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068485712X
| 9780684857121
| 068485712X
| 4.43
| 1,877
| 2006
| Jan 10, 2006
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Notes are private!
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Mar 05, 2025
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not set
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Mar 05, 2025
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0684848090
| 9780684848099
| 0684848090
| 4.35
| 2,979
| Feb 02, 1998
| Jan 20, 1999
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it was amazing
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This is the second volume of Taylor Branch’s trilogy on Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights movement. This volume covers the years from 1963 to 19
This is the second volume of Taylor Branch’s trilogy on Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights movement. This volume covers the years from 1963 to 1965. These were pivotal years in American History with the beginning of the Lyndon Johnson presidency, the passage of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights bills in Congress, and the early decisions on our involvement in South Vietnam. In this volume Martin Luther King is more of a secondary character. When he is described it is in connection with J. Edgar Hoover’s obsession with linking him and the Civil Rights movement to Communism. The FBI used extralegal surveillance efforts to record the telephone calls and plant listening devices in the hotel rooms used by King. Hoover was especially interested in securing sexual activity by King and used that information to tarnished his name. We also learn about Malcolm X and the Black Muslims. It was interesting to read about the different strategies used by these two leaders to achieve equal rights for Black Americans. King brought attention to the hardships Black Americans experienced in the segregated South. His nonviolent protests generated sympathy and positive attention for the Civil Rights movement. Malcolm X pushed for Blacks to respond physically when confronting racism, which gave White Americans reasons to blame Blacks for the trouble. A large part of this book deals with the Freedom Summer in Mississippi where efforts were made to register Black Americans as voters. Here we read about the torture and murder of three Civil Rights activists: James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner. Hoover at first refused to have the FBI involved in the case, but was convinced by President Johnson when he threatened to have Hoover’s arch-rival, ex-CIA director Allen Dulles, lead the investigation. Like any organization the Civil Rights movement, and the Black Muslims, were plagued with politics and jealousy. In the Civil Rights movement various organizations disliked King deflecting attention from their efforts and accused him of wanting all the publicity. For the Black Muslims the popularity of Malcolm X caused a split within the Nation of Islam. This would lead to the assassination of Malcolm X. This volume deals with an important period in American History. It describes the transition following the assassination of President Kennedy to the presidency of Lyndon Johnson. It also serves as an introduction to the final volume which takes us to the year 1968. This period of American History from the Kennedy Assassination to the election of Richard Nixon is one of the most critical periods in American History. This leads me to the third and last volume of the series. ...more |
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Feb 08, 2025
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Feb 08, 2025
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0671460978
| 9780671460976
| 0671460978
| 4.36
| 9,889
| Nov 15, 1988
| Nov 15, 1988
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it was amazing
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The subtitle of this book is “America in the King Years 1854-63”. That is an accurate description for it is a view of American history from the perspe
The subtitle of this book is “America in the King Years 1854-63”. That is an accurate description for it is a view of American history from the perspective of Black Americans. It is not a pretty picture. It describes many of the events involving the Civil Rights movement from the Montgomery Bus Strike to the sit-ins and Freedom Rides. Other events in American History are mentioned tangentially. For instance, the Cuban Missile Crisis is covered in one paragraph, and the assassination of President Kennedy gets one sentence. This history is about the Civil Rights movement. Here we find out why it took 100 years for any progress to be made attacking segregation. In the Twentieth Century very few Blacks were elected to Congress, and those that were came from predominantly Black communities in Northern and Western cities. Civil Rights activists such as W. E. B. Du Bois, A. Philip Randolph and Roy Wilkins had made little or no progress in ending segregation. The NAACP had only an empty Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation in public schools. There were no Black FBI field agents. The other departments of the Federal Government had no, or very few, Black employees and then only in menial jobs. The Kennedy administration was constantly confronted with the question of why should southern states hire more Black police officers when the Federal Government wasn’t hiring any Black Americans. Why is it then that Martin Luther King Jr. had such an impact that resulted in progress towards Civil Rights? The Baptist Church had always been a large part of Black lives. The author states that the church had a greater legal standing than that of the Black family. As a Baptist minister King used the church to channel his efforts to confront segregation. King was raised in the Social Gospel theory by his father, also a Baptist minister. The Social Gospel theology was that the steady advance of reason, education and goodwill were capable of ridding the modern world of evil. During King’s education he became aware of the writings of Reinhold Niebuhr, who argued that there was no evidence that man became less selfish or less predatory as they became better educated. That war, cruelty, and injustice were present in the world because man was by nature sinful. This debate led King to Mohandas Gandhi and his belief in nonviolence. King described Niebuhr as a prime influence in his life and Gandhi's nonviolence as strategy to oppose oppression. Martin Luther King was certainly not the only person deserving credit for the advancement of Civil Rights, but he was the symbolic catalyst who represented the movement. He continually preached a policy of nonviolence that put the onus of injustice on the White Supremacists and segregationists. His success with nonviolence is credited with breaking down barriers to the benefit of Black communities. In April,1963, King wrote his “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” which became the treatise for the Civil Rights movement. With non-violent sit-ins, freedom rides, boycotts, and demonstrations Civil Rights workers called national attention to the disregard of federal laws and the local violence being used to enforce segregation. Martin Luther King had found that despite campaign promises President Kennedy showed no interest in addressing the concerns of the Civil Rights movement, which he saw as a distraction from his interest in foreign affairs. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom which brought an estimated 250,000 people together for a peaceful demonstration and featured Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech was organized to apply pressure on the Administration to submit and support a Civil Rights bill in Congress. The author illustrates the trouble and suffering that Civil Rights workers endured with their non-violent demonstrations. This made the antiwar movement later ln the decade look like “child’s play”. And now on to Pillars of Fire the second volume of Taylor Branch’s trilogy “America in the King Years”. ...more |
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Feb 07, 2025
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Jan 01, 2025
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Hardcover
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159420425X
| 9781594204258
| 159420425X
| 4.16
| 841
| Jul 16, 2013
| Jul 16, 2013
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it was amazing
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JFK’s Last Hundred Days
opens with the birth of Kennedy’s second son Patrick Bouvier Kennedy. The child died two days later on August 9, 1963 whic
JFK’s Last Hundred Days
opens with the birth of Kennedy’s second son Patrick Bouvier Kennedy. The child died two days later on August 9, 1963 which is 105 days prior to the assassination of John Kennedy in Dallas, Texas. This sets the framework for this history. There are plenty of details about events prior to that date, but these are used to add context to the man and his presidency during this time. Some people have laid the blame for Vietnam on Kennedy and given Lyndon Johnson the credit for The Great Society. That misrepresents the facts. Many of the initiatives of Johnson’s Great Society saw birth during Kennedy’s presidency. The Tax Cut, The Civil Rights Bill, the laws that brought us Medicare and Medicaid and The War on Poverty were all working their way through Congress prior to the November, 1963, trip to Dallas, Texas. Johnson deserves credit for their passage but was helped in large part by the sentiments of the country following Kennedy’s assassination. It was also, without a doubt, a huge factor in Lyndon Johnson’s landslide victory in 1964. But the Goldwater campaign was so poorly run that Kennedy would have also won a resounding victory. He would have enjoyed a democratic majority in Congress making it easier to pass his legislative agenda. As Kennedy took office he was confronted with two immediate problems. When the invasion of Cuba by some CIA-trained rebels failed he refused a request to provide military support. He also faced a problem in Laos. The Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of Defense McNamara wanted to send U.S. ground forces and begin bombing. Ignoring his advisors including Secretary of State Dean Rusk and National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy he told W. Averell Harriman he wanted a negotiated settlement in Laos. His refusal to intervene revealed his rejection of the domino theory. (Page 57-58) During a tour of Southeast Asia in 1954 with his brother Bobby he was told by a political counselor from the embassy that the French were involved in an unwinnable ground war. (Page 54) In the spring of 1961 during a dinner at the White House General Douglas MacArthur told him “anyone who advocated putting American ground troops in Asia should have their head examined.” (page 60) On Tuesday, August 20, 1963, Senator Mike Mansfield gave Kennedy a memorandum describing his observations about Viet Nam. He suggested that “the fundamental premise” of our involvement was that the outcome of this war was important to the United States. But South Vietnam was peripheral to U.S. interest because it “offered no great economic or commercial advantages.” That “the point at which the cost in men and money to the United States of essentially unilateral action to achieve the objective outweighs any possible advantage which it might provide to the security and welfare of this nation.” (Page 75) Following the Bay of Pigs fiasco he felt he had been wrong to trust the CIA and military assurances about the success of the operation and he increasingly distrusted his military advisers and the CIA. His handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis showed that he was able to resist their insistence for a military solution. This book has many references to discussions by Kennedy with others expressing a goal to withdraw all military assistance to the South Vietnam government after the 1964 election. As a student of history Kennedy wanted to avoid committing the country to anything resembling the quagmire that resulted in World War I, Korea, and the French experience in Vietnam. It is frequently mentioned in the last months of his presidency that there were misgivings about making a trip to Texas and specifically Dallas. Handbills with his picture and the phrase “Wanted for Treason” had been posted in Dallas. Also recently Adlai Stevenson had been heckled and attacked while making a speech in Dallas celebrating United Nations Day. Stevenson tried to make light of the incident but said, “You know there was something very ugly and frightening about the atmosphere.” He also wondered whether the President should go to Dallas. (Page 253) Seven Days in May was a political novel published in 1962. The story is about a general who believes the President is ruining the country. He devises a plot to overthrow the government. His character is based on General Edwin A. Walker, a right-wing anti-communist who had been forced out of the Army for disseminating right-wing propaganda to the troops under his command. In November of 1963 he was describing Kennedy as a “liability to the free world.” (Page 283) This would spawn the conspiracy theories about the assassination of Kennedy as a plot by the military and intelligence people. In JFK’s Last Hundred Days Thurston Clarke presents a theory of “What Might Have Been” had Kennedy been able to serve two terms as President. In his second term as president he wanted to find a peaceful end to the Cold War, improve relations with the Soviet Union, reach a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing, begin a dialogue with Castro to explore the possibility of establishing relations with Cuba, withdraw a thousand advisors from Vietnam before the end of 1963, attack poverty, pass a tax cut, civil rights and immigration bills. His reelection in 1964 would have freed him from facing the electorate again. But as he began his campaign for the 1964 election he needed to repair a rift in the Democratic Party in Texas between Vice President Johnson and the Texas Senator Ralph Yarborough. This made the trip to Dallas necessary. Jackie wept first, and from her and from Dallas a tidal wave of tears rolled across the nation and around the world. (Page 347)...more |
Notes are private!
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1
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Jul 20, 2024
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Aug 06, 2024
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Jul 20, 2024
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Hardcover
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0195054652
| 9780195054651
| 0195054652
| 4.00
| 492
| 1998
| Apr 01, 1998
|
really liked it
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This history is a study in contrasts. In Lyndon Johnson we had a president with the most successful domestic agenda of any president in our history, i
This history is a study in contrasts. In Lyndon Johnson we had a president with the most successful domestic agenda of any president in our history, including FDR who had enjoyed an even greater democratic majority in Congress. On the other hand we had a president at the helm who steered us into the most disastrous war in our history. When Johnson announced his Great Society programs in 1964 he wanted legislation that addressed some of the social ills that plagued our country. The war he wished to fight was a war against poverty and ignorance. His domestic success was the combination of an unique set of circumstances. First of all here was a president with 30 years of experience dealing with Congress. He knew the rules of Congress and government and the legislative process better than anyone. He knew the personalities of many members of Congress and what motivated them. Second, his landslide election later that year gave him a mandate that he saw as a national commitment to that legislation. Third, John Kennedy’s assassination created a national mood for reform. However, those dreams were derailed by the developments in Vietnam. The Vietnam War plays a major part in this biography. There is little to no mention of the fighting or battles in South Vietnam. It is a political history of the war. There are many descriptions of meetings with Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of Defense McNamara, and various military chiefs. President John Kennedy, following the Bay of Pigs fiasco, did not put a lot of trust in the CIA or his military chiefs. Lyndon Johnson would have been wise to have learned that lesson. The Johnson presidency was plagued by a Credibility Gap. As the war in Vietnam increased Johnson attempted to conceal the true costs of fighting the war because he was afraid of cuts to his Great Society programs. Additionally as time went on, and especially after the Tet Offensive in February of 1968, the statements by Johnson and the military about the war being won soon and there being a “light at the end of the tunnel” proved false. As the war went on it became more difficult for Johnson and the military to admit they were wrong about any successful conclusion to the war. Johnson’s frustration with his failure to find a solution to the Vietnam mess was partially due to his inability to apply the “Johnson Treatment” to foreign leaders. He had a power of persuasion that utilized tactics such as badgering, flattery, threats, reminders of past favors and future advantages. He could threaten and bully. After a meeting with George Wallace to discuss the racial violence in Alabama, Wallace remarked: “Hell, if I’d stayed in there much longer, he’d have had me coming out for civil rights.” (Page 217) Regarding North Vietnam, or any other foreign problem, Johnson could not ask Ho Chi Minh to come to the White House and apply the “Johnson Treatment”. The government in South Vietnam led by Nguyen Van Thieu and Nguyen Cat Ky were being protected by half-a-million American soldiers and receiving millions of dollars in aid. They saw no reason to work for a peaceful settlement. Johnson and most everyone else in the government who had urged greater U.S. involvement felt a keen need to see it through. They had come too far to turn back. They could no longer be reasonably objective about the outcome of the fighting. They clutched at anything that hinted of success or seemed like a program for “holding the line”, “turning the tide”, or preventing South Vietnamese collapse. There was a quality of illusion to everything they now said and planned in Vietnam. The author notes a parallel between FDR’s New Deal and LBJ’s Great Society. Despite being interrupted by war both of these programs implemented policies which still remain and are essential to our civilized society. However, a better analysis is the contrast between the two wars. Following the successful conclusion to World War II the United States was the most powerful and economically successful country in the world. This also lent a false sense of an “illusion of omnipotence.” Americans believed that it is was their “responsibility for other nations—to make them richer and happier and wiser, to remake them … in its own shining image.” (Page 370) In Vietnam the limits of American power in a jungle war against a determined enemy became clear. What had worked in Europe during World War II and afterwards in resisting the spread of communism was not the solution for Asia. The legacy of Lyndon Johnson’s presidency will be judged by the contrast between the dreams and accomplishments of his Great Society programs and by the price we paid for his policy in Vietnam. ...more |
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May 2024
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May 28, 2024
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May 01, 2024
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Hardcover
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1982108665
| 9781982108663
| 1982108665
| 4.64
| 11,547
| 2024
| Apr 16, 2024
|
it was amazing
| For better or worse, your generation has been appointed by history to deal with those problems and to lead America toward a new age. You have the chan For better or worse, your generation has been appointed by history to deal with those problems and to lead America toward a new age. You have the chance never before afforded to any people of any age. You can help build a society where the demands of morality, and the needs of the spirit can be realized in the life of the Nation … a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods. Richard Goodwin, the author’s husband, has been called the “Thomas Paine of our generation.” He became a member of John Kennedy’s speechwriting staff in 1959 as Kennedy was beginning his quest for the presidency. He continued throughout the sixties working for President Kennedy, President Johnson, and Robert Kennedy, and was the author of many of the outstanding speeches given by these men. Prior to his death in 2018 he and the author went through his many boxes of memorabilia from his time serving presidents in the sixties. This is neither an academic history nor a biography. This book is a memoir of those days spent discussing the people and events they witnessed. The history here is revealed in these discussions. Here we have a person in Richard Goodwin who served the two presidents of the 1960s. Doris Goodwin, who would eventually work for Lyndon Johnson, was upset by the picture which Dick began painting when he went to work for Eugene McCarthy and Robert Kennedy. He wrote that the “good times that began with John Kennedy in 1960, and ended with his death in 1963 juxtaposed to the bad times of 1968.” (Page 322) She points out that he ignores the changes LBJ brought about like the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, medicare, and The Great Society. These along with the tax cuts Kennedy had proposed were not passed in 1963, but in the years 1964 and 1965 during the Johnson presidency. In this decade the battle for Civil Rights was waged. In December of 1972 Johnson delivered a keynote address at a major civil rights symposium at the LBJ library. The speech makes an excellent assessment of where civil rights stood in 1972 and still sits today. Johnson stated that he believed “the essence of government” was to ensure “the dignity and innate integrity of life for every individual .. regardless of color, creed, ancestry, sex or age.” That the difficulty of being “Black in a White society” remains the chief unaddressed problem of our country. “[But] if our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts are right, and if courage remains our constant companion, then, my fellow Americans, I am confident we shall overcome.” (Pages 381-382) As someone who came of age in sixties and remembers many of the people and events from this time it was thrilling to read a “ground-level” view of these events. Doris Kearns Goodwin and her husband Richard Goodwin were participants in these events and not just observers. There is a challenge in this book for us now to live up to and fulfill the ideals from that decade. ...more |
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Apr 22, 2024
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May 2024
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Mar 27, 2024
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Hardcover
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0804783772
| 9780804783774
| 0804783772
| 4.06
| 93
| Sep 05, 2012
| Sep 05, 2012
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liked it
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In October of 1962 when the United States confronted the Soviet Union over the nuclear missiles in Cuba the world faced perhaps the most dangerous per
In October of 1962 when the United States confronted the Soviet Union over the nuclear missiles in Cuba the world faced perhaps the most dangerous period in its history. John Kennedy in his campaign for the presidency had criticized the Eisenhower administration for allowing a communist country to exist 90 miles off the coast of the United States. When the Soviet Union allied itself with Cuba over Cuba’s fear of an invasion by the United States, Kennedy warned the Soviet Union twice about placing any offensive weapons in Cuba. Now the CIA informed him that the Soviets were building nuclear missile sites in Cuba. Kennedy found himself in a real fix. When I was looking for a book on the Cuban Missile Crisis this book appeared to be getting positive reviews. Upon getting the book it became apparent that Sheldon Stern’s main theme was showing that Robert Kennedy, in his book Thirteen Days , was presenting a myth of his role. The author stakes his authority on the fact he had listened to all the tape recordings President Kennedy had made of the meetings. There is a vindictive tone to this book. The evidence he states is either weak, vague or imagined. Both the Robert Kennedy book and this book tread the same ground. They describe the meetings of the Ex Comm, an executive committee President Kennedy formed to come up with a response to this crisis. There were several options discussed and some members would change their position over the course of the two weeks. There was an initial and almost universal proposal for a military strike. Even the president’s brother Robert supported this option at first. The president feared any military strike on Cuba by the United States would lead to a move by the Soviet Union against West Berlin. Also Robert Kennedy feared that a surprise attack on Cuba would be viewed as an atrocity similar to that of Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, and there was always the fear of igniting a nuclear exchange. The president moved for a blockade of Cuba to prevent any more weapons from reaching the country. This decision was heavily criticized by the military and congressional leaders when they were informed. This was the same military that had assured the president that the Bay of Pigs invasion was a sure thing. Eventually the blockade option was adopted, although it was called a quarantine to avoid any militaristic overtone. Robert Kennedy helped negotiate a secret deal with the Soviets that in exchange for a promise by the United States not to invade Cuba the Soviet Union would removed the missiles. There was also a secret understanding that the United States would begin removing the nuclear missiles in Turkey. The understanding about the Turkey missiles had to be kept a secret because the president feared NATO and its European allies would view it as a betrayal. Europe had been living in the shadow of Soviet missiles for years and could not understand America’s fixation on Cuba. I read both this book and Robert Kennedy’s Thirteen Days . In Sheldon Stern’s book he relies on the tape recordings. There are a few instances of differences between the two books, but not enough to warrant anointing the Stern book as the better account. I prefer the Kennedy book with its “I was there” feel. ...more |
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Mar 04, 2024
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Mar 09, 2024
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Mar 04, 2024
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Paperback
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0393318346
| 9780393318340
| 0393318346
| 4.09
| 8,692
| Jan 01, 1968
| Nov 17, 1999
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really liked it
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On October 16, 1962, the CIA informed President Kennedy that Russia was building nuclear missile sites in Cuba. Kennedy convened an executive committe
On October 16, 1962, the CIA informed President Kennedy that Russia was building nuclear missile sites in Cuba. Kennedy convened an executive committee known as Ex Comm to consider what the response should be. This is not a history. It is a personal memoir of Robert Kennedy and his recollections of the crisis and the meetings of the Ex Comm. The fourteen regular members of this committee had diverse and shifting opinions about the correct response during the two weeks they met. President Kennedy consistently sought to avoid a nuclear exchange. In my edition of this book, published in 1971, there is an Afterword written by Richard E. Neustadt and Graham T. Allison. This is a valuable contribution to an understanding of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the changes it meant for our government. They mention The Nuclear Paradox, which is the MAD doctrine—Mutually Assured Destruction. That any country initiating a Nuclear attack would suffer untold damage by a Nuclear response. “In a world of mutual superiority, neither nation can win a nuclear war.” (Page 107) They also describe the changes in the Checks and Balances that the Founding Fathers had written into the Constitution. They envisioned the president and congress collaborating when considering a military action. Since then presidents have taken action without any consent of congress. World War II was the last time Congress wrote a declaration of War. Three of the four most deadly wars—the Civil War, Korea, and Vietnam—were the result of presidential action. In 1962 the president relied on members of his administration. These were people who owed their roles to the president and were not elected by the public, thus denying the public of any say in the president’s power to determine the use of military force. This presidential action worked for the benefit of the country. The authors of this Afterword explain some of the reasons for Kennedy’s choice. There was a need for flexibility and secrecy to give diplomacy time to work. A few years later a similar action by Lyndon Johnson found us in the quagmire of Vietnam. They also provide a extensive discussion of ways to avoid future Vietnam fiascos. Theodore Sorensen in a note at the end of this book states that Robert Kennedy was planning prior to his assassination to add a discussion of the basic ethical question of the justification for a government subjecting its people or possibly all people to a nuclear holocaust. In 1962 the world, for the first and only time, was on the precipice of a Nuclear Holocaust. At that time John Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev searched for a reasonable and sane end to the crisis. Now imagine a similar situation with Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin as respective leaders. ...more |
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Feb 29, 2024
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Mar 03, 2024
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Feb 29, 2024
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Paperback
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0700633650
| 9780700633654
| 0700633650
| 4.25
| 32
| unknown
| Oct 01, 2022
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it was amazing
| Kennedy and the brief era in which he governed are part of a lost world, possibly irretrievable, when Americans believed in themselves and in their na Kennedy and the brief era in which he governed are part of a lost world, possibly irretrievable, when Americans believed in themselves and in their nation. I am not referring to a mystical Camelot, but to a time when polls revealed Americans trusted their government and believed in their nation’s purpose. The author states that over forty thousand books about John Kennedy and his presidency have been published. How does a man who was only president for 2 years and 10 months generate that many books? This book is an examination of the man who has fascinated us for over sixty years. In these times of political division and discord Kennedy personified what was good about ourselves and our country. This is neither a biography nor a classical history of the events of his life or presidency. It is an assessment of the idea the man represents. As such it is an intellectual history. Is Kennedy the myth created by his wife, Jackie, his court historians, and perpetuated by the Kennedy family, the hero of Camelot, or is he the man described by William Buckley as all style and no substance; or all profile and no courage. This question is examined through the perspective of his impact on the office of the presidency, his role in the Civil Rights battle of the early 1960s, his dealings with Cuba and the Soviet Union, and then his role in the consequence of Vietnam. The truth of the Kennedy presidency has been obscured by the both the myth of Camelot and by the right-wing’s disdain for an active, progressive president. HIs brief time as president has denied us a full picture of his policies. Had he lived to be reelected and serve a second term we would have had a better picture of his legacy. Having read only a tiny fraction of the forty thousand books on John Kennedy I still consider this an essential book for an understanding of the man and his presidency. ...more |
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Jan 25, 2024
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Feb 2024
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Jan 25, 2024
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Hardcover
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152474574X
| 9781524745745
| 152474574X
| 4.19
| 388
| Apr 12, 2022
| Apr 12, 2022
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it was amazing
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When a history of the Kennedy presidency is covered in only 288 pages it might be considered a lightweight work. In this case that would be wrong for
When a history of the Kennedy presidency is covered in only 288 pages it might be considered a lightweight work. In this case that would be wrong for
Incomparable Grace
is a concise history of the 1000 days of his presidency. It is well-written and flows nicely making it an easy read and covers all the important events. Any history of the Kennedy presidency will note the lack of legislative accomplishments. In part this was due to a Congress dominated by Southern Democrats that opposed his progressive agenda, most of all Civil Rights. But it was also the result of his lack of interest in how the legislative process worked. As a Congressman and Senator he paid little attention to how bills were passed. Frequently during his many illnesses and absences staff would vote in his place. However, the public did not seem to mind: “[T]he image as a young, vigorous president and his dedicated band of acolytes was enough for Americans to believe that the country was moving in a positive direction. Image was Kennedy’s currency, and he radiated it in spades.” He was the “antithesis of a politician”. Unlike his maternal grandfather, John “Honey Fitz” Fitzgerald, he was not a hand-shaking, back-slapping, baby-kissing politician. He sought to portray a sense of conviction, intelligence and integrity. The issue of Civil Rights and Kennedy is also described. The Freedom Riders were seen as a distraction by Kennedy and sending the world the wrong message. It provided America’s cold war enemies a source for propaganda. The Kennedys with their upper-class upbringing in New England had little experience with Black Americans. Kennedy equated the oppression faced by Blacks to the prejudice that the Irish had faced which wasn’t anything like the slavery and deep-seated bigotry faced by Blacks. However, that all changed in May of 1963 when Bull Connor, the Commissioner of Public Safety for the city of Birmingham, Alabama, attacked civil rights demonstrators including young children with fire hoses and police attack dogs. An attack which was televised on the news and then viewed by Kennedy and the rest of the world. Kennedy began to see civil rights as a moral cause. Any study of American History in the 1960s must include the Vietnam War. And any examination of that war needs to consider the role of the Kennedy presidency. This book describes the state of the involvement of the United States just prior to Kennedy’s assassination. Kennedy’s style was one of patience and keeping his options open. His triumph over the Cuban Missile Crisis had shown his restraint and cool head. After the Bay of Pigs fiasco he consistently refused the advice of the military “Brass Hats” and the CIA. The “What-If” question of whether Kennedy would have pursued the Vietnam War can never be answered with certainty. Today sixty years after his death the Kennedy legend continues to captivate, helped in part by the Camelot myth his wife and friends have created. He inspired us with hope for what the future might have been had he survived. He showed us that leadership is not an unrealistic ideal. In his inauguration speech he called out the best in all of us. This book shows his maturity as president during his short time in office. This would be the book I would recommend for anyone wanting a quick summary of his short time as president. Not all the details of his presidency are covered, but the topics chosen here are covered well. There is still the Kennedy glow here, but the warts are also described. ...more |
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Jan 14, 2024
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Hardcover
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0375504494
| 9780375504495
| 0375504494
| 3.98
| 1,899
| unknown
| May 04, 2004
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really liked it
| “Don’t let it be forgot, John Kennedy was Pr “Don’t let it be forgot, John Kennedy was President for two years, ten months, and two days—a brief shining moment. The accomplishments during his presidency were not all that he or we wished. But he and Jacqueline Kennedy were an attractive, articulate and appealing First Couple. They offered us hope for a better world and they inspired us to appreciate intelligence and the arts. With their style and elegance they were people we could be proud of as they represented America to the world. This book is a story of their time in the White House. Any historical or political significance is buried by the descriptions of the clothes Jackie Kennedy wore, or the numerous mistresses of Jack Kennedy, or the dinners and dances held by the First Couple, including descriptions of the menus. But some Kennedy scholars might find value in the accounts of his relationships with his family, friends and world leaders, including Harold Macmillan, Nikita Khrushchev, and Charles de Gaulle. The assassination of President Kennedy makes the last section of the book rather morose. There are accounts of meetings where people would be seeing Kennedy for the last time. Regardless of the caliber of this history or your opinion of John Kennedy the description of the events in Dallas and the days following will bring tears to the eyes of most people. “There will be great presidents again but there will never be another Camelot.”...more |
Notes are private!
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1
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Dec 24, 2023
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Jan 06, 2024
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Dec 24, 2023
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Hardcover
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0224607804
| 9780224607803
| 0224607804
| 4.15
| 7,896
| 1961
| Jan 01, 1962
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it was amazing
|
This is the Granddaddy of them all. Theodore H. White writes of the 1960 presidential election between John Kennedy and Richard Nixon. The authors of
This is the Granddaddy of them all. Theodore H. White writes of the 1960 presidential election between John Kennedy and Richard Nixon. The authors of the three previous histories I read of this election took the measure of this book. It has become common to treat the author’s approach as a pro-Kennedy fluff piece, but anyone dismissing this book as such is missing an excellent history of the election. I find it difficult to say anything negative about this book. That it had a Kennedy slant cannot be denied, but that may say more about Nixon than Kennedy. White was granted access to the Kennedy campaign and denied access to Nixon’s campaign. It is not a classical history; there is no bibliography and no footnotes attributing sources. It reads more like a journalist’s article for Atlantic Monthly. It was a reporter’s first-hand front-row view of the election and campaign and it seemed more about the soul of the election, the campaign and the candidates than a historical analysis of the issues and events. Even White states that history is best when viewed through the lens of time. A theme in this book is of the past versus the future and what type of leadership was required. In Kennedy’s acceptance speech he mentions the New Frontier that the country was facing. It was a campaign where “the young faced the old, this was the [election] where one generation gave way to another”. (Page 189) This election represents the eve of the 1960s. I feel this is a book well-worth reading. ...more |
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Dec 03, 2023
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Dec 18, 2023
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Dec 03, 2023
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Hardcover
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0300218265
| 9780300218268
| 0300218265
| 3.89
| 87
| unknown
| Jan 04, 2022
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liked it
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This book begins with Irwin Gellman’s comment that history is written by the winners. In 1960 John Kennedy won the presidential election. The history
This book begins with Irwin Gellman’s comment that history is written by the winners. In 1960 John Kennedy won the presidential election. The history was written by Theodore H. White in his Pulitzer Prize winning book
The Making of the President 1960
. This has been the generally accepted version for nearly 50 years. In this book Gellman attempts to write the contrarian history to the White book presenting a pro-Nixon account of the election. I readily admit, like White, to a pro-Kennedy prejudice. In 1960 this was not the Nixon we would come to know in 1968, but this book fails to alter the accepted version of this election. He refers to a lot of anecdotal evidence, and seems to assume that there was election fraud, especially in Illinois and Texas. Since the 2020 presidential election we, and this historian, should know better than to argue any claims of a stolen election without evidence. Gellman does list Edmund Kallina, Jr’s, Kennedy v. Nixon , a book I read and reviewed recently, as one book that makes an effort “to explain the election in a more meaningful context”. That would be the book I recommend reading for a history of the 1960 presidential election. I am posting this review on the sixtieth anniversary of President Kennedy assassination. I wish I was using a better book to commemorate that date. ...more |
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Nov 03, 2023
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Nov 18, 2023
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Nov 03, 2023
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Hardcover
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081303485X
| 9780813034850
| 081303485X
| 4.36
| 14
| Sep 26, 2010
| Sep 26, 2010
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it was amazing
| On November 8, 1960, Americans went to the polls as they had not done in more than fifty years and would not do again. Voter turnout (that is, the per On November 8, 1960, Americans went to the polls as they had not done in more than fifty years and would not do again. Voter turnout (that is, the percentage of eligible voters casting their ballots) was greater than for any of the great Roosevelt elections of 1932, 1936, and 1940, and the highest since 1908. It has not been equaled since, and now ranks as the highest voter participation in a century. The author begins this book with the two questions regarding this election: First, why did Kennedy win and Nixon lose? And second, why was Kennedy’s margin of victory so small? (Page 2-3) He then proceeds to examine the facts and events of this campaign in an attempt to answer those questions. It is his analysis of these issues that is the outstanding feature of this history. He also dispels the myths that arose regarding the result of this election. This was not the Nixon we would learn about in 1968 through 1974. The certification of the election took place on January 6, 1960. Here Nixon as Vice-President presided over Congress as they certified the results which had him as the defeated candidate. After the roll was complete Nixon gave a short speech. He noted that as a presidential candidate he had to announce his own defeat. That there could not be “a more more striking and eloquent example of the stability of our constitutional system,” noting: “In our campaigns, no matter how hard fought they may be, no matter how close the election may turn out to be, those who lose accept the verdict and support those who won.” (Page 189) He received a standing ovation and shook hands with senators and representatives from both parties. The history of this election has given birth to three myths. Religious bigotry took hold for the Democrats to explain the closeness of the election. The fact that Nixon was a strong candidate supported by a popular incumbent president was not an explanation worthy of Camelot. On the Republican side there was a similar effort to explain the defeat. Voter fraud became the accepted interpretation for the loss. This election was extremely close. In twelve states the difference was by less than 5 percent, and in six of them the results were within 10,000 votes. However, similar to a recent presidential election no proof of fraud was ever proven. The voter fraud issue allowed Republicans to shift the blame. Both sides had reasons to accept this explanation. “In the end, it was easier to believe in an emotionally comforting legend than it was to confront the messy reality of a close election.” (Page 212) The third myth is the one that has me reading these histories of the 1960 election. Theodore H. White’s portrayal of this election has been the standard history of this election for 50 years, but White’s book was more of a novel than a history. It would have a hero: John F. Kennedy, young, rich, handsome, witty, elegant, and disciplined. Nixon would serve as the villain: small and mostly off-stage. This version became a spectacular success, winning the Pulitzer Prize. But there were obvious flaws in this interpretation. If the Kennedy campaign was so well-run and Nixon’s so error-prone why was the result so close. The presidential election of 1960 was an extremely interesting election. This book is a fair and thorough history of the major issues in that campaign. ...more |
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Oct 17, 2023
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Oct 27, 2023
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Oct 17, 2023
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Hardcover
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1402761147
| 9781402761140
| 1402761147
| 4.14
| 707
| 2008
| Sep 02, 2008
|
really liked it
| Years later, reading of another multimillionaire, Ross Perot, Rose Kennedy informed a grandson, “I read in the paper that he was going spend $100 mill Years later, reading of another multimillionaire, Ross Perot, Rose Kennedy informed a grandson, “I read in the paper that he was going spend $100 million to buy the election. Your grandfather only spent ten.” In this history of the 1960 presidential election you will only find people and events connected to the campaign or the candidates. The examination of those people and events is broad and deep. This was an extremely close election and the author wonders why the race was “so damn close”. Kennedy seemed to do many things right and Nixon seemed to do many things wrong. The country was more Democratic than Republican, and while Kennedy was exceedingly charismatic, Nixon seemed shifty and was not well-liked. The author states that issues were not important, and that in the end voters liked Kennedy better than Nixon—but not by much. The subtitle of this book is “The Epic Campaign That Forged Three Presidencies.” John Kennedy, the winner in 1960, would become a much-loved and respected president. A 2021 C-SPAN ranking by presidential historians has Kennedy at number 8. By becoming president after Kennedy’s assassination Johnson inherited the legacy of John Kennedy. It was this legacy that helped him win a landslide victory over Barry Goldwater in 1964. That gave him the mandate to produce the programs that were a part of his Great Society. Yet it was a problem he inherited from Kennedy that would become his downfall: Vietnam. Nixon would in 1968 again be involved in an extremely close election. This time he was the winner over Hubert Humphrey. However, his paranoid style of politics would eventually force him to resign the presidency. This book and several others published recently have been attempts to counter the history first presented of the 1960 election in Theodore H. While’s Pulitzer Prize winning The Making of the President 1960 . White painted a very attractive portrait of Kennedy and helped spawn the image of the Kennedy administration as Camelot. This author has written several books about U.S. Presidential elections. I have read his account of the 1948 election, and will probably read some of the others. However, his writing was not always crystal clear. On more than one occasion I had to re-read a sentence to understand what was said. In addition I thought his analysis was lacking. For instance, on the closeness of the election he does not offer a compelling explanation. This is the first of three books on the 1960 election that I am planning on reading. Maybe these other books will fill in some of the blanks. ...more |
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1
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Sep 23, 2023
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Oct 06, 2023
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Sep 23, 2023
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Hardcover
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0812997131
| 9780812997132
| 0812997131
| 4.55
| 2,700
| Sep 08, 2020
| Sep 08, 2020
|
really liked it
|
I am an unapologetic Kennedyphile. In 1961 when he was inaugurated as President of the United States I was 14 years old. I entered high school with a
I am an unapologetic Kennedyphile. In 1961 when he was inaugurated as President of the United States I was 14 years old. I entered high school with a president who was intelligent, articulate, attractive and young. His speeches inspired people. He helped us believe we could solve some of the big problems facing America. So yes, it was Camelot. This book is the first volume of a planned two-volume biography of John Kennedy. It follows his life from his birth in 1917 and his family’s background until the 1956 Democratic presidential convention where he lost a bid to become Adlai Stevenson’s running mate. Kennedy’s senior thesis at Harvard is explored at length. This thesis would eventually be developed in the book Why England Slept. While his father was the U.S. Ambassador to Great Britain he had the opportunity to visit Britain and Europe during the 1930s and observe first hand the coming of WWII. After his travels in Europe he became fascinated with the Twentieth Century “isms”: communism, fascism, socialism, capitalism, nationalism, imperialism, and militarism. His advisors during his senior year at Harvard suggested that he use this experience to write his senior thesis. His thesis examined the origins of Britain’s appeasement policy and its failure to rearm. Only twenty years after England’s last experience with a destructive war, it now faced another devastating conflict. Kennedy’s conclusion was that Chamberlain’s accommodation of Hitler was necessary due to England’s lackluster rearmament efforts and opposition among the public to another war. Kennedy explains this by saying that Neville Chamberlain, and Stanley Baldwin before him, operated in a democratic system and had to contend with an electorate that favored collective security but were unwilling to pay for it. “Britain’s existential crisis was primarily the result of societal forces.” (Page 255) Some of Kennedy’s analysis was quite insightful. He held that dictatorships could dictate a mobilization of resources, whereas in a democracy people had to be won over to the policy, which doesn’t happen quickly. He states that although a democratic system is best in that it allows for the “full development of man as an individual”, and thus is a more pleasant way of government, it is not necessarily the best form of government for meeting world problems. “If Americans wished for their democratic system to succeed, it would be imperative … for them to look at situations more realistically.” (I would suggest thinking of Climate Change in this context.) This thesis was similar to what Alexis de Tocqueville had asked a century before: Can popular rule readily lend itself to the making of effective foreign policy? And can democracy, geared for a time of peace, respond effectively in a time of war? Jack’s answers: Yes and yes, but the task would not be easy. It required intelligent and committed leadership at the highest levels, able to articulate effectively to the public why fighting was necessary, and it required a capacity and willingness to plan for the long term. In the near run, totalitarianism had notable advantages. I have concentrated on this because it represents Kennedy’s transition from the young, dashing playboy into a serious student of geopolitical policy. This also is an example of the author’s historical analysis of the biography of Kennedy. Another example is a 1951 trip Kennedy made that included a visit to Vietnam. He makes several observations from this trip that foretells the eventual involvement of America with the conflict in Vietnam. His first observation was regarding the Communist threat of conquering the world. Kennedy asks “how would they cope with ruling over all these people.” (Page 485). Democracies needed to offer a compelling alternative to communism in those countries that were in the midst of an anti-colonial rebellion. The U.S. policy then and later was to rush assistance to anyone who professed to be anti-communist. “That puts us in a partnership with the corrupt and reactionary groups whose policies breed the discontent on which Soviet Communism feeds.” (Page 487) Communism offered the people something to believe in whereas the West only promised to maintained the status quo. Here Kennedy observed that the enemy was not communism but was “poverty and want,” “sickness and disease,” and “injustice and inequality.” The support that the United States was giving to these regimes was viewed as making the U.S. colonialists. However, Kennedy had grasped that any success as an politician required a firm anti-Communism posture. That “preaching the need for accommodation with Moscow or Beijing might make intellectual sense, might be shrewd geopolitics, but is posed grave risks for one’s career.” (Page 554) Kennedy examined this conflict in his book Profiles in Courage. Similar to his view in Why England Slept once again he describes leaders who advocate a course of action that differs from what his constituents or party may hold. “Politics is a jungle,” Kennedy said, “torn between doing the right things and staying in office.” (Page 594) In that book he uses the example of Robert Taft’s criticism of the Nuremberg Trials of Nazi war criminals where people were held guilty of laws made retroactively. Taft had effectively jeopardized his chances for the nomination as the Republican presidential candidate in 1948. I do have a caveat to the praise I gave above. There was too much about Jack Kennedy and his girlfriends and his sexual magnetism, and especially his womanizing after his marriage. And I failed to see any historical significance in finding out the when, where, and to whom Jackie lost her virginity. (Page 543) That said I am eagerly awaiting the publication of the second volume of this biography. Despite the low ranking of John Kennedy in presidential rankings, he remains an attractive president for me. CORRECTION Per the comment by Sonny above I have corrected the last paragraph. I did check and Kennedy is ranked in the top 10—currently number 8. I neglected to actually check these rankings before finishing my review. ...more |
Notes are private!
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1
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Aug 28, 2023
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Sep 14, 2023
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Aug 28, 2023
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Hardcover
| |||||||||||||||
0195054350
| 9780195054354
| 0195054350
| 4.15
| 324
| Aug 15, 1991
| Aug 15, 1991
|
really liked it
|
This is the first volume of a two-volume biography of Lyndon Johnson. It examines LBJ’s life from childhood until the 1960 election when he became Joh
This is the first volume of a two-volume biography of Lyndon Johnson. It examines LBJ’s life from childhood until the 1960 election when he became John Kennedy’s Vice -President. It is the story of a political man. Lyndon started his life in politics as the secretary to Congressman Richard Kleberg. Kleberg had little interest in the duties as a congressman and delegated them to Johnson. After serving as the head of the Texas National Youth Administration he won a Congressional seat for himself in 1937. In 1948 he won the Senate seat from Texas after a controversial runoff election which will give nightmares to anyone worried about the integrity of our elections. For Lyndon Baines Johnson politics was a vocation that allowed a flawed man to “rise from the obscurity of the Texas Hill Country to the second highest office in the land and along the way do extraordinary things.” (Page 591) He was the ultimate politico. In the early parts of this book LBJ is presented as a very paradoxical character. He is described as having a “larger-than-life” personality. He could be a difficult, overbearing person. He liked to be the center of attention, would browbeat anyone who disagreed with him until he convinced them of his view. These and other traits would follow him throughout his career. Some of the traits described can only be thought of as crude. On the other hand, his power and influence had positive effects on the state of Texas, the South, and the entire country. His work with the National Youth Administration under Franklin Roosevelt resulted in the education and training for young people. LBJ wanted to expand FDR’s New Deal to make Texas and the South more prosperous. In the South, where before 1941 southern states were mainly concerned with maintaining white supremacy and social stability, he sought to transform the region by encouraging industrial, economic and business development. Any history of this period should include a section on McCarthyism. LBJ viewed McCarthy as “a Republican party problem.” (Page 442) He also set his party’s position as not a criticism of McCarthy’s anti-Communist aims, but of his methods and inappropriate Senate behavior. This allowed the Senate to bring a bipartisan, majority rule of censure of McCarthy. Johnson also deserves credit for the passage of the 1957 Civil Rights bill, which with all its limitations was a major step in that it broke an eighty-year pattern of “talking the issue to death.” It was an opening for equality and opportunity for Black Americans that had been denied since emancipation. Any dreams of a presidential run required Johnson to address civil rights. It became apparent that some change was inevitable. When the House passed a Civil Rights bill the focus would be on the Senate. If he could lead the bill through the Senate it would transform him from a southern or regional leader into a national spokesman. There are several examples of foreign policy that showed the seeds of actions that would lead to an American War in Vietnam. In addition to supporting Eisenhower’s use of the CIA to replace the president of Guatemala, during a crisis in the Middle East the administration wanted a resolution as part of an Eisenhower Doctrine that would allow them to use economic assistance and possible military force to fill a vacuum before the Soviets did. Johnson worked to provide a congressional consensus. The Resolution “provided a congressional endorsement of presidential authority in foreign affairs that Johnson later saw as a precedent for asking congressional backing to deal with a Communist threat to South Vietnam.” (Page 513) Given his seventeen years of experience in Washington and politics his knowledge of congressional operations made him extremely prepared and he used this expertise to become a very successful United States Senator becoming the Majority Leader in 1956. He viewed his effectiveness as a Majority Leader as an avenue to a nomination as a presidential candidate. Many people, among them John Kennedy and Adlai Stevenson, thought Johnson was the most qualified person for the presidency, but was hindered as a Southerner. He denied any interest in running for president because he feared starting a stop-Johnson movement. Few people were fooled by his denials. When Kennedy won the nomination Johnson saw the Vice-Presidency as a means of leading the South back into the national consensus. The South had been diverting its energy into a defense of the past instead of building the region into a political and economic force. It is also pointed out that Johnson’s control of the Senate as Majority Leader was in jeopardy. If Kennedy won he would just be a tool to implement Kennedy’s programs in the Senate, and if Nixon won Johnson would face an assertive Republican administration along with a hostile liberal wing of his own party. During the 1960 election Johnson made an important contribution to Kennedy’s victory. Johnson campaigned in the South emphasizing all that the Democrats had done for the region without publicly using racists appeals to while voters. This biography is full of examples of his difficult, abrasive personality. He had to be the best no matter the stakes. He had to be the winner. He used this to gain power that led to many benefits to people in Texas, the South and in the entire United States. He helped improve public structures and schools. He helped bring electricity to rural areas. He helped build airports, hospitals, post offices, low-cost public housing, expanded Social Security benefits, and many other improvements which showed the origins of his future war on poverty and Great Society programs. As my reading now moves on to the 1960s, this book provides an excellent background and introduction to that period. ...more |
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1
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Aug 2023
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Aug 22, 2023
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Aug 01, 2023
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Hardcover
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0671231081
| 9780671231088
| 0671231081
| 4.25
| 3,170
| Jan 01, 1987
| Jan 01, 1987
|
it was amazing
| Built on a grand scale, with ambition, passion and will attaining in them a terrible yet wondrous force, both the Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys seemed Built on a grand scale, with ambition, passion and will attaining in them a terrible yet wondrous force, both the Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys seemed to live their lives with an uncommon intensity which drove them to seek out the heights of earthly greatness. Striking against the existing order of things in pursuance of their ambitions and driving their passions, they achieved more than they ever dreamed, lending a magic to their family story that no tale of ordinary life could possibly rival. But the very nature of their search was for success of such towering proportions that, as history records, a terrible price was paid. The Kennedys are America’s iconic royal family. This is an extensive, detailed history of the family from the early immigrants from Ireland to the inauguration of John F. Kennedy as President of the United States. In this book you will read about the maternal grandfather of JFK, John Francis “Honey Fitz” Fitzgerald, a longtime Democratic politician and twice elected mayor of Boston. You will read much about Joseph Patrick Kennedy, a successful American business man, onetime Ambassador to Great Britain and the patriarch of the Kennedy family. You will also read about Rose Kennedy from her life as a child, the eldest daughter of “Honey Fitz” Fitzgerald, as the wife of Joseph Kennedy, and as the mother of the Kennedy family. This is not a biography of John Kennedy. It is an examination of his upbringing and character. There is almost a psychological flavor to this book. An important part of this family’s history is the discrimination Irish Catholics faced in Boston. Unlike New York City where the Irish were just one of many immigrant groups to arrive in the Nineteenth Century, or Chicago where the Irish were able to establish themselves in a new city, the Irish arrived in Boston, a city over 200 years old, with a well established Brahmin class, the original Wasp society. Joseph Kennedy encountered this discrimination at Harvard where despite being a successful student and active socially he was denied entrance to the exclusive clubs at Harvard. This ignited a drive to become a wealthy, successful businessman and to see one of his sons elected as the first Irish Catholic President of the United States. This drive was passed on to his children who were urged to always do their best. The author implies this may have resulted in the death of the oldest son Joseph Kennedy, Jr. After his brother Jack was hailed a hero for his exploits in the South Pacific after his PT boat had been rammed by a Japanese Destroyer, Joe volunteered for a dangerous mission which claimed his life. Joseph Kennedy had always invested his dreams of political success in his oldest son and after his death those dreams were transferred to the second oldest son Jack. In letters to his friends he describes that it was demanded by his father that he pursue a political career. As a family history of the Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys and their rise from poor immigrant Irish to the Mayorship of Boston and the Ambassador to Great Britain, this is a fascinating story of the successful migration of the poor of Europe to the United States. However, it is the fact that Jack Kennedy became the first Irish Catholic to be elected as President of the United States that makes this book interesting. His ascent to the presidency elevated the family to its mythical position in history. His youth was spent with many lingering illnesses that separated him from his family. His parents were frequently absent, and he grew up knowing his father’s preference for his older brother. He developed a rebellious independence that allowed him to adapt his approach to politics and modify his positions according to his goals. This was reflected in his lack of a political ideology. The Kennedy family, his parents and his siblings, played a large part in his success, but it was his own triumph. He had the ability to arouse the imagination of his fellow citizens with his youth, intelligence and his handsome family. His vision and vigor inspired a generation with a version of a better America. After publication of this book the author, Doris Kearns Goodwin, was accused of plagiarizing parts from other works. This accusation was the result of an article in a far-right news magazine, The Weekly Standard . The author did admit to the plagiarism and blamed it on some accidents in her research. I certainly do not condone plagiarism, but it did not affect my enjoyment of this book. ...more |
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1
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Jul 2023
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Jul 24, 2023
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Jul 01, 2023
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Hardcover
| |||||||||||||||
1439175667
| 9781439175668
| 1439175667
| 4.34
| 1,455
| Mar 20, 2018
| Mar 20, 2018
|
it was amazing
| “[T]he Federal government cannot avoid or escape responsibilities which the mass of the people firmly believe should be undertaken by it.” Americans w “[T]he Federal government cannot avoid or escape responsibilities which the mass of the people firmly believe should be undertaken by it.” Americans wanted the government to act as a safety net. “Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history.” A few “Texas oil millionaires” and the occasional hard-liner might still oppose social security. But, he said, in memorably blunt terms, “their number is negligible and they are stupid.” In the 1954 midterm elections, given his high approval ratings and the significant achievements of his first two years, Eisenhower had expected Republican victories. He had ended the war in Korea, his administration had achieved improvements in infrastructure, housing, health care, and social security. He and Nixon campaigned hard during the fall of 1954, however, the election resulted in the lost of control of both the House and Senate. In a postmortem, Eisenhower and some of his advisers came to the conclusion that the Republican Party was in danger. The party was divided between far-right conservatives and moderates. If the GOP was to have a chance at winning majorities in the future, it had to embrace the “progressive moderates”. He sought generous and humane solutions to social problems within a framework of fiscal restraint. He contemplated forming a new party that would embrace “the Middle Way”. A party made up of “internationalists in foreign policy, fiscal conservatives who wanted a balanced budget, and social liberals who understood the need for a basic safety net to catch those who,’through no fault of their own, suddenly find themselves poverty -stricken’.” A party positioned between "those who wanted socialism and those who wanted to eliminate everything the Federal Government has ever done.” “Mere hostility to government was not a winning formula.” (Pages 266-267) The decade of the fifties was a watershed for civil rights. This decade saw the murder of Emmett Till, the Supreme Court decision outlawing racial segregation in public schools, the arrival of Martin Luther King Jr., the arrest of Rosa Parks and the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott, and the confrontation between President Eisenhower and Governor Faubus of Arkansas over the desegregation of a Little Rock high school. This book is not a history of the civil rights movement, but it is a report of how President Eisenhower handled these events. The author notes his failure to oppose more strongly racial segregation, however, it is also noted he did end segregation in the District of Columbia and the armed forces. The single most important point of this book for me was that Eisenhower kept us out of war. There were numerous occasions which could have resulted in combat and war if a less competent president had been in office. Eisenhower dealt with these threats in a calm reserved manner as he waited patiently for things to play out. He saw no need for bravado. However, the CIA under Allen Dulles had initiated many covert actions which as they failed and were exposed embarrassed the United States. This is an excellent history book. The text is extensively footnoted. There is a bibliography of some 400 books which the author used in his research. There is a section at the end where the author describes the books he found most useful for certain topics. He does not pull any punches dismissing some well-known histories, some of which suffered from the recent release of classified information. This section is a treasure trove for anyone wishing further reading of this period. The writing was engaging and never felt like a slog. All this in addition to being about a period that is extraordinarily interesting, at least to me. This is not a biography of Dwight Eisenhower. It is also not a chronological history of his presidency. The book has been described as thematic in that it is organized by the crises, events and issues of the period. The author does present a mostly favorable portrayal of Eisenhower, but it also describes some of his failures and faults. Most notably his failure to confront Senator Joseph McCathy, and his lack of effort on Civil Rights. In a nice transition as my reading now enters the 1960s and the presidential administrations of Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson is a description of the shift from the Eisenhower presidency to the John Kennedy presidency. Kennedy inherited the situations in Laos and Cuba. He was informed two days before his inauguration of a planned attack by the CIA on the Castro regime in Cuba. Likewise he was informed shortly before taking office that actions were underway to save Laos from communist takeover. It was emphasized that Indonesia could not be allowed to fall to the communists. He had campaigned against Eisenhower’s tolerance of the spread of communism. He was now confronted with plans to address that issue. He was trapped into approving it. We all know how that turned out. ...more |
Notes are private!
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1
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Jun 09, 2023
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Jun 30, 2023
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Jun 09, 2023
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Hardcover
| |||||||||||||||
0385540574
| 9780385540575
| 0385540574
| 4.18
| 2,905
| Oct 11, 2016
| Oct 11, 2016
|
it was amazing
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William Manchester has written a biography of Douglas MacArthur titled American Caesar. That title is an apt metaphor for the events described in this
William Manchester has written a biography of Douglas MacArthur titled American Caesar. That title is an apt metaphor for the events described in this history involving Harry Truman and Douglas MacArthur at the height of the Korean War. Julius Caesar, after waging a campaign to conquer Gaul, sought tributes and political power on his return to Rome. Tensions began when the Roman Senate demanded that Caesar give up his provinces and armies. He refused and marched on Rome. After defeating Pompey in a civil war he was made dictator for life. The word “Caesar” has become a synonym for Emperor or Dictator. There are parallels between this history and the events in Rome in 45 BC. Here MacArthur ran afoul of the President, the Secretary of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staffs by publicly expressing his disagreement with the policies in Korea. This violated the principle of the United States Military that it must be controlled by civilian authority. The United States and its allies in the United Nations wanted to confine the conflict to Korea and avoid it spreading into a third world war. Their objective was to defeat the aggressors and restore peace. In this history MacArthur refuses to accept civilian control of his campaign. The book opens with a description of the fear by Britain, France and other allies of the United States that a nuclear war might be possible. The fear was raised when President Harry Truman stated in a press conference that nuclear weapons were under consideration, and even more threatening was his statement that the use of those weapons rested with the theater commander Douglas MacArthur. When the United Nations ordered the defense of South Korea, Truman knew he had to respond with the American military that the allies demanded. The United States would survive without Korea, but it could not survive without its allies. They would forgive defeat, but not forgive a refusal to fight. MacArthur maintained a stubborn confidence in his own judgment. Diplomacy and the concerns for the opinions of others were the qualities that General MacArthur had been lacking in the past. He continued his old habit of doing things his own way without too much concern about orders from Washington. The involvement of Chinese forces brought the difficulties between Washington and MacArthur to a head. MacArthur did not agree with Washington’s decision to limit the conflict to Korea. This led to his dismissal by Truman. George Marshall in his testimony before the Senate stated: “General MacArthur, on the other hand, would have us, on our own initiative, carry the conflict beyond Korea against the mainland of Communist China.” (Page 355) Among the risks would be losing our allies, exposing Western Europe to attack by millions of Soviet troops, and thermonuclear war. The fall of South Korea was seen as another step of the domino theory. The Truman Doctrine recognized that communism could not be defeated, but it must be contained. Gen. Omar Bradley, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, stated the doctrine required methods short of war. The costs of defending Greece, Berlin and South Korea were less expensive than the vast destruction which would be caused by a total war. Six decades after the general and the president, standing at the brink of nuclear war, wrestled over Korea and China; six decades after their contest brought to a head the issue of whether the president or a general determines American policy; six decades after MacArthur received a hero’s reception from Congress and ticker-tape parades from an adoring public while Truman was castigated as an appeaser and howled into retirement, it was hard to find any knowledgeable person who didn’t feel relief that the president, and not the general, had been the one with the final say in their fateful struggle. ...more |
Notes are private!
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May 23, 2023
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Jun 2023
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May 23, 2023
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Hardcover
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4.43
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not set
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Mar 05, 2025
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4.35
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it was amazing
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Mar 04, 2025
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Feb 08, 2025
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4.36
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it was amazing
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Feb 07, 2025
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Jan 01, 2025
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4.16
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it was amazing
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Aug 06, 2024
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Jul 20, 2024
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4.00
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really liked it
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May 28, 2024
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May 01, 2024
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4.64
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it was amazing
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May 2024
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Mar 27, 2024
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4.06
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liked it
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Mar 09, 2024
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Mar 04, 2024
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4.09
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really liked it
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Mar 03, 2024
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Feb 29, 2024
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4.25
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it was amazing
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Feb 2024
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Jan 25, 2024
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4.19
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it was amazing
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Jan 19, 2024
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Jan 14, 2024
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3.98
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really liked it
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Jan 06, 2024
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Dec 24, 2023
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4.15
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it was amazing
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Dec 18, 2023
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Dec 03, 2023
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3.89
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liked it
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Nov 18, 2023
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Nov 03, 2023
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4.36
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it was amazing
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Oct 27, 2023
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Oct 17, 2023
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4.14
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really liked it
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Oct 06, 2023
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Sep 23, 2023
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4.55
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really liked it
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Sep 14, 2023
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Aug 28, 2023
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4.15
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really liked it
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Aug 22, 2023
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Aug 01, 2023
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4.25
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it was amazing
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Jul 24, 2023
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Jul 01, 2023
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4.34
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it was amazing
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Jun 30, 2023
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Jun 09, 2023
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4.18
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it was amazing
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Jun 2023
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May 23, 2023
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