,'married with Pierres, Pedro of Provence, a noble knight and virtuous man.' * One of the Elvas Chapter was komem versado Na lifdo de Florinda e Carlo
'

historia de

It

'

Magna.

LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE

Augurai gentes vindouras Rey que de vos ha de Que Vos ha de tornar a vir Passadas trinta tesouras,
hir

341

to signify the year 1808, i.e. thirty closed 240 years after King Sebastian began to reign (1568). A more reasonable computation would have been from Alcacer Kcbir {de vos ha de hir) = 1818, or, if the scissors were open: ^^X^ (10), = 1878. Many sought to connect with Bandarra's

had been thought

scissors

= 30 X

prophecies the sayings of Simao Gomez (1516-76), the Holy Cobbler ', and his biography, written by the Jesuit Manuel da Veiga (1567-1647), Tratado da Vida, Virtudes e Doutrina Qapateiro Admiravel de Simao Gomes, vulgarmente chamado Santo (1625), a book in more than one respect singular and charming, was burnt by the public hangman at Lisbon in 1768 in Black Horse Square '. The 1759 edition had received the ordinary licengas. But farther afield, deeper in the heart of the people and far more ancient, exists another literature. Writers who have gone to this source have never come away unrewarded. Their work has gained a freshness and a charm ^ which the most successful disciples of imported learning and latinity have in vain attempted to rival, and gives the reader the impression that if he is not plucking the bough of gold he is not far from the And the reason is, perhaps, that the tree on v/hich it grows. Portuguese people still retains an element pre-Christian, even pre-Roman, an element which goes back to solar myths and pagan beliefs, and about which hangs a primaeval mystery and wonder, a glamour and enchantment born of direct contact with the forces of Nature, and the worship, fear, and proA great part pitiation of many unseen powers and divinities. of the people still inhabits a region of fiery dragons and apples of gold, and with ready imagination peoples streams and woods, sea and air with spirits. December and June are connected with the birth and supremacy of the sun's power, and paganism, thinly disguised, survives in several of the ceremonies of the Christian Church, and serves to increase the Church's hold on the minds of the people. Both the songs and the dancing with
'
'

which

it

was accompanied were no doubt

originally religious.

' This charm hangs over many anonymous lyrics of popular inspiration, as the Trovas da Menina Fermosa, seventeenth or eighteenth century variations of a sixteenth century song Menina fermosa Dizei do que vem Que sejais irosa A quern vos quer bem ; Porque se concerta Rosto e condifam Even Dais por galardam A pena niui certa. Sendo tarn fermosa Dizei, &c. less genuinely popular are the Trovas do Moleiro (1602), written by an obscure native of Tangier, Luis Brochado, and others.
:

342

APPENDIX
its

The movements
so that

of the dance seem to have influenced the song, metre was divided by real feet. When the Archbishop of Braga, Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, was visiting his diocese in the sixteenth century he was met by Minhoto peasants with dangas e folias and with cantigas que entoavam eiitre as

voltas e saltos dos bailes,^ songs evidently similar to those in the works of Gil \^iccntc, with leixapren and refrain [aaxbbx'^ or

abxbcx).^ The volta would correspond in action to the leixapren'^ The origin of the refrain of the song, the salto to the refrain. was perhaps the pause (preceded by a final leap into the air) made by the breathless dancers, as in the words no penedo of Quaes for am os The House that Jack Built' this version of perros que mataram os lobos que comeram as abras que roeram bacello que posera Jodo preto no penedo.^ The phrase ver cantar^
' :

'

', might be defended.^ In modern times the refrain has not been entirely lost, it occurs occasionally, e.g. Valhame Deus, or Valhame Deus e a Virgem Maria, but the usual song is a refrainless quatrain rhyming in the second and fourth lines, perhaps originally a distich broken up into four lines like the sixteen-syllable lines of the old romances, and from which the refrain has disappeared. instead of the song of the people, It is essentially a love song sung to the tread of dancing feet, the song of the love-lorn individual, sung to the strumming of his guitar or of the professional cantadeira at a rustic pilgrimage. But they are also sung by the people generally, often by women who can neither read nor write but have a large stock of these cantigas, which, indeed, are almest innumerable. They may be read in their thousands in Antonio Thomaz Pires' Cantos Populares Portugueses (4 vols., Elvas, 1902-10), Dr. Theophilo Braga's Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez (2 vols., Lisboa, 191 1, 1913), Snr. Jaime Cortesao's

to see these songs sung

'^

'

Luis de Sousa, Vida, 1763 ed.,

i.

462.

Belem vila do amor (i. 183). e.g. * e.g. Que no quiero estar en casa (i.73) (which is como laa canines co' gado, essentially a peasant's song). * The leixapren occurs in most of the songs accompanied by dance in Gil Vicente: e.g.Quem & a desposada (chacota, i. 147), Pardeus bcm andoii Castella (em folia) (ii. 389), Ja nao quer minha senhora (ii. 439, Esta cantiga cantardo Ndo me firaes madre (ii. 440, em chacota), e bailarao de terreiro os folioes). Mor Gongalves (ii. 509, baildo ao som desta cantiga), Por Mayo era, por Mayo i.e. a romance with (ii. 525, a vozes bailarao e cantardo a cantiga segninte leixapren and refrain). They are thus a combination of glee and dance.
^
:

Em

Ndo nas

Gil Vicente, Obras (ii. 448). qiiero ver cantar (Gil Vicente)

is,

however, probably a misprint,

for
'

which D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos suggests quer' eu. Cf. J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Ensaios Ethnographicos, ii. 264

{principalmente as mulheres) canta-as [cantigas soltas]

em

O povo quaJquer occasido.

:

LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE

343

Cancioneiro Popular (Porto, 1914), and in other collections, and hundreds of thousands die uncollected and unknown. Although it is perhaps a pity that all the popular poetical talent should tend to adapt itself to one mould the quatrain their brevity is excellent in that it imposes concision. Their thought has to be expressed in some twenty words, although they are rarely epigrammatic in the sense of the modern epigram. Some are geographical, or local, in praise of some town or village, river or fountain. Many are religious, that is, they combine love and religion in honour of the Lady of the Hills, the Star, the Snows, the Rosary, the Sands, Pity, Affliction, Health, Hope, or in honour of saints, and especially of the three popular saints of June St. Anthony, St. John, and St. Peter. Others are devoted Christmas {Natal), the New Year [Anno to special festivals Bom), the Epiphany {Os Reis), the Resurrection,^ The majority are concerned with Nature, either generally or in detail. Sometimes they are frankly pantheistic, more often they content themselves with singing the praises of a favourite flower, rosemary, myrtle, the rose, and especially the carnation the red cravos which glow in doorway or window-ledge of countless houses and cottages in June. Among the birds the swallow,^ the bird of the Lord ', as the peasants call it, is rare perhaps its rhyme is disdained as too easy the parrot, the dove, and the nightingale are far commoner. Numerous cantigas are concerned with the sea, fewer with the sun, the stars, superstitions, witches, sirens many with dancing and various occupations the herdsman [ganadeiro), yokel (ganhdo), shepherd {pastor)f harvesters {ceifeiros, ratinhos, malteses, mondadeiras). But of course the principal subject is love, jealousy, separation, constancy, saiidade, satire. The occasional presence of a French word, e. g. neglige or cache-nez, is not necessarily a proof that the cantiga in question is not of popular origin, but merely that it is urban. Of many cantigas the first line consists simply of a longdrawn Aile [aikivov, alkivov diri, to 3' ev rtKarco) or At lari lari lole (where the fanatic of Basque can find il ( = dead) as easily

'

Jd OS campos reverdecem, Jd o alecrim tent flor, Jd cantam os passarinhos A resiirreifdo do Senhor.

to the fields returns the green and the rosemary 's in flower, and the birds are singing the Lord's Resurrection hour). ^ O triste da minha vida, O triste da vida minha, Quern me dera ir contigo Onde tii vaes, andorinha. life is, O how sad plight (O how sad Would I might go with thee, swallow, in thy flight ') recalls the French Si j'etais hirondelle Que je pusse voter, Sur voire sein, ma belle, rest Upon thy J'irais me reposer (A swallow I Would be to fly And take breast).
little

(Now

my

my

my

344

APPENDIX
lines,

as in the refrain of C. V. 415), so that they really consist of

three
of

the aile being introductory.

Some
them

of the quatrains rise to real poetical beauty, and most are charmingly spontaneous, forming in their unpre-

meditated art the natural song-book of a nation of poets. The number in print already approaches fifty thousand. In the mass they perhaps produce a monotonous effect, being mostly of the one pattern, despite the variety of their contents
:

pino do vcrao que e verde se seca Em vindo Tudo So mcu amor reverdece Dentro do meu cora^ao.^

Inda que o lume Inda que o amor

se

apague

se ausente

Os

tres reis

foram guiados

Na cinza fica o calor No cora^ao fica a dor.^ For uma estrella do ceu
:

Tambem

teus olhos guiaram

in these

Meu
:

coragao para o teu.^

modern cantigas carry us back to the songs and beyond a dialogue between mother and daughter, a reference to dancing de terreiro, balho, dance and song, to the casada, mas mat casada, or i-a sequence, as Filho da Virgem Maria {Sagrada). Other links in the popular literature
few links
in Gil Vicente's plays

throughout the ages are the riddles {adivinhas) at which Gil Vicente's shepherds played in the Auto Pastoril Castelhano (the example given in Joao de Barros' Grammatica (1540) is
:

Ainda o pae nao e nado filho anda pelo telhado (1785 ed., p. 176) Ja the father is still unborn and the son is on the roof a fire and its smoke modern instances are printed in Dr. Theophilo Braga's
:

Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez, vol. i (1913), pp. 363-70) the (cf. the modern R6 ro, men meuiiio, Dorme e descansa, Tu es 7neu alivio E a minha esperanga with Gil Vicente's Ro, ro, ro, Nuestro Dios y Redentor, No lloreis, &c., i. 57) the cantigas de Anno Bom the pagan janeiras ', as Filinto Elysio called them the cantigas dos Reis, the alvoradas, the maios. The alva or alvorada should properly contain the word alva in the refrain, as in C. V. 172, or Guiraut de Bornelh's
;

lullabies

'

Ou'el jorn es apropchatz,

Qu'en Orien vey I'cstela creguda Ou'adutz lo jorn, qu'ieu I'ai ben conoguda, Et ades sera I'alba.
'

All green things in

summer Their

freshness lose

Only

my

heart Its love

:

renews.
the light of the fire is dead The ashes its heat retain When love fled In the heart abides the pain. ' To the three kings was given A star in heaven for sign And thy eyes have guided My heart unto thine.
^

When

is

over and

LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE

:

345

(For day is near, and high in the East appears the star that I know it well, and soon it will be dawn.) brings in the day The theme is the parting of lovers at dawn
:

Wilt thou be gone

it

is

not yet near day.

A Catalan alha-cossante is
Catalan
*

given in Mila y Fontanals' Romancerillo

Marieta lleva't lleva't de mati Que I'aygua es clara, el sol vol sortir. Como m'en llevare si gipo no tinch } Marieta lleva't, de mati lleva't, Que el sol vol sortir, que I'aygua es clara.

Como, &c.
mayo, that is, a song introducing the to our Queen of the May), is given in Mila's article in vol. vi of Romania. It closely resembles that of Gil Vicente [Este e o Mayo, o Mayo S este) in the Auto da
of a Galician

An example
or

Mayo

May-boy (corresponding

Lusitania

Este e o Mayo que Mahino e, Este e o Mayo que anda d'o pe. O noso Mayo anque pequenino Da de comer a Virxen d'o Camifio. Velay o Mayo cargado de rosas, Velay o Mayo que las trae mas hermosas.
It

then breaks into a muineira

(in Castilian)

Si

Angeles somos, del cielo venimos (bajamos), nos dais licencia a la Reina le pedimos (la cantamos).

the janeiras more than one classical author alludes. Mello {Epan. i) thus notices them at Evora on New Year's Eve, 1638, before the house in which the Conde de Linhares was lodged Rogatiuas [costume de a fim de se Ihe cantarem certas Bengoens nossos ancidos que com 7iome de Janeiras entoavam placidamente pelas portas dos mais caros amigos) se congregou grande numero de pouo.^ Some romances (also xacara, xacra, and in the Azores arabia) have been printed direct from the lips of the people
:

To

&

* Reprinted in his article in Romania, vol. vi, and by Dr. Braga. Aygua in the second line is probably a corruption from alua (dawn) to agua (water). * Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita, speaking of the noites privilegiadas the eves of New Year and Epiphany refers to os villoes ruins que essaa noutes vos perseguem and to their pandeirinhos, musica de agna-pe que toda a noiite vos ztine nos ouvidos como hizouro, e sobre tudo isto haveis de Ihe offertar os vossos qiiatro vintens, e quando Ih'os entregais a candeia vos descobre o feitio dos ditos musicos ; um niocho com sombreiro com mais chocas que urn corredor de folhas. They thus resembled Christmas waits '.

'

346

APPENDIX

by Dr. Lcite de Vasconcellos in his Romanceiro Portugiiez The degenerate, more modern, and subjective form of (1886). the romance is the fado, a ballad (melancholy as the old solao'^), composed by the professional fadistas of the towns. The fado is even more modern than the modinha (end of eighteenth and
beginning of the nineteenth century). It dates from the first third of the nineteenth century, and has not even now penetrated to the south, being indeed largely a Lisbon product. It may be
in verses of four [quadras), five {quintilhas), or ten [decimas] lines. The individual in the favourite quadras expresses his personal sorrow and his love the immemorial lore of the Portuguese people as a whole survives less in them than in the no less numerous proverbs um bosque de muitas e varias maneiras de adagios. There is scarcely a Portuguese writer whose works do not furnish a goodly crop of these proverbs, often in evidently popular form, sometimes betraying their Spanish origin in the rhyme. They have been collected in Antonio Delicado's
;

composed

verbial (1882),

Adagios Portugueses (1651), in Adagios (1841), Philosophia Proand elsewhere. The language is full of proverbial phrases, and most Portuguese could at will conceal their meaning from a foreigner in a maze of idiomatic expressions. The variety of their names is sufficient proof of the extraordinary number
of the proverbs. They are crystallizations of some forgotten fable or event [adagios) ^ or of a more personal anecdote [anexins), or the refrain of a long-lost song [rifoes).^ Or they are moral [maximas and senteiigas), biblical [proverbios), satirical [dictados

or ditados, ditos). Many of them embody the wisdom of the ages in a form admirably concise and forcible, e. g. Quem muito abarca pouco abraga (which is the very reverse of Portuguese history e nulla stringe e tutto 7 mondo abbraccia), or Ate ao Many of course correspond more lavar das cestas e vindima. or less closely to those of other countries, e. g. Muitos enfeitadores estragdo a noiva (Too many cooks spoil the broth), Gato escaldado de agua fria ha medo (The burnt child fears the fire) Manhan ruiva, on vento ou chuva [ = Alba gorri, hegoa edo uri)
:

' The Spanish translator of Eufrosina apparently derived this name from musical notes (= a sung romance), since he translates itn romance de sol la, iii. 2 (Orig. de la Novela, iii. jy and no), but even he would not Eufr. i. 3 derive it from the selah of the Psalms (T. Braga, Hist, da Litt. Port, i {1914), In the Spanish solao in Obras de Dom Manoel de Portugal (1605), p. 205). Bk. XII, pp. 282-7, each singer takes three lines, of which the last two rhyme
;

together.
*

Formerly verbos

The word
song but

of a

(e.g. in the Cane, da Vat.) and exemplos (enxem-pros) rifdo does not now mean the refrain or burden (estribilho)] proverb, like the Spanish refrdn.

LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE

Pedra movediga ndo cria
mousse).'^

347

holor

Many
sit

of these

= Pierre qui roule n'amasse pas saws as well as the contos (folk-tales)
{

have their birth at fiandoes as the

nossas velhas

women

sit

at their cottage doors

and gossip

spinning, or as in the sun

After {soalheiro), or as all gather round the spacious lareira. the day's work on the farm, in field and granary, to the sound of singing, legend and tradition come into their own of an evening round the great fire of logs and scented brushwood. The contos have been collected by Z. Consiglieri Pedroso, Portuguese Folk Tales (London, 1882) F. Adolpho Coelho, Contos Popular es PortuDr. Thcophilo Braga, Contos Tradicionaes guezes (Lisboa, 1879) F. X. de Athaide Olido Povo Portuguez (2 vols., Porto, 1883) veira, Contos Tradicionaes do Algarve (2 vols., Tavira, 1900, 5). As was to be expected, they have their equivalents in the folklore of other nations, a fact which does not prevent them from possessing an indigenous character, a charm and flavour of The glowing imagination of the peasants spins out their own. Thus old fairy and allegorical tales with marvellous facility. Mother Poverty [Tia Miseria) owned a pear-tree in front of her cottage, and had obtained the privilege that whoever went up When it to steal her pears should be unable to come down. Death comes she asks him to fetch her one more pear. Once up the tree all the priests and lawyers cannot bring him down, and only when he agrees to the bargain that Poverty shall never die is she willing to release him. A great part of the popular literature has been set down in Much remains uncold print during the last half-century. garnered. In every province there are peculiar words, phrases, traditions, heirlooms of times prehistoric, waiting to be gathered in, and both the Portuguese literature and the Portuguese language of the future will owe a debt of gratitude to their collectors, and find rich material in the pages of the Revista Lusitana.
; ;
;

The Galician Revival For over four hundred years with the exception of a few poems by Padres Jose Sanchez Feijoo and Martin Sarmiento^

in

from

the eighteenth century the Galician language held aloof It was peculiarly fitting that at a time when literature.

* There is another proverb Mentras a pedra vae e vem Deus dard de seu hem (While the [mill ?] stone doth come and go God his blessing shall bestow). seguidas 2 See Antolin Lopez Pelaez, Poesias Ineditas del P. Feijoo de las poesias gallegas Dialogo de 24 Rusticos y 'O Tio Marcos da Portela por el P. Saryniento, Tuy, 1901.
. . .

'

'

'

348

APPENDIX

Portugal was recovering for her own literature the early Galician lyrics, which are now one of its most precious possessions, a new company of poets should have sprung up in the region now, Galicia. They were no doubt multias of old, fertil de poetas ^ plied and encouraged by the discovery of the Cancioneiros, but began independently of these, in the wake of that regionalism which manifested itself so vigorously in the second half of the nineteenth century, for instance in Provence, Catalonia, and Valencia. Besides their general character the mingling of irony and sentimental melancholy and a few conscious imitations, the new poets and the ancient Cancioneiros present several striking similarities. It is now some three-quarters of a century since regionalism in Galicia assumed its first literary pretensions. In 1861 the poets had become sufficiently numerous and distinguished to warrant the holding of Juegos Florales [xogos froraes) at La Corufia. Juan Manuel Pintos (1811-76) had published eight years earlier a small volume of verses, A Gaita Gallega (Pontevedra, 1853), and Francisco Anon (1817-78) had contributed poems to various local newspapers. Anon led the life of a wandering jogral of old, and his occasional verses soon won him popularity, so that he came to be regarded as the father of modern Galician poetry. He could express his love for his native province in the tender and melancholy stanzas [abhcdeec) A Galicia, and in his other poems, at once ingenuous and satirical; he is also thoroughly Galician and foreshadowed the poetry that was to follow. A leaflet of his verses appeared in the year after his death, Poesias (Noya, 1879), and a more satisfactory collection ten years later Poesias Castellanas y Gallegas (1889).

Jose MarIa Posada y Pereira (1817-86), born at Vigo, the son of a Vigo advocate, published his first volume of verses in 1865 and others were collected in Poesias Selectas (1888). The
second part of this collection (pp. 11 1-250) is written in Spanish, but the Galician poems include a series of letters in octosyllabic verse, the wistful humour of which is attractive. Born in the same year as Afion, he survived Rosalia de Castro, twenty years his junior. He survived in disillusion, for he had been one of the pioneers and now felt himself neglected in the changed conditions. When the first floral games were celebrated the most talented of these early poets, Alberto Camino (1821-61), had but a few months to live. Another generation passed before his Camino was Poesias Gallegas (1896). poems were published not a prolific writer, and this tiny book contains but twelve of his poems but there is not one of them that we would
:

Cf. A. Ribeiro

dos Santos, Obras (MS.), vol. xix,

f.

21

Galicia

muito

affeita desde alia antiguidadc ao exercicio de truvas e caniares.

THE GALICIAN REVIVAL

349

willingly miss, whether he is giving harmonious form to a Desconsolo^ or in poignant theme, as in Nai Chorosa and lighter verses deseribing with a contagious glow and spirit some scene of village merriment, as in A Foliada de San Joan or

Repique. Galician patriots, indignant at the neglect or contempt habitually meted out to their region, might persevere in their belief that the language which had produced the cantigas of King Alfonso X, the Portuguese Cawao7i^2>05, and the poems of Macias was capable of revival as an instrument of poetry but it was for the most part by scattered poems, manuscript or printed in periodicals (especially the Coruna paper Galicia, 1860-6), that they justified their faith, until in 1863 appeared The Cantares Gallegos by Rosalia de Castro ^ (1837-85). authoress, born at Santiago, was but twenty-six when this collection of poems gave her a wider celebrity than has been granted to any Galician writer since Macias. Emilio Castelar wrote a preface for her second volume, Follas Novas (1880), and hailed her as a star of the first order '. Indeed, so great was her fame as a Galician singer that until recently it obscured It was an her Spanish poems, En las orillas del Sar (1884). unsought fame. Rosalia de Castro wrote much more than she published and destroyed much that was worth publishing. her voice is that of the Galician She sank herself in Galicia gaita in all its varying moods. In her preface to Cantares Gallegos I have taken much care to reproduce the true spirit she wrote of our people.' That she succeeded in this all critics are agreed. A favourite method in the Cantares Gallegos is to take a popular quatrain and develop it at some length, as, for instance, in the beautiful variations on the lines Airinos, airinos, aires, Airinos da mina terra., Airinos, airinos, aires, Airinos, levaime a ela.~ Here, as throughout the book, there is such yearning passionate sadness that we may say, in her own words, no?i canta que chora. The sadness is of soedade and brooding over her country's She has felt all the peasants' sorrows, the longing of the plight. emigrant for his country, the fate of the women at home who find no rest from toil but in the grave,^ above all the neglect and poverty in which those sorrows centre with the result of sons torn from their families and scattered abroad to Castile
;
'

'

Or Rosalia Castro de (or y) Murguia. Her husband, Don Manuel de Murgui'a (bom in 1833), author of Los Precursores (1886), Diccionario de Escritores Gallegos (1862), and other works devoted to the study of Galicia, its ethnology and history, is still alive. 2 O winds of my country blowing softly together. Winds, winds, gentle

winds,
^

carry

me
:

Follas

Novas

thither (1909 ed., pp. 95-8). Duas palabras d'a aiitora, 1910 ed., p. 31.
!

350

APPENDIX
;

and Portugal and across the seas in search of bread. Her themes are thus often homely their treatment is always plaintive and musical. The metres used are very various. The book opens with a chain of muineiras singing Galicia frorida, and the rhythmical beat of the nmineira constantly recurs throughout. Nothing
could serve better to express, as she so marvellously expresses, the very soul of the Galician peasantry in its gentle, dreaming
wistfulness

and

tearful

humour.

Her

style

is

so thin

and

delicate,

yet so flowing and natural, that it is more akin, almost, to music than to language. Few writers have attained such perfection without a trace of artifice. It is Galician esta fala mimosa ^ seen at its best, clear, soft, and pliant, rising in protest or reproach to a silvery eloquence. In Follas Novas the melancholy note is accentuated, without becoming morbid the new leaves are autumnal. The music of her sad and exquisite poetry had been forged in the crucible of her own not imaginary suffering and grief, and in these lyrics she utters her inmortales deseios (immortal longings) as well as the woes of the peasant women of Galicia, widows of the living and widows of the dead '. New metres are introduced, the old skill and perfection of form is maintained. A few poems in the second half even succeed in repeating that identification between the poet and the genius of the people which makes much of Cantares Gallegos almost anonymous and assures its immortality. Midway between the publication of Cantares Gallegos and Follas Novas appeared the first volume of Galician verse by the blind poet of Orense, Valentin Lamas Carvajal (1849-1906). This book, Espinas, Follas e Frores (1871), has remained the most popular of his works.^ He is a true poet of the soil {poeta del terriino), the soil of Galicia which he sings with melancholy charm, and his verse is filled with soedades. He complains of

'

the peasant's lot, protests against its injustice and the tyranny of the caciques^ laments the drain on Galicia's best forces through emigration and military service, and his later work especially betrays a rustic cynicism and disillusion. But the value both of his first book and of Saudades Gallegas (1889) and A Musa d' as Aldeas {i8go) is that in them speak the voices of the peasants. Only occasionally does Aesop or Macias intrude to dispel the charm, and even sophisticated touches as when he speaks of this century of enlightenment ', of Galicia as a poetical garden ', or of the tamborileiro as the inseparable companion

'

'

'

Follas Novas (1910 ed.), p. 254. sixth edition appeared in 1909, whereas most books of Galician verse cling to the obscurity of their first edition or at best obtain a second in the hospitable Biblioteca Gallega.

THE GALICIAN REVIVAL

of the gaiteiro

351

are not out of keeping, since the peasant, to a long word is a sign of education, will in ambitious moments use such phrases. The Galician peasants are shown in their sadness and superstitions, at their common tasks and When Lamas Carvajal is describing an escasula^ or festas. a fiadeiro,^ a dance in the beaten space before the doors [baile de turreiro), a foliada^ in honour of some saint, a ruada or rueiro (street courting), a, summer romaxe or romaria (pilgrimage), or autumn magosto (feast of chestnuts), his melancholy almost deserts him, and he can sing, in his own phrase,

whom

Algun ledo cantar d'a sua

terrina.

The

toil often becomes a festa, in which, he says, there is more mirth than in all the city's joys. In Ey, hoy, ey he admirably reproduces the thoughts of the slow-footed, slow-reasoning peasant as he trudges along to market in front of his droning

and shrieking ox-cart. And, generally, all the life of the prowitches, exorcisers, beatas, vince of Orense is in his poems ciirandeiros (to whom the peasants turn in place of the doctor), pilgrims, blind singers, santeiros selling images of saints, the wailing alalaa, the evening litany or rosario, the angelus [Ave Maria or as animas, or tocar as oracios). The gaiteiro, of course,
:

a prominent figure, for without his bagpipe (the gaita gallega) the accompanying drum (tamboril), cymbals {ferrinas, conchas), tambourine [pandeiro, pandeireta), and castanets [castanolas],'^ no village fete would be welcome or complete, and his alborada or his rhythmical dance-song, the muineira, is the emblem of all the peasant's pleasures. Melancholy pervades the Rimas (1891) of D. Juan Barcia Caballero (born in 1852), but it is no longer the melancholy of the peasant, but of the His verse is more artificial and subjective, and exprespoet. Olympic disdain ', the bed of Aurora ', sions such as the Nereids ', carry us far away from the peasant scenes so pleasantly Yet in his lyrics lives a faint described by Lamas Carvajal. music which raises them above the commonplace. He writes of moonlight, the fall of the leaves, a flowing stream, tears, but in his slight death, and admires Heine and Leopardi fancies, often built into a single brief sentence, he has a natural
is

and

'

'

'

charm
'

of his

own.
: :

Esfolhada or desfolla gathering to husk the maize. ^ Fiada, fiandon a rustic terttilia (evening party) of women to spin. ' FiUiada, afuliada, folion. * In Tras-os-Montes potatoes are called castanholas, i.e. large chestnuts, which recalls the fact that Andrea Navagero, eating potatoes for the first time at Seville in 1526, considered them to taste like chestnuts. In parts of Galicia they are called castanas d'a terra.

352

APPENDIX

Benito Losada (1824-91) gained great popularity in Galicia epigrammatic and often far from edifying stories in verse which mostly do not exceed ten lines. He is said to have had them printed on matchboxes ad maiorem gloriam, but for this he was probably not responsible. More interesting and equally racy of the soil arc the poems of his
with his Continos (1888),
Soaces (Vun Velio (1886), of which the continos d'a terra form only Part 3. The first part consists of a long legend in octosyllabic verse, and in the second some thirty poems give a coloured, homely, delightful picture of peasant life in Galicia
:

En En
fire

lias e espadelas.

festas,

en foliadas^

song and dance, the pot

of chestnuts {zonchos) over the lareira

on the night of All Saints' Day, the ox-girl quietly singing, the girl with spindle and distaff keeping the cows, the sorrowful, hard-working peasant women, the priests exorcising those possessed by the Devil. The gay notes of the gaita with its plaintive undertone sound from his pages. The language, a garrida lengiia nosa, has rarely been written more idiomatically or with a surer instinct for the force and fascination of the native word used in its rightful place. To turn from Losada
to Eduardo Pondal (1835-1917), the poet of Pontcceso, a small village in the district of Coruna, is to go from a village praga to a high mountain-top. He stands quite apart from the other Galician poets. ^ Their irony and scepticism, sorrows and mirth, are mostly of the peasant. But here we have no dance or rustic merriment. The pipe and the drum give place to the wind blowing through an Aeolian harp. The poet
Sofia antr'as uces hirtas

Na gentil En donde

arpa apoyado vento suspira.^

He is a lonely, martial spirit, disdainful but never arrogant, hating all servitude and looking upon a comfortable inertness as a kind of servitude. There is no pettiness in him, although details of Nature he may notice and love. The most learned of Galician poets, and not sparing of classical allusions, he is yet entirely merged in the forces of Nature and becomes a voice, a mystery. Some of his poems are a single sentence of perhaps twenty words, a musical cry borne slowly away on the wings
'

Soaces, p. 156.

The

espadela

is

the task of braking flax.

Perhaps the only poem that might have been written by Pondal is that on p. 177 (the first verse) of Rosalia tie Castro's Follas Novas (1910 ed.). ^ Oueixjimes dos Finos (1886), p. loi.
*

THE GALICIAN REVIVAL

of

353

the wind. He sings of mists (the Gallegan bretoma) and pregnant silences, the whispering of the pines, the great chestnuttrees and Celtic oaks, of the swift daughter of the mists and the intrepid daughter of the noble Celts of old forgotten far-off things, battles long ago. One must go to Ireland for a parallel. It has been noticed of him that he is entirely pre-Christian His long epic on the discovery of he is almost prehistoric. America, in twenty-seven cantos, Os Eoas, remained unpublished at his death. Nor would it be easy to account for his popularity were it not for the poem by which he won early fame A Campana d'Anllons. It is full of music and melancholy, a plaintive farewell addressed to his native village by a Galician peasant imprisoned at Oran. His subsequent verses, collected in Riimores de los Pinos (1879) ^-^^d Queixumes dos Pinos (1886), if they could not increase his popularity, brought him a wide recognition
'

',

among all lovers of poetry. The undefinable fascination of many of these poems is due to their aloofness, tenderness, and sorrowful music. He is a genuine Celtic bard, child of the wind
and the rain, with Rosalia de Castro the truest poet produced by modern Galicia. The most prominent of the later Galician poets was Manuel CuRROS Enriquez (1851-1908), whose work Aires d'a niina terra (1880) was condemned by the Bishop of Orense and republished in the following year. Born at Celanova in the middle of the nineteenth century, he studied law at Santiago de Compostela and became a journalist. His advanced opinions caused him to emigrate, first to London, then to South America. His anticlericalism was pronounced in Aires d'a mina terra, and even more so in a forcible satire describing a pilgrimage to Rome, written in triadas'^ and entitled Divino Sainete (1888).

He writes of dogma assassinating liberty, heaps abuse on Ignacio de Loyola, hails the advent of the railway to Galicia as bringing not priests but progress. All this has caused his poems to be widely read. But the reader has the agreeable surprise to find that many of them deal quite simply with the legends {A Virxe d'o Cristal) or customs {Unha Boda en Einibd, Gneiteiro, &c.) of his native country, and show a true poetic power and a quiet and accurate observation of Nature. We forget all about anticlericalism and the Pope in reading of spring in Galicia, of the xentis andurinas, the anemas ringing, and the children who come singing a mayo and asking for chestnuts. Curros Enriquez would not be a Galician were not his work of a melancholy cast, and the charm of some of his poems is also indigenous. The
* For an earlier example of the same kind of tercets (ahacdcefe) see R, de Castro, Follas Novas, 1910 ed., p. 158.

2.^62

354

APPENDIX

torch of Galician poetry burnt on after Curros Enriquez had ceased to write. D. Evaristo Martelo Pauman (born c. 1853) in his Liricas Gallegas (1891) showed that he possessed the traditional charm and satire of Gahcian verse, but a charm and satire that in his case had become all individual and subjective.

Aureliano J. Pereira (figoG), author of Cousas (Va Aldea (1891), displayed a rustic humour in sketching with many a gay note the life of the Galician peasantry, and, in his more subjective poems, a very real and delicate lyrical gift. sly humour also marks the work of Alberto GarcIa Ferreiro It is (1862-1902) in Volvoretas (1887) and Chorimas (1890). sometimes marred by the bitterness of his anticlerical and anti-Spanish feeling. In the stream's voice he hears a murmur against the mayor and the judge, the cacique is dragon, tiger and snake ', the monks and priests are greedy and ignorant. On the other hand, when they describe a fair {N'a feira) or a pilgrimage or the woes of the Galician emigrant, his poems are, moving, vivid, and full of local colour. In a slight volume of

'

poems, Salayos (1895),

Manuel Nunez GonzXlez

(1865-1917)

shows true lyrical power. They are poems in Galician rather than of Galicia, telling in a plaintive music of night, autumn, morrina, soedades. For all the author's love of his smaller country, it is Galicia seen from without,^ or sung from memory. The vintage songs and the gay din of chestnut gatherings' are no longer, as with Losada and Lamas, a part oi life, but a dream in the ideal realm of thought',^ a subject of disillusion and regret. Folerpas^ (1894) by D. Eladio Rodriguez GonzAlez (born in 1864) is also essentially not of the people. In its less elaborate poems it often describes, attractively and with much colour, popular customs and dances, thai night of St. John, as festas d'a mina terra. Yet after recording the pleasant superstition that on St. John's Day the sun rises dancing, the author must needs pause to say away with these fanatical beliefs, unworthy of a civilized region to which the answer is that such reflections may be sincere but are unworthy of poetry, and should be expressed in prose. But the author!
' ' '

',

of these verses can,

peasants whose

life

when he wishes, identify himself with the he depicts,* and is capable of writing poems
is

* The very word morrifla than in GaHcia.

more common

(in
*

the sense of saudade) at Madrid

*
'

Salayos, p. 65. Also flepa, folepa, folepina,

Portuguese folheca

floco,

froco,

copo

'flake').
* The passage (Folerpas,]}. 182) in which a peasant, refusing alms woman, bids her beg of the rich, is scarcely drawn from life.

to an old

THE GALICIAN REVIVAL

of great delicacy.

355

The general impression is that he has not grown up among these scenes but is observing them keenly as might a stranger. The edict of the Archbishop of Santiago (June 26, 1909), which made it a deadly sin to read Fume de Palla (1909), by Alfredo Nun de Allariz as containing impious, blasphemous, and heretical propositions, gave these poems a wider publicity than they might otherwise have attained, and they received a second edition in the same year. It certainly savours of blasphemy and is bad criticism to call Curros Enriquez the Galician Christ, but it is to be feared that the excommunication of the author will only encourage him to abandon simple
'

',

'

verses written without art ', as in his preface he describes these, for more studied poems with a thesis to prove. It is perhaps disquieting to find that three poets in most respects so different, agree in this, that between them and popular poetry a gulf is fixed, owing to the sensitive aloofness of a true poet (for Nufiez Gonzalez was undoubtedly the most talented of the younger Galicians), or owing to the adoption of the superior standpoint of the rationalist or the anticlerical. Younger poets of remarkable promise and achievement are D. Gonzalo Lopez Abente (born in 1878), a relative of Eduardo Pondal, whom he sometimes recalls in the original inspiration of Escumas da Ribeira D. Antonio Noriega Varela (1914) and Alento da Raza (1917) (born in 1869), whose deep love for his native moors and mountains gives an eternal magic to Montanesas (1904) and D'O Ermo (1920) D. Ramon Cabanillas, who voices the sorrows and aspirations of Galicia in Vento Mareiro and Da Terra Asohallada (1917) and D. Antonio Rey Soto, who, however, writes chiefly in Castilian. D. Xavier Prado expresses the very soul of the peasantry in A Caron do Lume (1918). The poets of the last half-century have unquestionably justified the literary revival of the Galician language, and even if in the future no poetry of the highest order be written in Galicia, it is unthinkable that so musical an instrument should be allowed to perish. Galician poetry may be a thin, an elfin music, a scrannel voice, as of a wind blowing through tamarisks, but it has a natural charm, a raciness, a native atmosphere which give it a peculiar flavour and attraction. Literary contests, veladas, certames^ xogos froraes, keep the flame of poetry alive in Galicia, but in its anonymous form it is a very vigorous growth which needs no fostering, and flourishes now as it flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as it flourished in the time of the Romans.
;

Hundreds
cantilena,

cantar, cantarino, or cancio) have been collected in the Cancionero Popular Gallego (Madrid, 3 vols.,

of

anonymous quadras
cantigiiina,

[cantiga,

cantiguela,

copra,

z 2

356

APPENDIX

1886) by Jose Perez Ballesteros (I1918). The peasant women compose and sing their songs to-day^ as when Fray Martin Sar-

miento (1695-1772) noticed that eii Galicia las mujeres no solo son poetisas sino tamhien musicas naturales,^ or the Marques de Montcbello hstcned to las tonos que a coros cantan con fitgas y repeticiones las mozuelas, or the Archpriest of Hita w^atched the cantaderas dancing (as well as singing) in neighbouring Asturias.^ The ancient mnineira rhythm continues, and the parallelstrophed songs of the early Cancioneiros have their echoes in the anonymous poetry of to-day. It is, indeed, of interest to note how the poets of the revival fall quite naturally into the same parallelism and the same repetition.* Besides these muineiras the popular poetry consists principally of quadras.^ Traditional romances are nearly non-existent. This popular poetry (soft, musical, malicious, satirical) connects by a thread of anonymous song the Galicia of to-day with the whole of its past life, and the revivalists are likely to prosper in proportion as they seek their inspiration in popular sources, as did Rosalia de Castro. For the Galician peasants, living in a land of mists and streams, inlet arms of sea, dark pinewoods, deep-valleyed mountains, green maize-fields, and grey mysterious rocks, a land of spirits and fairies and witches, of legends and ruins, have Poetry is their natural the Celt's instinct and love of poetry. expression. For prose in Galician literature there is less genius, and perhaps less incentive, since the country has been described with intimate knowledge and charm in the Castilian novels of Dona Emilia Pardo Bazan (1851-1921) and Don Ramon Maria del Valle-Inclan (born in 1870), and more recently by Don Jaime Sola (born in 1877). But the value and possibilities of Galician prose have been shown by D. Aurelio Ribalta (born in 1864) in
G. Ferreiro, Chorimas, Cantade, ncnas, cantade 50 das mofas R. de Castro, Cant. Gall., p. 102, As meninas cantan, cantan. Cf. also E. Pardo Bazan, De mi tierra (1888), p. 122 las \coplas'\ gallegas de las cuales buena parte debe ser obra de hembras. * Memorias para la historia de la poesia y poetas espanoles (Obras Postumas,
'

Cf. Cancionero,

i.

p.

76, as

cantigtiinas

i, Madrid, 1775, p. 238, 538). See C. da Ajuda, ed. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos (1904), ii. 902. Cf. R. de Castro, Cantares Gallegos (1909 ed.), p. 18 (mantelo, refaixo), p. 19 {mar, rio), pp. 20-1 [e-a), p. 27 {terras, vilas), p. 29 {pousaban, vivian), Aires d'a Follas Novas (1910 ed.), p. 229 (a-e) p. 85 {vestira, calzara) miiia terra (ed. 191 1). p. 35 {queria, pensaba), p. 139 {i-a), p. 249 (a miles, A. Camino, Poesias Gallegas, Chorimas, p. 36 {estrevidos, ousados) a centos) Que noite aquela en que eu a vin gemindo ! {chorar /). p. 19 * Quatrains of which lines 2 and 4 are in rhyme or assonance, e.g. Rulina que vas volando Sin facer case a ninguen, Vai e dille a aquela nena Que sempre Sometimes the quadra is really a quixen ben. Tercetos are rarer {aba). a tercet with line i repeated iaaba).

vol.
^

THE GALTCIAN REVIVAL

357

Fernixe (1894) and by D. Manuel Lugris y Freire (born in 1863) in Contos de Asieumedre (1909). It is, indeed, in the conto that especial success has been won, and Heraclio Perez Placer, whose novel Frediccion appeared in 1887, is widely known for his Contos, Leendas e TradiciSs de Galicia (1891), Contos da Terrina (1895), and Veira do Lar (1901). Contos da Terrina, thirty-four stories in some two hundred brief pages, are various and unequal in value. Most of them are sad, even the harmless St. Martin magosto ends in a death. They contain many intimate descriptions of Galicia and the life of the villages about Orense. There is much pathos in Vellina, yniiia vellina !, in Rapanota de Xasmis, and especially in Follas Secas, an exquisite picture of an old peasant dying alone in a dark room its walls are black with smoke, yellow maize-cobs hang from the ceiling while through the open door come all the gay sounds and colours of a Galician vintage. The poetess Francisca Herrera, author of Almas de Midler (19 15) and Sorrisas e Bdgoas (1918), has recently turned to prose with remafkable success in Neveda Few Galician poets have published volumes of prose, (1920). although many have contributed as journalists to the local press, but it would be difficult to find a prose-writer who is not also a poet.^ And it is by its poetry that Galicia has won for itself a notable place in modern literature and added another

leaf to the literary laurels of the Peninsula.

* D. Aurelio Ribalta is author in verse of Os mens votos (1903) and Libro de Konsagrazidn (1910); D. Manuel Lugris of Soidades (1894), Noitebras Snr. Perez Placer of Cantares Gallegos (1891). D. Florencio Vaa(1910) MONDE (bom in i860), author of a Resume da Historia de Galicia (1898), also wrote, in verse, Os Calaicos (1894). Recently Galician literature has found a keen historian in D. Eugenic Carr6 Aldao, whose Literatura Gallega (2nd ed., 191 1) also contains an anthology.
;

INDEX
53. 54. 55. 56, 59. 61. 69. 91, 98. 103, 124, 126, 349.

Aboim

Joan de), 46, 52. Abranches, Conde de, 88. Abreu Mousinho (Manuel de), 203.
(D.

Academia das
284.

Sciencias de Portugal,

Academia Academia Academia Academia Academia

dos Esquecidos, 261. dos Generosos, 261. dos Singulares, 261. Real da Historia, 270. Real das Sciencias de Lis-

Alfonso XI, 38, 42, 90. Alfonso Onceno, Poenia de, 73. Almeida (Cristovam de), 245. Almeida (Diogo de), 192. Almeida (Fortunato de), 307. Almeida (D. Francisco de), 92, 98.

boa, 14, 15, 284, 294. Acenheiro. See Rodriguez Azinheiro. Ados dos Apostolos, 59. Adagios, 346.

Almeida Almeida Almeida Almeida Almeida Almeida

301.

Leonor de), 276. (Lopo de), 92, 128. (Manuel de), 205. (Rodrigo Antonio de), 163. (Theodoro de), 285. e Medeiros (Lourengo de),
(D.

Addison (Joseph), 290.

Aesop, 60, 350.

Almeida Garrett (Joao Baptista da Silva Leitao), Visconde de, 21, 33, 74, 186, 242, 261, 277, 279, 28792, 293, 294, 299, 300, 302. 309, 338.

Afonso I, 188, 211, 305, 307, Afonso III, 38, 42, 46, 52. Afonso IV, 38, 87. Afonso V, 82, 86, 87. 88, 89,
100, III, 211, 261.

Alorna, Marquesa de [D. Leonor de Almeida Portugal Lorena e Lencastre,

92, 93,

Afonso VI, 260, 268, 295, 311. Afonso, Infante [xiii c], 67. Afonso, Infante [xiv c], 67, 70. Afonso, Infante [xv c], 88, 100, loi,
103.

Condessa de Assumar, Condessa de Oeynhausen], 274, 276-7, 294. Alvarengo Peixoto (Ignacio Jose de),
274.

Afonso, Mestre, 220.

Afonso (Gregorio), 124. Afonso (Martim), Mestre, 220. Aguia, A, 333.

Agustobrica, 234. Airas (Joan), 52. Aires (Francisco), 247. Alarcon (Pedro Antonio de), 297. Alarte (Vicente) pseud. See Gomez de Moraes. Albuquerque (Afonso de), 57, 88, 99,
107, 108, 116, 127, 190, 191, 194, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 2og, 220,

Alvarez Alvarez Alvarez Alvarez Alvarez Alvarez

(Afonso), 157. (Francisco), 33, 219-20, 224. (Joao), 89. (Luis), 245. de Andrade (Fernam), 239.

de Lousada Machado (Gas-

par), 62.

Alvarez de Villasandino (Alfonso), 77,

79. 125.

Alvarez do Oriente (Fernam),

253.
25.5-

152,

Alvarez Pereira (Nuno), 50, 62, 8t,

84, 86, 92, 155, 291, 306, 307.

Amadis de Gaula, 64, 65-71, 119, 225. Amaral (Antonio Caetano do), 292. Amaral (Francisco do), 245.
Amaro, Vida de Santo, 60. Ambrogini (Angelo). See Poliziano.

228-9, 260, 312.

Albuquerque (Bras de), 201-2. Albuquerque (Jeronymo de), 204. Albuquerque (D. Jorge de), 218. Alcobaga (Bernardo de), 59, 95.
Alcoforado (Marianna), 263-4, 37' Aleandro, Cardinal, 126. Aleixo, Vida de Santo, 60. Alexandra, Queen, 340.
Alfieri (Vittorio), 290.

Amigo (Pedro) de Sevilha, 51. Amorim. See Gomes de Amorim. Andrade (Antonio de), 204. Andrade (Francisco de), 189, 209,
224, 239.

Andrade (Thome de). See Jesus (Thome de). Andrade Caminha (Pero de), 143,
149-50, 213.

Alfonso X,

13, 26, 28, 30, 37, 40, 41-6,

360
Andrade Corvo (Joao de), 295. Andrade e Silva (Jose Bonifacio
274.

INDEX
Avellar Brotero (Felix de), 17.
de),

Anez Solaz

(Pedro), 29.

Angeles (Juan de los), 250. Angra, Bishop of, 287.

Avicenna, 85. Avis, Mestre de. See Jocto 1. Aj'res de Magalhaes Sepulveda tovam), 223, 334-5. Ayres Victoria (Anrique), 165.

(Cris-

Anjos (Luis dos), 247. Anjos (Manuel dos), 247. Annunzio (Gabriele d"), 321.

Azevedo (Briolanja de), 142. Azevedo (Guilherme de). See Azevedo

Azevedo Azevedo Azevedo Azevedo
310.

Anon

(Francisco), 348.

Chaves. (Joao Lucio de), 307.

(Luis de), 100.

Anrique.

See Henrique.

Anriquez

(Luis), 100, 102-3. Antonio, Mestre, 125. Antonio, D., Prior of Crato, 145, 195,

(Manuel de), 17. (Maximiliano Eugenio

de),
13, 81,

de),

229, 236, 263.

Azevedo (Pedro A.
68, 93,

211,

Antonio (Nicolds),

130,

169,

308.

192, 197, 207, 212.

Azevedo Chaves (Guilherme Avelino

de), 330.

Antunes (Joao), 249. Aquinas (Thomas). See Thomas. Araujo (Joaquim de), 335. Araujo de Azevedo (Antonio de), 273. Arcadia, A Nova, 270.
Arcadia Ulyssiponense, 270, 271, 272,
273-

Azevedo Tojal (Pedro

de), 274.

Azinheiro. See Rodriguez Azinheiro. Azorin pseud. [Don Jose Martinez Ruiz], 134, 326. Azurara. See Zurara.

Archivo Historico Porttiguez, 308. Argote de Molina (Gonzalo), 77. Arias Montano (Benito), 209. Ariosto (Lodovico), 139, 140, 146,
152, 164, 180, 197, 260. Aristotle, 85, 90, 92, 119, 163, 193.

B
Bacellar

(Antonio

Barbosa).

See

Barbosa Bacellar. Bacon (Francis), 209. Bahia (Jeronimo), 256. Baiao (Antonio), 13.
Baist (Gottfried), 65, 70.

Arnoso, Bernardo Pinheiro Corr^a de Mello, Conde de, 324. Arquivo. See Archivo. Arquivo Historico Portugues. See Portugiicz. Historico Archivo Arraez (Jeronimo), 238. Arraez de Mendoga (Amador), 16, 227, 232, 235, 237-S. Arte de Furtar, 125, 264-5, 272. Asenjo Barbieri (Francisco), 36, 123. Athaide (Catherina de), 175, 179.

Balzac (Honore de), 299. Bandarra (Gonzalo Annez), 265, 268,

340-1.
'

Bandello (Matteo), 231. Barata (Antonio Francisco), 272.

Barbieri

(Francisco

Asenjo).

Sec

Athaide Oliveira (Francisco Xavier

de), 347-

Asenjo Barbieri. Barbosa (Ayres), 106. Barbosa (Duarte), 198, 219, 227. Barbosa Bacellar (Antonio), 256. Barbosa de Carvalho (Tristao), 247. Barbosa Machado (Diogo), 87, 168,
192, 197, 217, 220, 232, 236, 240, 250, 284. Barcellos, Conde de. See Pedro

Augustine, Saint, 26, 56, loi, 115.

Austen (Jane), 316. Auto da Fome, 162. Auto da Forneira de Aljubarrota, 163. Auto da Gerafao Humana, 156. Auto das Padeiras, 162. Auto de Deus Padre, 156-7. Auto del Nascimiento de Christo, 155. Auto de Santa Genoveva, 162. Auto do Dia de Juizo, 157. Auto do Escudeiro Surdo, 125. Auto Figurado da Degolafao dos
Inocentes, 162.

Afonso. Bdrcia Caballero (Juan), 351.

Barlaam
59.

Baretti (Giuseppe), 270. e Josaphat, Lenda dos Santos,

Barradas (Manuel), 205.

Barreira (Joao da), 203. Barreiros (Caspar), 219. Barreiros (Lopo), 219. Barreto (Francisco), 177, 178, 195. Barreto (Pedro), 178. Barros (Bras de), 95.

Aveiro, D. Joao de Lencastre,

de, 221.

Duque

Aveiro,

Dukes

of, 71.

Aveiro (Pantaleam

de), 220.

Barros (Guilherme Augusto de), 295. Barros (Joao de), 20, 69, 75, 86, 88,

INDEX
95,

361

113,

169,

180,

181,

184,

190,

Botclho (Abel Acacio de Almeida),

311, 321-2.

192-5, 196, 197, 198, 201, 206, 207, 208, 215, 216, 218, 220, 232, 233, 243. 344-

Botelho (Afonso), 325.

Bouterwek

(Friedrich), 14, 137.

Barros (Joao
253-

de), of

Oporto, 68, 125,

Braamcamp
teiro),

Freire (Anselmo), 14, 15,

81, 84, 112, 115, 308.

Barros (Joao de), poet, 336. Barros (Lopo de), 192. Baudelaire (Charles), 336.
Beatriz, Beatriz,

Braga (Alberto Leal Barradas Mon325-6.

of

Infanta,

mother

King

Braga (Guilherme), 330. Braga (Joaquim Theophilo

Manuel, iii.
Infanta, daughter of King Manuel, 120, 133, 291. Beauvais (Vincent de), 44.

Fernandes), 14, 15, 23, 24, 37, 65, 70,

74, 75, 76, 90, III, 112, 133, 137, 142, 231, 253, 304, 309, 342, 344,

345. 347-

Beccari (Camillo), 205.

Beckford (William), iii, 277, 296. Beirao (Mario), 334. See Villas-Boas.. Beja, Bishop of.
Belchior, Padre, 223.

Bembo

Bento, Regra de

(Pietro), 39, 140, 212. S., 59. Berceo (Gonzalo de), 43. Beresford (William Carr), Viscount,

Braganza, Ferdinand, Duke of, 97. Braganza, Isabella, Duchess of, 149. Braganza, James, Duke of, 103, 120. Braganza, John, Duke of. See Joao IV. Braganza, Theodosio, Duke of, 147,
153-

290.

Berger

(S.),

338.
165.

Brancuti, di Cagli, Paolo Antonio, Conte, 37. Brandao (Antonio), 73, 207, 208, 216. Brandao (Diogo), 102, 103-4.

Bermudez (Geronimo),

Bernard, St., 94, 207. Bernardes (Manuel), 14, 16, 20, 224, 245, 249-50, 261. Bernardes (Maria), 249. Bernardez (Diogo), 14, 143, 145-7,
148, 149,153. 181, 183, 184. 185, 272.

Brandao Brandao Brandao Brandao Brandao

(Francisco), 62, 208. (Hilario), 241.

Bezerra (Branca), no.

Bible, The, 59, 94, 95, 113, 128, 170, 246, 251, 338. Blester (Ernesto), 314. Bilac (Olavo), 335. Bingre (Francisco Joaquim), 270.

Bluteau (Raphael), 284-5. Bocage (Manuel Maria de Barbosa

du), 186, 275, 277-8, 281.

Bocarro (Antonio), 19S. Boccaccio (Giovanni), 132, 231, 340.

Boccalini (Traiano), 255. Boileau (Nicolas), 274.

(Julio), 327-8, 335. (Maria), 137. (Raul), 328. Braunfels (Ludwig von), 65. Bridges (Robert), 336. Brito (Bernardo de), 18, 72, 139, 2068, 215, 216, 251. Brito (Duarte de), 104, 118, 124, 127. Brito Aranha (Pedro Wenceslau de), 308. Brito de Andrade (Balthasar de), 207. Brito Pestana (Alvaro de), 100, loi, 127. Brito Rebello (Jacinto Ignacio de), 112, 168. Brochado (Luis), 341. Brule (Gace), 48.

Bruno pseud.
paio.

See Pereira de

Sam-

Bonamis, 122. Bonaval (Bernaldo

de), 28, 29.

Buchanan
302-3.

(George), 106.

Bonifazio II, 41. Bonilla y San Martin (Adolfo), 339. Boosco Delleytoso, 93-4. Bordallo (Francisco Maria), 316.

Bulhao Pato (Raimundo Antonio),

Bunyan

(John), 249.

Borges (G<)ngalo), 176.

Bomelh

Boron [ = Borron] (Robert de), 64. Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 58, 136,
140, 143, 154, 160, 172, 181. Bosco Deleitoso. See Boosco Delleytoso.

(Guiraut de), 48, 344.

Buonarroti (Michelangelo), 230. Burgos (Andre de), 18, 203. Bussinac (Peire de), 47. Byron, George Gordon Noel, Lord,
183, 302.

Caamooes.
;

Bosque (Dimas), 226.

Boswell (James), 302.

Caballero

'

See Camoes. (Ferndn) pseud. Bohl de FaberJ, 316.

[Cecilia

362

INDEX
Cardoso (Joao), 245. Cardoso (Jorge), 71.

Cabanillas (Ramon), 355. CabedodeVasconcellos (Jos6dc), 109. Cabral (Paulo Antonio), 278. Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), 107. Cacegas (Luis de), 242. Caceres (Louren^o de), 191, 102. Caiel pseud. See Pestana (Alice).
Cairel (Elias), 112. Caldas (Jose de), 321.

Magno, Verdadeira Historia do Imperador, 339. Carneiro da Cunha (Alfredo), 336.

Carlos

Carpancho (Airas), 29. Carre Aldao (Eugenio), 357. Cartagena (Alonso de). Bishop
Burgos, 91. Cartas que as Padres
205.
. .
.

of

Caldeira (Fernando Afonso Geraldes),

310.

escreveram,

Calderon de la Barca (Pedro), 129,

130. 249Calvo (Pedro), 244. Camacho (Diogo), 256. Camara (D. Joao Gon9alves da), 311, 326, 327.

Zarco

Carvalho de Parada (Antonio), 266. Casimiro (Augusto), 334. Casquicio (Fernam), 77, 78. Castanheda (Fernam Lopez de). See Lopez de Castanheda. Castanheira, Conde de [or da], 141,
214.

Caminha (Antonio Louren^o), 147. Caminha (Joao), 149, 150. Camino (Alberto), 348-9. Camoes (Luis de), 14, 16, 20, 77, 130,
139, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 155. 158. 166, 167, 174-86, 193, 197, 204, 206, 216, 217, 226, 229, 256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 272, 277, 278, 281, 338. Campancho (Airas). See Carpancho. Campos (Agostinho de), 231. Campos (Claudia de), 324. Campos Moreno (Diogode), 204.

Castanhoso (Miguel

de), 196, 203.

Cancioneirinko de Trovas Antigas, 36,

37. 39.

Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti, 27, 35,

37. 38, 63, 66, 69, 70, 140.

Castelar (Emilio), 349. Castello Branco (Camiilo), Visconde de Correa Botelho, 109, 134, 187, 243, 256, 286, 295, 297-9, 304, 325, 332. Castello Rodrigo, Marqueses de, 211. Castiglione (Baldassare), 154. Castilho (Antonio de), 203. Castilho (Antonio Feliciano) Visconde de, 292, 299-300, 302, 304, 316. Castilho (Joao de), 203. Castilho (Julio), second Visconde de, 278, 304. Castillejo (Cristobal de), 33.
,

Cancioneiro da Ajuda, 36, 37, 38, 39,

56. 6i-

Castro (Augusto de), 314. Castro (Eugenio de), 336-7. Castro (In6s de), 75, 84, 97, 165, 273,
282, 284, 304, 310, 312.

Cancioneiro da Vaticana,

13, 36, 37,

38, 50. 73. 96. 98, 125, 344.

Cancioneiro del Rei D. Dinis, 36, 37. Cancioneiro de Resende. See CanCancioneiro
36, 67. 76, 77. Cancioneiro Geral, 13, 33, 36, 79, 96105, 118, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 140, 141, 167, 184, 225, 256. Cancionero de Baena, 36, 66, 77, 79, 96. Cancionero General, 36, 98, 104.

cioneiro Geral. Gallego-Castelhano,

Cancionero Musical. See Ascnjo Barbieri.

Castro (D. Joao de), 158, 187, 190, 199, 227-8, 243, 266. Castro (D. Joao de), novelist, 321. Castro (Joao Baptista de), 248. Castro (Publia Hortensia de), 107. Castro de Murguia (Rosalia de), 348, 349-50, 352. 353. 356Castro e Almeida (Virginia de), 325. Castro Osorio (Anna de), 324-5. Catherina, Queen, 120. Catherine II, Empress of Russia, 286. Cava, Poema da, 72.

Caxton (William),

60.

Cancionero Popular Gallego, 36, 355-6. Cantanhede, Conde de, loi. Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti. See Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti.

Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca See Cancioneiro da Vaticana. Vaticana. Cardim (Antonio Francisco), 217. Cardim (Fernam), 205.

Ceita (Joao da), 17, 244-5. Celestina, La, 65, 124, 159, 167, 169, 254, 262. Ceo (Maria do) [Maria de E9a], 257. Ceo (Violante do) [Violante Montesino], 35, 235, 256-7. Cervantes (Miguel de), 78, 116, 130,
152, 233, 241, 262, 265, 284.

Cerveira (Afonso), 86. Chagas (Antonio das), 221, 248-9, 261.

INDEX
Chamilly, Noel Bouton, Marquis de,
263, 264. Charino (Pai

363

Gomez). See Gomez Charino. Charles V, Emperor, 121, 212, 215,

229. Chatillon, Due de, 233. Cliiado. See Ribeiro Chiado. Child Rolim de Moura (Francisco),
-.57-

Correggio (Antonio AUegri da), 134. Correia. See Corrfia. Carte Imperial, 94, 113. Corte Real (Jeronimo), 181, 187-b. Cortesao (Jaime), 314, 342. Costa (Antonio da), 286. Costa (Bras da), 99. Costa (Claudio Manuel da), 274,
279.

Chrisfal,

Trovas

de.

Sec Crisfal.

Christina,

Queen

of

Sweden, 268.

Chronica.

See Cronica.

Cicero, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 94, 209, 214, 280. Cid, Poema del, 23, 46, 63. Claro (Joao), 59. Claudian, 277. Clenardus (Nicolaus), 106, 125, 215, 251Cleynarts (Nicholas). See Clenardus. Clusius. See ficluse. Codax (Martin), 29. Coelho (Estevam), 30, 52. Coelho (Francisco Adolpho), 15, 112, 231, 308, 347. Coelho (Jorge), 180. Coelho da Cunha (Jose), 336. Coelho Rebello (Manuel), 163.

Costa Costa Costa Costa Costa

(Diogo da), 163. (D. Francisco da), 239, 240. (Leonel da), 144. (Manuel da), 180.

Lobo (Antonio de Sousa da

Silva), 307, 312.

Costa Perestrello (Pedro da), 147-8. Cota (Rodrigo), 23.

CoudelMor, O.
de).

See Silveira (Fernam

Coutinho (Fernando de), 99. Coutinho (D. Francisco), Conde de Redondo, 178, 220. Coutinho (D. Gon9alo), 140, 206. Couto (Diogo do), 138, 177, 178, 184,
190,

192,

195-8,

216,

218,

225,

254-

Couto Guerreiro (Miguel

de), 285.

Craveiro (Tiburcio Antonio), 54. Crisfal, Trovas de, 136-9.

Cristoforus, Dr., 82.

Coimbra (Leonardo
Coincy (Gautier

de), 20.

de), 43, 44. Colocci (Angelo), 37, 39. Colonna (Egidio), 66. Colonna (Vittoria), 140, 230.

Cronica Breve do Archive Nacional,

60.

Cronica
61.

da

Conquista

do

Algarve,

Conceigao (Alexandre da), 330. Conestaggio (Girolamo Franchi

210.

Cronica da
di),

Fundagam do Mosteiro

de

S. Vicente, 61.

Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores,

60.

Congreve (William), 224.

Conquista de Ultramar, Gran, 339. Consciencia (Manuel), 250. Consiglieri Pedroso (Zophimo), 307,
347-

Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique,

210.

Cronica do Condestabre de Portugal,

84-5-

Cordeiro (Antonio), 138, 206. Cordeiro (Luciano), 307.

Cronica dos Vicentes.

See Cronica da

Fundagam.
Cronica Troy ana, 61. Cronicas Breves, 60. Cruz (Agostinho da), 145, 148. Cruz (Bernardo da), 209. Cruz (Caspar da), 220. Cunha (Joao Louren90 da), 31. Cunha (Jose Anastasio da), 274.

Cornu (Jules), 59. Corpancho (Airas). See Carpancho. Corpancho (Manuel Nicolas), 29. Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum, 18. Coronica do Covdestahre de Purtugal. See Cronica. Correa (Caspar), 14, 20, 88, 177, 194, 198-201, 226. Correa (Jeronimo), 112. Correa (Luis Franco), 186. Correa de OUveira (Antonio), 332,
337-

Cunha (Nuno da), 161, 176, 199. Cunha (D. Rodrigo da), 243. Cunha (Tristao da), 97, 116. Cunha Rivara (Joaquim Heliodoro
da), 292.

Curros
355-

Enriquez

(Manuel),

353-4,

Correa Gar9ao (Pedro Antonio Joaquim), 271-2. Correa Pinto (Roberto), 85.

Curvo

Semedo

Torres

Sequeira

(Belchior Manuel), 278.

364

INDEX
D
Eanez (Rodrigo). See Yannez. Eanez de Vasconcellos (D. Rodrigo),
54-

Daniel (Samuel), 164. Danse macabre, 123.

Dantas (Julio), 313. Dante Alighieri, 19, 54,

179, 188. 197, 237.

123, 139, 146,

Eanez
Eannez.

de

Zurara
See Eanez.

(Gomez).

See

Zurara.

Danza de la Mnerte, 123. De Imitatione Christi, 240.

Delicado (Antonio), 346. Demanda do Santo Graall, 63, 64, 67,
71-

Denis, King. See Dinis. Denis (Jean Ferdinand), 19, 307. Deslandes (Venancio), 231.

Eannez (Rodrigo). See Yannez. fibrard (Aymeric d'), 54. E9a (Maria de). See Ceo (Maria do). E9a de Queiroz (Jose Maria de), 97, 314, 316-18, 322, 325. Clarim da Fania dci, Eccos que
256. ficluse (Charles de 1'), 226. Edward I, of England, 41.

Earl of, 289. Destroyfum de Jerusalem. See Vespeseano, Estorea de. Destruction de Jerusalem, 64. Deus (Joao de). See Nogueira Ramos. Dias (Epiphanio). See Silva Dias. Dias Gomes (Francisco), 20, 21, 269,
first

Desmond, Maurice,

Egas Moniz. See Moniz Coelho. Elizabeth, Queen of England, 209. Eloy, Lenda de Santo, 60.
Elysio (Filinto). See Nascimento.

285.

Diaz (Balthasar), 158-9, 289, 339. Diaz (Bartholomeu), 98. Diaz (Henrique), 218, 279. Diaz (D. Lopo), 51. Diaz (Nicolau), 215. Diaz (Ruy), El Cid, 92, Diaz de Landim (Caspar), 88. Dickens (Charles), 315. Dinis, King, 13, 14, 28, 30. 37, 38, 39,
48. 51. 52. 53. 54-7. 58. 59, 60, 61, 67, 69, 70. 105. 140. 208, 294, 339. See Dinis. Diniz, King.

Encarna9ao (Antonio da), 242. Ennes (Antonio), 18, 310, 314. Enzina (Juan del), 19, 109, 113,

122, 123, 124. Erasmus (Desiderius), 130, 212, 215. See Meneses. Ericeira, Conde da. Esguio (Fernando), 29. Esopo, Livro de, 60.

Espelho de Prefeygam, 95. See Espelho de Christina.

(Christine de).

Pisan

Diniz (Joao), 335. Diniz (Julio) pseud. See Gomes Coelho. (Antonio), Diniz da Cruz e Silva 186, 273-4. 340Dioscorides, 226. Ditos da Freira. See
da).

Esperan9a, Visconde de, 187. Esperan9a (Manuel da), 243. Espinola (Fradique), 247-8. Espirito Santo (Antonio do). Ribeiro Chiado. Esplandian. See Sergas.

See

Gama

(D.

Joana

DoUinger (Johann Joseph Ignaz von),

295-

Espronceda (Jose de), 301. Esquio (Fernando). See Esguio. Esta90 (Achilles), 106. Esta90 (Balthasar), 151. Esta90 (Caspar), 151. Este (Joao Baptista d'), 245. Esteves Negrao (Manuel Nicolau),
273-

Dornellas (Afonso de), 307.

Dozy

(Reinhart), 22.
150.

Esteves Pereira (Francisco Maria),

60, 64, 84, 90, 308.

14,

Drake (Sir Francis), Dryden (John), 209.

Joao
307-

Duarte, Infante [|-i576], 150. Duarte, Infante [|-i54o], brother of

III, 164, 167, 215.

See VesEstorea de Vespeseano. peseano. Estrella (Antonio da), 162, 338. Eufrosina, Vida de, 59.

Duarte, Infante, brother of Joao V,

Duarte,

Kmg, 13, 38, 46, 55, 59, 63, 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 90-2, 93,
124, 211.

Falcao

(Cristovam de Sousa),

105,

137-9. 197-

Duarte (Afonso), 334. Duarte de Almeida (Manuel), 335.

Dtirer (Albrecht), 212.

Falcao de Resende (Andr^), Faria (Antonio de), 2^2. Faria (Pedro de), 222.

21, 150-1,

INDEX
Faria e Sousa (Manuel dc),
18, 20, 68, 130, 140. 145, 147, 153, 176, 180, 184, 187, 204, 209, 216, 224, 282. Faria Severim (Manuel de), 215. Feijo (Antonio Joaquim de Castro),

365

335-

Figueiredo (Antonio Candido de), 308. Figueiredo (Fidelinodc Sousa), 16,308. Figueiredo (Manuel de), 282, 290. Fitzmaurice-Kelly (James), 16. Flaubert (Gustave), 235, 319. Flores e Branca Flor, Historia de, 65,
339. 340Florida. See Relafam Verdadeira do^ trabalhos. Flos Sanctorutn, 94, 225, 259. Fonseca (Balthasar Luis da), 163. Fonseca (Joao da), 249. Fonseca Soares (Antonio da), 248. Fontaines, Baron de, 233. Forner (Juan Pablo), 281. Fradique, Infante, 83.
(Luis). See Correa (Luis Franco). Fran9ois I, 212. Frederick III, Emperor, 93. Freire (Antonio), 262. Freire (Francisco Jose), 285. Freire de Andrade (Jacinto), 256. 261, 266-7. Froissart (Jean), 81, 83. Fructuoso (Caspar), 138, 206.

Feijoo (Jose Sanchez), 347.

Felipe, Infante, 120.

Fenelon (Fran9ois dc), 285. Fenix Renascida, 155, 256, 276.

Feo (Antonio),

17, 156, 244.

See Fernamlo. Fernandes Thomaz Pippa (Annibal),

Ferdinand, King.
308.

Fernandez (Alvaro), 217. Fernandez (Antonio), 230. Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c], 92. Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c. poet], 112. Fernandez (Diogo) [xvi c], 234. Fernandez (Lucas), 124. Fernandez (Roy), 30. Fernandez Alemao (Valentim), 95. Fernandez de Lucena (Vasco), 87, 88. Fernandez Ferreira (Diogo), 89, 229. Fernandez Galvao (Francisco), 244. Fernandez Torneol (Nuno), 28, 31. Fernandez Trancoso (Gon9alo), 231-2,
338-

Franco

Furtado de Mendoza (Diego),

Galaaz, O Livro de, 63. Galen, 226.

22.

Fernando, Infante [son of Joao

81, 89.

I],

Fernando, Infante [son of King Manuel], 230. Fernando, King Consort, 292, 293.

Galhegos (Manuel

Galvam
219.

de), 58, 74, 258. (Antonio), 190, igi, 202-3,

Fernando Fernando
Ferrandez

of Portugal, 84, 210. III, of Castile, 40, 41, 51. de Gerena (Garci), 78-9.
I,

Ferreira (Antonio), 13, 67, 103, 145, 148-9, 165, 166, 272. Ferreira (Carlos), 339. Ferreira de Almeida (Joao), 338. Ferreira de Azevedo (Antonio Xavier),
340.

Galvam (Duarte), 88, 180, 202, Galvam (Francisco), 147-8. Galvam de Andrade (Antonio),

219.
17.

Gama
295-

(Arnaldo de Sousa Dantas da),

(D. (D. (D.

Ferreira de Figueiroa (Diogo), 262. Ferreira de Lacerda (Bernarda), 18, 257Ferreira de Vasconcellos (Jorge), 14,
16, 74, loi, 130, 155, 164, 166, 73, 232, 251, 33S, 346.

Gama Gama Gama Gama Gama

Cristovam da), 203.

Gama
Gama

167-

da), 196. da), 241. (Jose Basilio da), 279. (Leonarda Gil da). See Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia da). (D. Vasco da), Conde de Vidigueira, 99, 107, 175, 190, 191, 192, 196, 200, 301, 312.

Estevam

Joana

Ferreira de Vera (Alvaro), 182. Ferrer (Miguel), 234.

Barros (Henrique), 307.

Ferrus (Pero), 66, 67.

Feuillet (Octave), 299.

Gandavo. See Magalhaes deGandavo. Garcia (Fernan), Esgaravunha, 52.

Garcia (Pero) de Burgos, 51. Garcia de Castrogeriz (Johan), 66. Garcia de Guilhade (D. Joan), 51. Garcia deMascarenhas (Bras), 259-60. Garcia Ferreiro (Alberto), 340, 354. Garcia Peres (Domingo), 18, 151, Garret (B.), Chariteo, 289.
Garrett.

Fialho de Almeida (Jose Valentim),

322, 326. Ficalho, Francisco Manuel Carlos de Mello, third Conde de, 226, 308, 326. Fielding (Henry), 255. Figueira (GuiUierme), 32. Figueiredo (Antero de), 323.

See Almeida Garrett.

Garrido (Luiz Guedes Coutinho), 308.

366
Gautier (Judith), 335.

INDEX
Grao Para, Bishop
Queiroz.
of.

See S. Joseph

Gavaudan,
203.

40.

Gavy de Mcndon9a
Gibbs (James), 209.

(Agostinho de),
de), 65.

Grave (Joao), 321. Gray (Thomas), 277.

Gregory,
St., 90.

Gayangos y Arce (Pascual

Gil (Augusto), 336. Gil y Carrasco (Enrique), 316.

Grinalda, A, 300. Guarda (Stevam), 51.

Guarda, Foros da,

17.

Ginzo (Martin

de), 29.

Giraldez (Afonso), 73. Giraldi (Giambattista), 231. Giraldo, Mestre, 17.

Guedes Teixeira (Fausto), 335. Guerra Junqueiro (Abilio Manuel),

331-2.

Glareanus (Henricus), 212.

Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia da) [Leonarda Gil da Gama], 257. Godinho (Cristovam), 238. Godinho (Manuel), 221, 240, 254.

Guilhade (Joan de), 28, 51, 339. Guilherme (Manuel), 13.

Guimaraes (Delfim),

136.
de), 286. de), Jesuit, 249.

Gusmao (Alexandre Gusmao (Alexandre

Goes (Damiao
215. 265,

de), 14, 15, 39, 83, 86, 88, 92, 113, 194, 202, 209, 211-14,

H
Halifax (John

Goethe (Johann Wolfgang von), 290,

300. 333.

Hallam

227. (Henrj'), 294.

of),

Heine (Heinnch), 351.

(Oliver), 277.

Goldsmith

Henrique, Cardinal, King, 106, 150,

164, 210, 214, 219, 227, 238, 250, 311Henrique, Infante, 18, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 307Henriques (Guilherme J. C), 214. Henry of England, 212. Henry the Navigator, Prince. See Henrique, Infante. Henry, of Burgundy, Count, 210, 271.
2.51.

Gomes (Joao Baptista), 273. Gomes Coelho (Joaquim Guilherme)

[Julio Diniz], 314-16, 317, 324. (Francisco), 290, 301-2, 306, 309, 310. Gomes de Brito (Jose Joaquim), 308. Gomes de Carvalho (Theotonio), 273.

Gomes de Amorim

VHL

Gomes Gomez Gomez Gomez Gomez Gomez

Leal (Antonio Duarte), 332-3.

(Simao), 341.

Charino (Pai), 29-30. de Briteiros (Rui), 46. de Brito (Bernardo), 217. de Moraes (Silvestre), 17. Gon9alves Crespo (Antonio Candido),
324, 330-1.

Henryson (Robert), 60. Herberay des Essarts (Nicholas),

Herculano
de

71.

Carvalho

Araujo

Gon9alves Gon9alves Gon9alves Viana. Gon9alvez Gon9alvez

48.

Dias (Antonio), 331. Lima (Augusto Jose), 300. Vianna. See Gon9alvez
(Ruj'), 229.

(Alexandre), 61, 87, 97, 127, 208, 243, 277, 285, 287, 292-5, 296, 303, 305. 315Herodotus, 226. Herrera y Garrido (Francisca), 357. Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa

Redonda.
Graall.
47,

See

Demanda

do Santo

de Seabra (Fernan),

Historia Trai^ico-Maritima, 196, 2178.

Gon9alvez Lobato (Balthasar), 234. Gon9alvez Viana (Aniceto dos Reis),

18, 294, 308.

Historia Tristani, 63. Historias abreviadas do Testamento

Velho, 59.

Gongora (Luis de), 74, 155, 258. Gonta Colla90 (Branca de), 336. Gonzaga (Thomaz Antonio),
279.

Hita, Archpriest
274,

of.

See Ruiz.
de), 229. de),

Hollanda (Antonio

HoUanda
237-

(Francisco

229-30,

Gonzalez de Sanabria (Ferrant). Gon9alvez de Seabra. Gouvea (Andre de), 106. Gouvea (Antonio de), 106, 206. Gouveia. See GouvSa.

See

Homem

Gower

(John), 89, 90.

19, 154, 253.

Gracian (Baltasar),

Granada

(Luis de), 243.

(Pedro), 105. Homer, 19, 143, 174, 180, 182, 183, 233. 277, 280, 281. Horace, 72, 143, 148, 258, 272, 275, 277. Horta. See Orta. Hugo (Victor), 293, 306, 308, 310, 331, 332, 333

INDEX
Humboldt (Alexander
Hurtado
von), 177.

367
Pereira de
de, 176, 308.

Lemos
conde

Lacerda, Vis-

(Luis), 234. Huysmans (J. K.), 333-

Justinianus (Laurentius), 94.

K
Ichoa
(Martini)', 8g.

Idanha (Pedro de AIca90vaCarneiro), Conde de, 182.

Ignacio de Loyola, San, 353.
Isabel, Empress, 121. Isabel, Infanta, 121. Isabel, Queen Consort of

Karr (Alphonse), 322. Keats (John), 138, 281.

Afonso V,

La Bruy^re (Jean de), 91. Lacerda (Augusto), 314.

Lafoes, Duque de, 284. Lafoes, third Duque de, 311.

80, 95. Isabel, Queen Consort of Dinis, 54, 60, 247. Isabel, Queen of Spain, 127. Isabel, Vida de Santa, 60.

La Fontaine (Jean

Lamartine (Alphonse

de), 117. de), 275, 277.

Lamas Carvajal
de), 292.

Ivo

(Pedro)

pseud.

See

Lopes

Lamennaia (Hugues

(Valentin), 350-1. Felicite Robert

(Carlos)

Lancastre (D. Louren90 de), 273.

J See Orta.

Lang (Henry Roseman),

76, 79, 123.

23, 24, 37,

Jardin (G. du).

Jeanroy Jerome,
Jesus

(Alfred), 29.
St., 85.

Lara (Joao Carlos Lasso de la Vega

See

de), 273. (Garci), 140,

141,

(Francisco
(F. de).

de).

Sa de

143, 147, 172, 181, 260.

Meneses

Jesus (Raphael de), 208. Jesus (Thome dc), 14, 20, 189, 237, 238-40. Joana, Infanta, 215. Joao I, 14, 68, 81, 82, 84, 89-90, 94,

Latino Coelho (Jose Maria), 201, 307. Lavanha (Joao Baptista), 195, 218. Lazarillo de Tormes, 115, 125, 160,
265.

Leam
263.

(Caspar de), 241.

Lear, King, 62.

no,
Joao

211.

Leitao de Andrade (Miguel), 72, 73,

Leite (Solidonio), 266. Leite de Vasconcellos Cardoso Pereira

II, 88, 89, 93, 96, 100, 102, 103,

108, 125, 148,221, 227,246,305,312. Joao III, 98, 103, 106, 107, no, 117, 119, 132. 140, 141, 158, 167, 175, 189, 192, 193, 195, 208, 209, 211, 215, 226, 232, 233, 237, 296. Joao IV, 216, 242, 244, 253, 259, 265, 267, 268, 286. Joao V, 270. Joao, Infante [xvi c], 106, 143, 150, 151, 166, 168, 169, 176, 179. Joao de Calais, Verdadeira Historia
de, 339.

de Melo
9,

(Jose), 15, 33. 34, 60,

308-

342, 346.

Leite Ferreira (Miguel), 67, 68, 69, 71,

148.

Lemos (Jorge de), 203. Lemos (Juho de), 325. Lemos Seixas Castello Branco (Joao
de), 300, 301.

Lencastre (D. Philippa de), 80, 94.

Joao

Manuel

(D.).

See

Manuel

Leo X, 97. Leon (Luis

253. 258.

de),

133, 236, 238, 239,

(D. Joao). John, Prester, 219, 225. Johnson (Samuel), 282. Jorge, D., 221. Jorge (Ricardo), 153. Jose I, 276, 296.

Josep ab Arimatia, Livro Josephine, Empress, 281,

de, 64.

Juan I, 78, 84. Juan de Austria, Don, 1S8. Juan Manuel, Infante Don,
Juana, Infanta, 151. Juana, la Loca, Queen, 133.

Leonor. See Lianor. Leonor, successively Queen of Portugal and France, 233. Leopardi (Giacomo), Count, 331, 351. Lettres Portiigaises. See Alcoforado. Levi (Juda), 94. Lianor, Empress, 93. Lianor, Queen Consort of Duarte, go. Lianor, Queen Consort of Joao II, 93,
95, III, 112, 113, 114, 119, 120, 229.

91, 94.

Juromenha,

Joao

Antonio

de

Lima (Alexandre Antonio de), Lima (D. Rodrigo de), 219. Lima IPereira (Paulo de), 197.

274.

368
Linhares,

INDEX
Lucan, 99. Lucena (Joao de), 16, 75, 243. Lucena (Vasco Fernandez de). Fernandez Lucena.
Liician, 99. Ludolph of

second Conde de. See Noronha (D. Francisco dc). Linhares, Conde de [xvii c.J, 252, 345.
Linhares, Violante, Condessa de, 239. Lipsius (Justus), 255. Lisboa (Antonio dc), 162. Lisboa (Cristovam de), 245. Lisboa (Joao dc), 227. Livro da Noa, 60. Livro das Aves, 00. Livro das Heras, 60. Livro de Josep ab Arimatia. See Josep. Livro Velho, 61. Livro Vermelho, 17. Livros de Linhagens, 61. Livy, 193, 194.

See

Saxony. See Sachsen. Lugris y Freire (Manuel), 357. Luis, Infante, 106-7, ^^8, 170, 185,
191. 195. 209, 227, 228.

Luis (Nicolau), 2S4.

Lull (Ramon), 94. Luther (Martin), 126, 212. Luz (Andre da), 163.

Luz (Philipe da), 17, 244, Luz Soriano (Simao Jose

245. da), 292.

Lobato (Gervasio), 314.

Lobeira Lobeira Lobeira Lobeira
(Gon^alo de), 70. (Joan de), 68, 69, 70, 159. (Pedro de), 68, 70, 71. (Vasco de), 67, 68, 69, 70.

M
Macedo (Anna de). See Sa e Macedo. Macedo (Jose Agostinho de), 17, 99,
182, 183, 187, 224, 237, 244, 250, 277, 278, 279-82, 288. Machado (Julio Cesar), 325. Machado (Simao), 18, 161.

Lobo

(Alvaro), 210.

Lobo(I). Francisco Alexandre), Bishop of Viseu, 285. Lobo (Francisco Rodriguez). See

Machado de Azevedo
142.

(Manuel), 77,

Rodriguez

I.-obo.

Macias, 76-77, 78, 98, 104, 132, 349,

350.

LoUis (Cesare de), 45.

Lopes (Carlos), 325. Lopes (Davi"d de Melo), 308. Lopes (Francisco), 155, 162. Lopes de Mendon9a (Antonio Pedro),
297.

Magalhaes (Fernam de), 219. Magalhaes (Luiz Cypriano Coelho

319-

de), de),

Magalhaes de Gandavo (Pedro

193, 204, 279.

de Mendon^a (Henrique), 312-13. Lopes de Moura (Caetano), 37. Lopes Vieira (Afonso), 337.

Lopes

Magalhaes Lima (Jaime de), 319, 325. Magalona, Verdadeiva Historia da

Princeza, 65, 339, 340.

Malheiro Dias (Carlos); 320.

Lopez Lopez Lopez Lopez

(Afonso), 160. (Anrique), 159. (Diogo), 84.

Mallarme (Stephane), Malory (Sir Thomas),

86. 85.

Mangancha (Diogo

Afonso), 90.

14, 19, 61, 62, 68, 77, 81-5, 87, 88, So, 97, 117, 180,

(Fernam),

Manrique (Gomez), 76, 100, 104. Manrique (Jorge), 76, 100, 102, 104.

Castanheda (Fernam), 180, 181, 190-1, 192, 193, 194, 197, 198, 200, 201, 206, 209. Lopez de Sousa (Pero), 225. Lopez de Ulhoa (D. Joan), 52. Lopo, jogral, 29. Losada (Benito), 352. Loti (Pierre) pseud. [Julicn Viaud],
89. 323-

Lopez Lopez Lopez Lopez Lopez Lopez Lopez

212, 255. (Martinho), 81. (Thome), 204. Abente (Gonzalo), 355.

Mantua

(Bento), 314.
103, 118, 175, 211, 107, 120, 192, 214,

de de de de

Ayala

(Pero), 66, 67.

Bayan (D. Afonso), 53. Camoes (Vasco), 77.

101, 117, 121, 126, 129, 133, 145, 200, 201, 202, 208, 209, 221, 228, 295, 312. Manuel, Infante, 116, 121. Manuel (D. Joao), 98, loi.

Manuel I, 88, 89, 96, no, III, 112, 115,

Maranhao, Jornada Marcabrun, 39.

do, 204.

Marcos, Frei, 59. Maria, Infanta, 15, 107, no, 121, 193,
233-

Maria, Consort of King Manuel, 118,

Louis XI, 89. Louren90, jogral, 29.

Maria da Gloria, Queen, 288. Maria Egipcia, Vtda de, 59. Marialva, second Conde de, 241.
Marialva. Marques de, 313.

INDEX
Mariana (Juan de), 208. Marie Antoinette, Queen, 277. Marinbo de Azcvcdo (Luis), 18. Mariz (Antonio de), 206. Mariz (Pedro de), 206, 207.
Meneses (D. Fernando
de),

369
second
Ericeira, 266-7.

Conde da

Mene.ses (D. Francisco Xavier de), fourth Conde da Ericeira, 270-1.

Marot (Clement),
Martelo

Pauman

233. (Evaristo), 354.

Meneses (D. Henrique de), 195. Meneses (D. Joao de), loi, 103, 104. Meneses (D. Luis de), third Conde da
Ericeira, 69, 261, 267.

Martial, 123.

Martim Afonso, Mestrc.

(Martim).

Sec Alonso

Martinez de Kescnde (Vasco), 13. Martinez Salazar (Andres), 61. Martinlio, de Alcoba^a, 98. Martorell (Pedro Juan), 63. Martyres (Bartholonieudos), 195, 242,
243. 342.

Meneses (D. Pedro de), 86. Meneses (D. Scbastiao Cesar de), 266. Menina Fcrmosa, Trova^ da, 341.

Menino

Meogo

(Pero), 17, 78. (Pero), 29.

Merlim, 63. Mesquita (Marcellino

Silva), 311-12.

Antonio
(Manuel

da
de),

Marueil (Arnaut de), 35.

Mesquita
217.

Perestrello

Mascarenhas (D. Fernando de), 267. Mascarenhas (D. Joao de), 187. Mascarenhas (D. Pedro de), 126. Mattos (Joao Xavier de), 278-9.

Meyer

(Paul), 44.

Michaelis (Gustav), 15. Michaelis de Vasconcellos (Carolina),

14, 15, 22, 23, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 39, .50, 53. 62, 63, 75, 76, 80, 104, 112, 136, 180, 184, 308, 338, 342.

Medina

e Vasconcellos ^Francisco

de

Paula), 186.

Meendinho, 29, 52. Mehinchthon (Philip), 212, 227.

Mello (Carlos de). See Ficalho. Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de), 14, 74,- 108, 164, 170, 205, 252-5, 261,
263, 267, 269, 338, 345.

Michelangelo. See Buonarroti. Mickle (William Julius), 14.

Mello (Garcia de), loi. Mello (Martim Afonso de), 82. Mello Breyner (D. Theresa de), Condessa de Vimieiro, 273. Mello Franco (Francisco de), 274. Mena (Juan de), 77, 104, 197.

Miguel I, 280, 288. Mila y Fontanals (Manuel), 41, 345. Milton (John), 127, 184. Miranda (Afonso de), 226. Miranda (Jeronimo de), 226. Miranda (Martim Afonso de), 252,
262.

Menander,

130.

Mislerio de los Reyes Magos, 123. Moleiro, Trovas do, 341. Poquelin), (Jean-Baptiste Moliere
T16, 130, 164.

Mendes de Vasconcellos (Luis), 263. Mendes dos Remedios (Joaquim), 16,

256.

Molteni (Enrico Gasi), 38.

Mendes Leal (Jose da Silva), 301. Mendez (Afonso), 205. Mendez (Manuel), 60. Mendez de Sa (Gon^alo), 139. Mendez de Vasconcellos (Diogo),
213151. 220, 221-5, 243. (Rodrigo), Silva Mendez 255. Mendo9a (Jeronimo de), 210. Meudo9a (Joana de), 196. Mendon9a (Francisco de), 245.

Monaci (Ernesto), 13, 37. Moniz Barreto (Guilherme), Moniz Coelho (Egas), 72.

21.

Mons (Nat de), 42. Monsaraz, Antonio de Macedo Papan9a, Conde de, 335-6. Montaigne (Michel de), 83, 106, 212.
Montalvao (Justino de), 328. Montalvo. See Rodriguez de Mental vo.

Mendez Pinto (Feruam),

203,

Mendon9a Mendon9a Menendez Menendez

(Jeronimo).

5ee Mendo9a.

Alves (Va.sco de), 314. Pidal (Ramon), 73. y Pelayo (Marcehno), 19,

Montebello, Marques de, 356. Monteiro (Diogo), 246-7. Montemayor (George de) See Montemor (Jorge de). Montemor (Jorge de), 17, 151-2. Montesino (Violante). See Ceo (Vio.

lante do).

65, 83, 112, 133, 135, 140, 151, 168, 169, 233, 232, 278, 291, 339. Meneses (D. Aleixo de), 206. Meneses (D. Duarte de), 86. Mcncses (D. Fernando de^, 177.

Montesquieu (Charles Louis de Secondat), 182.

Montoia (Luis de), 239. Montoro (Anton de), 23, 127. Moogo (Pero). See Meogo.

A a

370
Moraes
286.

INDEX
(Cristovam

Alao

de),

109,

O
Oeynhausen, Count of, 276. Olanda (Francisco de). See HoUanda.
Olivares,
de, 252. de), 109, 220, 227. Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), Cava-

Moraes Cabral (Francisco

152, 161, 204, 232-4.

de), 65, 76,

(Sir Thomas), 254. Moreira (Julio), 308. Moreira Camello (Antonio), 33S. Moreira de Carvalho (Jeronimo), 339.

More

Conde-Duque

OHvcira (Fernam

Moreno (Bento) pseud.

de Qiieiroz.

Sec Teixeira

Moura

(Miguel de), 210.

261.

Mousinho de Quevedo (Vasco), Murguia (Manuel de), 349.

Iheiro de Oliveira, 74, 285-6. Oliveira Marreca (Antonio de), 295. Oliveira Martins (Pedro Joaquim de), 305-6, 322. Orta (Garcia da), 178, 225-6, 308. Orta (Jorge da), 225. Ortigao (Ramalho). See Ramalho Ortigao.

N
Napier (Sir William), 255. Napoleon I, 281. Napoleon III, 340. Nascimento (Francisco Manuel do),
263, 274-5, 290, 304, 338, 344.

Osborne (Dorothy),

20.

Osmia. See Mello Breyner. Osorio (Luiz), 335. Osorio da Fonseca (Jeronimo),
209, 224, 228, 263. Ossian, 301. Ovid, 85.

18,

Navagero (Andrea), 351.

Newton

(Sir Isaac), 281.

72.

Niebuhr (Barthold Georg), 294.

No figueiral figueiredo,

Nobtliario do Collegio dos Nobres, 61. Nobiliario do Conde. See Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos. Nobre (Antonio), 332, 334.

Nobrega, Padre, 45. Nogueira Ramos (Joao de Deus), 249,

250, 329-30. 338.

Pacheco (Joao), 248. Pacheco Pereira (Duarte), 191, 227. Paez (Balthasar), 245. Paez (D. Maria), 22. Paez (Pedro), 205. Paganino (Rodrigo), 325. Paiva (Isabel de), 239. Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvi
c], 239, 244.

Noriega Varela (Antonio), 355.

Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de)

177,

[xvii

Noronha Noronha
179.

(D. (D.

Anna

de), 242. Antonio de), 175,

c], 215, 239, 253. Palmeirim (Luiz Augusto), 300-1. Palmeirim de Inglaterra. See Moraes
(F. de).

Noronha (D. Francisco de), second Conde de Linhares, 175, 232, 239. Noronha (D. Lianor de), 107. Noronha (D. Thomas de), 256. Novaes (Francisco Xavier de),
302.
112,

Palmerin de Oliva, 234. Pardo Bazan (Emilia), Condesa de,

356.

Nun' Alvarez.
(Nuno).

See Alvarez Pereira

Patmore (Coventry), 336. Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvares). Pereira Pato Moniz.

See

Nun

de AUariz. (Alfredo) pseud., 355.

Nunes (Claudio Jose), 331. Nunes (Jose Joaquim), 26, 60, 308. Nunes Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio),
286.

Nunez (Airas), 23, 31, 47, 52-3. Nunez (Joao), 210. Nunez (Pedro), 18, 107, 226-7, 251. Nunez (Philipe), 230. Nunez da Silva (Manuel), 231. Nunez de Learn (Duarte), 39, 55, 56,
68, 210-11, 252.

Patricio (Antonio), 328. de Jesu Christo, A, 94, 95. Paul III, Pope, 212, 219. Paulo (Marco). See Polo. Payne (Robert), 90. Pedro I, of Portugal, 80, 84, 312. Pedro II, of Portugal, 268, 288. Pedro V, of Portugal, 293. Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos, 38, 57, 61-2.

Paixam

Pedro,

Duque de Coimbra,

71, 79, 80,

86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 100.

Nunez
295-

del Arce

(Caspar Esteban),

Condestavel D., 38, 77, 7980, 86, 92, 95, 100. Pedro, King of Aragon. See Pedro,
Pedro,

Nufiez Gonzsllez (Manuel), 354, 355.

Condestavel D.

INDEX
Pedro, Tratado do Infante D., 340. Pelagia, Vida de Santa, 60.

371

PenhaFortuna(JoaodeOliveira), 330. Pereda (Jose Maria de), 318. Pereira (Antonio Nunalvarez), 141.
Pereira Pereira Pereira Pereira Pereira Pereira Pereira Pereira

Pisan (Christine do), 85, 95. Pisano (Mattheus de), 85. Pius IV, Pope, 193.
Platir, 234. Plato, 119, 237. Plautus, 108. 130, 164, 167.

(Aureliano J.), 354. (Nuno), 98, 102, 143. Brandao (Luis), 188-9. de Castro (Gabriel), 258-9. de Castro (Luis), 258. de Figueiredo (Antonio), 338. de Novaes (Manuel), 20. de Sampaio (Jose^ [Bruno],

Pliny, 226.

Poema da Perda
Cava.

de Espanha.

See

Poema

del Cid. See Cid. Poetica, 48, 49, 58, 66.

Poitou, Guillaume, Comte de, 39. Poliziano (Angelo [Ambrogini]), 103,

139, 141.

308. Pereira Pato Moniz

187.

(Nuno Alvarez),

Polo (Marco), 95. Pombal, Sebastiao Jose de Carvalho

e Mello,

Pereira Pinheiro (Bernardino), 295-6. Pereira Teixeira de Vasconcellos ( Joaquim). See Teixeira de Pascoaes. Perez Ballesteros (Jose), 356.

Marques

de, 272, 273, 276,

291. 307-

Ponce (Bartolome), 151. Pondal y Abente (Eduardo), 352-3,

355da), 28, 51. 50, 209, 274, 277. Portela (Severo), 328. Porto Carreiro (Lope de), 78. Portugal (D. Anrique de), 103. Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvi c], 203. Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvii c], 18, 70, 129, 258. Portugal (D. Francisco de), Conde de Vimioso, 100, 103-4, 122, 126, 145,

de Camoes (Vasco), 77, 78, 174. de Oliva (Hernan), 165. Pestana (Alice), 324. Petrarca (Francesco), 139, 146, 147,
148, 152, 161, 181, 185, 186, 197, 237, 280, 281. Philip II, of Spain, 146, 151, 195, 216, 223, 224, 230, 236, 237, 238, 250, 263. Philip III, of Spain, 155. Philip IV, of Spain, 216, 243. Philippa, Queen Consort of Joao I, 84. 85. 89, 305. Piamonte (Nicolas), 339. Picaud (Aimeric), 25. Pierres de Provence, 65. Pimenta (Agostinho). See Cruz

Perez Perez Perez Perez

Galdos (Benito), 298.

Placer (Heraclio), 357.

Ponte (Pero

Pope (Alexander),

150.

Portugal (D. Joao de), 241, 242. Portugal (D. Manuel de), 145, 180,
346. Monumenta Historica Portugaliae See Herculano (Alexandre). Posada y Pereira (Jose Maria), 348. Potter (Maria), 315. Potter (Thomas), 315.

(Agostinho da). Pimentel (Manuel), 228. Pina (Fernam de), 87. Pina (Ruy de), 87-9, 97, no, 125, 180. Pindella (Bernardo de). See Arnoso.
Pinheiro (D. Antonio), 214, 244. Pinheiro (Bernardino). See Pereira
Pinheiro.

Poyares (Pedro

de), 109.

Prado (Xavier), 355.

Prazeres (Joao dos), 269. Presenta9ao (Cosme da), 239. Prestage (Edgar), 14, 15, 214, 252,
308.

Pinheiro (Bernardo). See Arnoso. Pinheiro Chagas (Manuel), 304, 3067. Pinheiro da Veiga (Thome), 265. Pinto (Heitor), 14, 16, loi, 230, 2367.

Prestes (Antonio), 19, 160-1, 166. Primlaeon, 119, 234. Primor e honra da vida soldadesca, 262.

238.

Pinto (Joao Louren9o), 318-19. Pinto (Jorge), 159. Pinto Ribeiro (Joao), 265. Pintos (Juan Manuel), 348. Pires (Antonio Thomaz), 69, 308, 342. Pires de Rebello (Caspar), 262. Pirez Lobeira (Joan) See Lobeira (Joan de).

Ptolemy, 193. Purificagam (Antonio da), 18. Purser (Wilham Edward), 233.

Q
Queimado (Roy),
328-9.
52.
de), 304,

Quental (Anthero Tarquinio

372
Quevedo y
Villegas (Francisco
19.

INDEX
Gomez
Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of
Toro, 78, 123.

de), 169, 252, 253, 255.

Quinet (Edgar),
Quintilian, 247.

Rodriguez Rodriguez
211.

(Melicia),

no.
(Cristovam),

Azinheiro

Quita (Domingos dos Reis), 272-3.

R
Rabelais (Fran9ois), 321. Rabello (Ciabriel de), 203.

Rodriguez de Calheiros (Fernan), 52. Rodriguez de Escobar (Gonzalo), 78. Rodriguez de la Camara (Juan), 63,
77, 104, 132.

Rodriguez de Montalvo (Garci), 65,

66, 67, 69, 119.

Racine (Jean), 182. Raleigh (Sir Walter), 228.

Rodriguez de Sa e Meneses (Joao),

103.

Ramalho Ortigao
318, 321-2.

(Jose Duarte), 304,

Ramos Coelho

Ramusio (Giovanni

(Jcse), 307. IBattista), 204.

Rebello da Silva (Luiz Augusto), 296. Redondo, Conde de. See Coutinho
(D. Francisco). e Cautelas, 241. Relagam verdadeira dos trabalhos, &c., 203. Renan (Ernest), 240.

Rodriguez de Sousa (Gon9alo), 78. Rodriguez del Padron (Juan). See Rodriguez de la Camara. Rodriguez Gonzalez (Eladio), 354-5. Rodriguez Leitao (Manuel), 266. Rodriguez Lobo (Francisco), 74, 1535,

Regras

170. 185, 232.

Rodriguez Lobo Soropita (Fernam),

229, 345-

Rodriguez Silveira (Francisco), 229,

307-

Resende (Garcia de), 75, 88, 89, 96-8,

99, 100, no, 113, 140, 150, 199.
123,

124,
13,

127,
39,

Resende (Lucio Andre

de),

Roiz. See Rodriguez. Roland, Chanson de, 53. Rolim de Moura. See Child Rolim.

130, 150, 180, 206, 215, 216. Revista de Hisioria, 308.

Romances, 74-6, 124, 161, 172.

Romero

(Sylvio), 17.

Revista Lusitana, 309, 347. Rey Soto (Antonio), 355.

Roquette (Jose Ignacio), 91. Rousseau (Jean-Jacques), 264.

Rucellai (Giovanni), 140.

Ribalta (Aurelio), 35'>-7Ribeira Grande, Conde da, 311. Ribeiro (Bernardim), 14, 19, 105,
132-9, 141. 15^. 154. 291, 300. Ribeiro (Jeronimo), 161. Ribeiro (Joao), 204. Ribeiro (Joao Pedro), 292. Ribeiro (Mattheus de), 261. Ribeiro Chiado (Antonio), 157-8, 161. Ribeiro de Macedo (Duarte), 265-6. Ribeiro de Sousa (Salvador), 203. Ribeiro dos Santos (Antonio), 285. Ribeiro Ferreira (Thomaz Antonio),
302.

Rudel

(Jaufre), 47. de), 112, 130. Ruiz (Juan), Archpriesf of Hita, 23, 38. 53. 90, 113. 124. 125, 339. 356. Ruiz de Toro (Alvar), 78;

Rueda (Lope

Sa Sa Sa Sa Sa

(Antonio de), 269. (Diogo de), 228. (Gongalo de), 143.

(Mem

de), 143. de),

de Meneses (Francisco

epic

Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio Nunes). See Nunes Ribeiro Sanches. Soarez (Jeronimo). See Ribeiro Ribeiro (Jeronimo). (Samuel), 170. Richardson Riquier (Guiraut), 42, 55. Roberto, Verdadeira Historia do Grande,
339-

poet, 260.

S4 de Meneses (Francisco de), Conde de Mattosinhos, 13, 150, 260. Sa de Miranda (Francisco de), 13, 19,
39, 53. 77. 104. 105. "7, 120, 138, 139-45, 146, 149, 164, 165, 166, 174, 176, 206, 260, 263, 276. Sa e Macedo (Anna de), 174, 179. Sa Sottomaior (Eloi de), 153. Sabugal, Conde de, 256.

Rocha Martins (Francisco

300.

de), 321.

Rodrigucs (Jose Maria), 180. Rodrigues Cordeiro (Antonio Xavier),

Sabugosa (Antonio Maria

Jose de Mello Silva Cesar e Meneses), Conde

Rodriguez (Fcrnan), 78. Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of Almazan, 78.

de, 121, 158, 324. Sacchetti (Franco), 231. Sachsen (Ludolph von), 90, 95.

INDEX
Sacramental. See Sanchez de Vercial. See Sacro Bosco (Joannes de). Halifax (John of). Sadoletto (Jacopo), Cardinal, 212. Sainte-Beuve (Charles- Augustin), 91,
321.
(D. Lianor de).

373

Seneca, 92, 94, 161, 280. Senna Freitas (Joaquim de), 322. Sepulveda (D. Lianor de). See Sousa

Saint-More (Benoit de), 61.

Saint Victor (Adam de), 24. San Pedro (Diego de), 124, 132.

Sergas de Esplandian, Las, 65, 68. Serpa Pimentel (Jose Freire de), 300. Serrao de Castro (Antonio), 256.

Servando (Joan), 29. Severim de Faria (Manuel), 107, 180,

184, 192, 193, 197, 215-16, 245.

Sanches de Baena Farinha Augusto

Romano, Visconde,

iii.

Sevilha

(Pedro

Amigo

de).

See

Sanchez (D. Afonso), 30, 57. Sanchez (Francisco), 20. Sanchez de Badajoz (Garci), 104. Sanchez de Vercial (Clemente), 95. Sancho I, of Portugal, 22, 27, 34, 39.
87, 122.

Amigo. Shakespeare (William),

Sancho II, of Portugal, 17, 53, 296. Sannazzaro (Jacopo), 140, 152. Santa Catharina (Lucas de), 152, 242,
271.

Santa Santa Santa Santa

285.

Maria (Francisco de), 269. Rita (Guilherme de), 335. Rita Durao (Jose de), 279. Rosa de Viterbo (Joaquim de),

19, 108, 118, 129, 130, 160, 164. Sigea (Angela), 107. Sigea (Luisa), 107. Siglar (Pierres de),.43. Silius Italicus, 41. Silva (Antonio Jose da), 282-4. Silva (Innocencio Francisco da), 61, 148, 163, 192, 193, 220, 237, 308. Silva (Nicolau Luis da). See Luis

Santarem (Manuel Francisco de Barros e Sousa de Mesquita Leitao e Carvalhosa), Visconde de, 292. Santarem, Foros de, 17. Santillana, Ifiigo Lopez de Mendoza,
de, 22, 32, 38, 41, 48, 49, 77. 79. 80, 104. Santo Antonio (Pedro de), 247. Santo Antonio (Sebastiao de), 280. Santo Estevam (Gomez de), 340.

(Nicolau). Silva Dias (Augusto Epiphanio da), 308. Silva Gayo (Manuel da), 320. Silva Mascarenhas (Andre da), 260. Silva Pinto (Manuel Jose da), 322. Silva Souto-Maior (Caetano Jos6 da), 306. Silveira (Fernam da) [11489], loi.
Silveira

Marques

(Fernam

da),

Coudel Mor,
See

loo-i, 102. Silveira (Franciso Rodriguez).

Santos (Joao dos), 220. Santos (Manuel dos), 208. Santos e Silva (Thomaz Antonio de),
187.
S.
S. S.

Silveira. Silveira (Jorge da), 102. Silveira da Motta (Francisco), 322. Simoes Dias (Jose), 330. Soares de Brito (Joao), 52, 68, 182, 207, 224, 258.

Rodriguez

Bernardino (Gaspar de), 221. Boaventura (Fortunato de), 285. Joseph Queiroz (D. Joao de), 286.
Luis (D. Francisco de). Cardinal
See
S. Luis.

Soares de Passos (Antonio Augusto),

293. 301-

S.

Saraiva, 285. Saraiva, Cardinal.

3^5-

Sarmento (Augusto Cesar Rodrigues), Sarmento (Francisco de Jesus Maria),

338-

Soarez (Martin), 52. Soarez Coelho (D. Joan), 52. Soarez de Paiva (D. Joan), 48, 76. Soarez de Sousa (Gabriel), 205. Soarez de Taveiroos (Pai), 22. Sola (Jaime), 356.
Sophocles, 165. Soropita. See Rodriguez
pita.

Lobo Soro-

Sarmiento (Martin), 347, 356. Savoy, Duke of, 120, 133. Schwalbach Lucci (Eduardo), 314.
Scott (Sir Walter), 293. Sebastian, King, 146, 150, 168, 179,
181, 187, 188, 209, 210, 226, 227, 239, 241, 247, 261, 263, 307, 340, 341. Semmedo (Alvaro), 204. Semmedo (Curvo). See Curvo Se-

Soto (Hernando de), 203. Sotomaior (Luis de), 130. Sousa (D. Antonio Caetano de), 284. Sousa (Diogo de), 256. Sousa (Francisco de) [xvi c], 98, 105. Sousa (Francisco de) [xvii c], 2.14. Sousa (D. Lianor de), 188, 217. Sousa (Luis de), 14, 16, 203, 209, 215,
241-3, 269, 291, 298.

mcdo.

374

INDEX
Verdadeira Historia da Domella, 339. Theotocopuli (Domenico), El Greco,
114, 282.

Sousa (Manuel Caetano de), 280. Sousa (Martini Afonso de), 225, 227. Sousa (Philippa de), 150. Sousa (Rui de), 122. Sousa Costa (Alberto de), 328. Sousa Coutinho (Lopo de), 196, 203. Sousa Coutinho (Manuel de). See Sousa (Luis de). Sousa de Maccdo (Antonio), 56, 68,
74, 130, 209, 224, 258, 260-1. Sousa Falcao (Cristovam de).

Theodora,

Thierry (Augustin), 294. Thomas (Henry), 65. Thomas Aquinas, St., 86, 90, 92, 94. Thomson (James), 277.
Tilly (John), 204.

Timoneda (Juan
See

de), 231.

Falcao.

Sousa Farinha (Bento Jose de), 244. Sousa IMonteiro (Josexie), 311. Sousa Moraes (Wenceslau Jose de),
322-3.

Tinherabos nam tinherabos, 72. Tirant lo Blanch, 65. Tolentino de Almeida (Nicolau), 272,
274, 276. Tolstoi (Leo), Count, 333. Tolomei (Lattanzio), 140, 230. Torcy (Claude Blosset de), 233. Toro, Archdeacon of. See Rodriguez (Gonzalo). Torres (Alvaro de), 241. Torres (Domingos Maximiano), 278. Torres Is^aharro (Bartolome de), 124. Trancoso (Gon9alo Fernandez). See

Sousa Sepulveda (Manuel

196, 217.

de),

187,

Sousa Viterbo
de). 13, 307.

(Francisco

Marques

Southey (Robert), 15, 19, 282. Souto-Maior (Caetano Jose da

See Silva Souto-Maior. Souto Maior (Eloi de Sa). Sottomaior. Souvestre (mile), 299.

Silva).

See Sa

Fernandez Trancoso. Trindade (Adeodato da), 196, 197. Trindade Coelho (Jose Francisco de),
327Trissino (Giangiorgio), 165. Tr islam, O Livro de, 63. Tristan, 65, 69, 70. Trovador, O, 300. Trovador, O Novo, 300. Trueba (Antonio de), 302, 303.

Spinoza (B.), 20. Stanley of Alderney, Lord, 315. Storck (Wilhelm), 174, 176, 178, 329. Straparola (Giovanni Francesco), 231. Stuart (Charles), Lord Stuart of Rothesay, 37.
Sylvia de Lisardo, 139.

Timdalo, Visao

de, 59.

Tacitus, 266.

U
de), 90.

Tancos (Hermenegildo

Tasso (Bernardo), 71, 181. Tasso (Torquato), 146, 180,

280.

Usque (Abraham ben), 246. Usque (Samuel), 245-6.

181,

Tavares (Manuel), no. Tavares Zagalo (Joana), 133. Teive (Diogo de), 106. Teixeira de Pascoaes (Joaquim),
333-4Teixeira de Quieroz (Francisco), 31920, 325.

Vaamonde

(Florencio), 357. Valcacer. See Valcarcel. Valcarcel (Pedro de), 78.

Valdes (Juan de), 65. Valente (Afonso), 112. Valera (Juan), 19.
Valla (llorenzo), 180. Valle Inclan (Ramon Maria del), 327,

Teixeira

Gomes (Manuel), 323. Tellez (Balthasar), 204-5. Tellez (Lianor), Queen Consort
84. Tellez (Maria), 84.
I,

of

Fernando

Van

356Zeller (Francisco), 169.

de), 41.

Vaqueiras (Raimbaut
37, 133, 205. 206.

Tellez de Meneses (Aires), 148. Tello, Vida de D., 60. Tennyson (Alfred), Lord, 64, 301. Tenreiro (Antonio), 220.

Varnhagen (Francisco Adolpho

de),

Terence, 130, 164. Testament de Patheliv, 123. Theocritus, 272.

Vasconcellos (Antonio de), 39, 259. Vasconcellos (Henrique de), 328. Vasconcellos (Joaquim de), 15, 214,
230.

Vasconcellos (Jorge de), 167.

INDEX
Vasconcellos (Jorge Ferreira de)
Ferreira.
.

375

See

Vasconcellos (Simao de), 267. Vaz (Francisco), de Guimaraes, 161-2.

Vilhena (D. Philippa de), Condessa de Athougnia, 291. Villa-Moura, Visconde de, 328. Villa Nova, Condessa de, 253, 286.
Villani (Giovanni), 83. Villareal, Fernando, Marques de, 107. Villas-Boas (D. Manuel do Cenaculo), Bishop of Beja, 285. Villena (D. Enrique de), 77.

Vaz Vaz Vaz Vaz Vaz

(Joana), 107.

da Gama (Guiomar), 174. de Camoes (Luis). See Camoes. de Camoes (Simao), 174. de Carvalho (Maria Amalia),

324-

Vazquez (Francisco), 234. Veer (Pero de), 29. Vega (Garci Lasso de la). See Lasso
de
la

Vimieiro, Counts of, 71. Vimieiro, fourth Conde de, 273.

Vega.

Vimioso, first Conde de [or do]. Portugal (D. Francisco de). Vimioso, third Conde de, 242.
Virgil,

See

de), 76, 129, 130, 147, 153, 169, 181, 183, 258. Veiga (Manuel da), 340. Veiga (Thomas da), 17, 244, 245. Veiga Tagarro (Manuel da), 258. Velazquez (Diego), 333. Velez de Guevara (Luis), 284. Velez de Guevara (Pero), 79. Velho (Alvaro), 190. Verba (Joao), 92. Verde (Jose Joaquim Cesario), 330. Vernier (P.), 226. Verney (Luis Antonio), 285. Veronese (Paolo), 182.

Vega Carpio (Lope Felix

174, 180, 181, 182, 183, 257,

272.

Visdo de Tundalo. See Tundalo. Viseu, Diogo, Duke of, 102. Viseu, Henry, Duke of. See Henrique, Infante. Visio Tundali, 59. Vita Christi. See Sachsen (Ludolph von). Vives (Juan Luis), 65, 212, 340. Voltaire (Fran9ois .\rouet), 179, 182, 274.

Vyvyaes

(Pero), 52.

Vespasian, Emperor, 64. Vespeseano, Estorea de, 64.

Vespesiano, Estoria del noble, 64.

W
Wieland (Christoph Martin;, 277.

Vicente (Belchior), no. Vicente (Gil), 13, 16, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 62, 74, 75, 97. 102, 105, 106133, 138, 139, 141, 156, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 178, 235, 271, 291, 311, 344, 345. Vicente (Luis), 109. Vicente (Luis), son of Gil Vicente, no, 168. Vicente (Martim), 109. Vicente (Paula), no. Vicente de Almeida (Gil), 162. Vicentes, Cronica dos. See Cronica
31,

Wyche

(Sir Peter), 266.

X
Xavier, St. Francis,
243190,

132, 157. 158, 166, 167, 338, 342,

223,

225,

Xavier de Mattos. See Mattos. Xavier de Novaes. See Novaes. Xenophon, 85. Ximenez de Urrea (Geronimo), 262.

da Ftindagam.
Vieira 245, Vieira Vieira Vieira
(Antonio), 14, 16, 156, 190, 248, 249, 261, 265, 267-9, 307. (Nicolao), 59. da Costa (J.), 321. Ravasco (Cristovam), 267. Vilhena (D. Joana de), 145. Vilhena (D. Magdalena de), 241, 242.

Yannez (Rodrigo), 73. Ychoa (Joao de), 89.

Zamora

(Gil de), 42.

Zola (fimile), 299. Zorro (Joan), 29, 31, 53. Zurara (Gomez Eanez de),
69, 81, 82, 85-7, 88, 201.

14, 15, 68,

PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

University cfTorcnto

Library

DO NOT REMOVE
THE

CARD

FROM
THIS

POCKET

Acme

Library Card Pocket

LOWE-MARTIN CO. UMTTEd

v.i

,:.'w