Turkish and Middle East Studies

Human trafficking is defined as ‗it involves the exploitation of people through force, coercion, threat, or deception and includes human rights abuses such as debt bondage, deprivation of liberty, or lack of control over freedom and labor' (Unclassified 2005). According to the Protocol (UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children) Human trafficking defines as ‗illegal trade of human beings, through abduction, the use or threat of force, deception, fraud, or ‗sale' for the purposes of sexual exploitation or forced labor' (Unclassified 2005). It is clear that human trafficking is an illegal criminal activities and heavily relies on ‗supply and demand' like other for profit industries. Moreover, International Labour Organization and United Nations states that ‗each year, between 700,000 -900,000 people fall victim to trafficking across international borders and are bought, sold, transported and held against their will worldwide.' Moreover, it is estimated that ‗between 12-27 million people' have been victimised by the human traffickers. Consequently these figures evidently prove that human trafficking is one of major organised criminal activities in today world. This paper will investigate human trafficking in general and particular attention will be given to using of human trafficking by a terrorist organisation namely, The Kurdish Worker Party (PKK). Because, ‗this 21 st Century manifestation of the slave trade is currently a multi-billion dollar industry built on consumer demand for a single product-fellow human beings. Human traffickers offer consumers several ‗products'-child soldier, domestic servant, exotic dancer, manual laborer, etc' (Bensenia 2010), organ trade. The PKK needs money in order to continue its

Bu araşdırma mənim tarixşünaslığın ayrılmaz hissəsi olan mənbə-şünaslıqda təsbit etməyə nail olduğum bir boşluğu təqdim etmək cəh-dimdir. Birmənalı qarşılanmayacağını və tarixçilərin qərəzli-qərəzsiz tənqidlərinə məruz qala biləcəyini nəzərə alaraq, həmçinin ən sonda həqiqətin qələbə çalacağına inanaraq işlədiyim bu mövzu bütün keç-miş sosialist düşərgəsi də daxil olmaqla dünya tarixşünaslığının sağal-maz yarasıdır ki, yaranmasının tarixi insanlığın yaranma tarixinə, bi-zim misalımızda ən azı 1500 il əvvələ dirənir.
Əgər üzərindən sükutla keçilmiş elmi-həqiqətlər söz azadlığı və elmi-texniki tərəqqi dövründə sərhədsiz imkanlara malik olan bizlər tərəfindən təsbit edilib, araşdırılıb, geniş ictimaiyyətə təqdim olun-masa, o zaman bizim tariximiz köhnə, meydana gəlmə şərtləri şübhəli olan, sosialist realizmindən bəhrələnmiş tərcümələr, dəqiq desəm, ak-tuallığını itirmiş mənbələr əsasında yazılmış yeni kitablarda davamlı olaraq ildən-ilə təkrarlanıb, istiqaməti bəlli olmayan yolla irəliləyəcək.
“Antik mənbələrin izində: Herodot və Strabon” mənim bundan əvvəlki “Hay soyu ərmən cildində” (Bakı 2022, elmi redaktor: tarix elmləri doktoru, professor, Dövlət Mükafatı laureatı Kərim Şükürov; rəyçilər: filologiya elmləri doktoru, professor Nadir Məmmədov, tarix elmləri doktoru, dosent, fövqəladə və səlahiyyətli səfir Eynulla Mə-dətli, tarix elmləri doktoru, dosent, Dövlət Mükafatı laureatı Güntəkin Nəcəfli) və nəşri bir qədər sonraya nəzərdə tutulmuş “Hay-armen (erməni) paraleli: tarixi-siyasi təhlil, m.ö. VI – m.s. XIII yüzilliklər” adlı iki kitabımın arasında bir növ körpü rolunu oynayan araşdırmadır ki, birinci kitabın bəzi, qəbul olunması çətin görünən məqamlarına işıq salmaq, həmçinin ikinci kitabın qolay qavranmasına dəstək olmaq məqsədi ilə yazılıb.

Bu çalışmanın amacı, öğretim elemanlarının ve sınıf öğretmenliği programından mezun olan öğretmenlerin Türkçe dersi alan ve alan öğretimi yeterliklerine verdikleri önemi ve sınıf öğretmenlerinin bu yeterlikleri kazanma düzeylerini belirlemektir. Bu amaçla öğretim elemanlarının ve sınıf öğretmenlerinin Türkçe alan ve alan öğretimine ilişkin görüşlerini almak için öğretim elemanı ve öğretmenlere uygulanmak üzere iki ayrı anket hazırlanmıştır. Sonuç olarak sınıf öğretmenlerinin ve öğretim elemanlarının Türkçe alan ve alan öğretimi yeterliklerinin tümünü "oldukça" ve "çok" düzeyinde önemli buldukları görülmektedir. Ancak sınıf öğretmenlerinin bütün yeterliklere verdikleri önemin bu yeterlikleri kazanım düzeylerinden anlamlı olarak daha yüksek olduğu gözlenmektedir. Sınıf öğretmenleri, fakülte öğrenimleri esnasında bu yeterlikleri kazanımlarının, yeterliklerin önem derecesiyle uyumlu olarak gerçekleşmediği görüşündedirler.

This paper addresses the recent shift in power in the global energy market towards the state-owned energy companies, and the re-nationalising and re-politicising trend that is perceived to have accompanied this shift. This is done by a longitudinal exploratory social network analysis of the changing corporate relations of five major state-owned energy companies from outside the Triad (i.e. US, EU, Japan) over the last ten years (1997-2007). The argument that underpins this approach is that all important changes that impact upon the balance of power in the global energy sector, such as price fluctuations, geopolitical tensions, changes in supply and demand, energy security, and financial crises, are mediated by the underlying relations of the main actors in the global energy sector. The findings in this paper indicate that alongside the dimension of re-nationalisation and re-politicisation that is frequently highlighted and emphasised in both academia and politics, the last ten years...

Unlike Greeks, Arabs and Bulgarians, whose trajectories from imperial subjecthood to national states have been studied in much detail, the post-Ottoman legacies of the Armenians defy the accepted categories of "imperial" and "national." Having neither an independent state (excluding the brief interlude of the First Republic 1918-1920) until 1991 nor a fully accepted citizenship status in the Turkish Republic, the dispersion of the surviving Ottoman-Armenians and their archives reflects this liminality that characterized their experiences throughout the twentieth century as they crisscrossed various legal categories. Serving as a guide to some of the intellectual and methodological pitfalls that underlie the study of imperial subjects in an age where national citizenship is the dominant political unit worldwide, this article highlights some of the major archival repositories that house collections of Ottoman-Armenian documents but also discusses some of the challenges associated with using or relying on them. We argue that a sound approach to a shared late Ottoman history is to critically assess the existing Armenian materials by taking them out of the-epistemological-shadow of the Armenian Genocide. Acknowledging the many difficulties that linger and hamper a more efficient and analytically engaging usage of the enormous mass of the material that Ottoman Armenians left behind, we, nonetheless, believe that they are immensely valuable and vital for a more complex, sophisticated and analytically viable reconstruction of late Ottoman lives. It is only through a consistent engagement with the various ways in which scholars have been studying the late history of Ottoman-Armenians that we can begin to sketch answers to several fundamental questions, including "Do archives have an 'ethnic' identity in a (post)imperial context? If so, how 'Armenian' are the materials under study?," "How does the physical dispersion of Ottoman-Armenian documents account for the historians' archival choices and consequently for the shaping of the major contours of Armenian and Turkish historiographies throughout the twentieth century?.

The story of pre-Marxian images and ideologies of Spartacus is not without its own peculiar interests. It is a strange narrative prompted both by the birth of a modern moral and political interest in slavery, and in parallel debates over the meaning of liberty and servitude. There are still a number who are old enough to remember seeing the first theatrical showing of the Hollywood film epic Spartacus directed by the then young Stanley Kubrick. 1 A greater stretch of memory is required, now beyond the reach of most, to recollect the heyday of 'tail-gunner' Joe McCarthy, whose anti-Communist jihad of the early 1950s provided the backdrop for the publication of Howard Fast's novel Spartacus, the work of fiction which was the basis for the blacklisted Dalton Trumbo's screenplay for the film. Thereby hang many tales, amongst them the letters written by J. Edgar Hoover to major New York publishing houses making quite clear his displeasure should they ever agree to publish Fast's manuscript. 2 They did not. In those days, Hoover was not a man to be crossed. And there is the tale of how Fast nevertheless managed to publish and distribute the novel, for the most part out of the basement of his home. This same story also entails the fact that prospective producers of a film on Spartacus, including Yul Brynner, had been bargaining to obtain the rights to the novel The Gladiators by Arthur Koestler, also on the slave war, that the Hungarian expatriate writer had published in 1939, just before the outbreak of the Second World War. 3 It was only their lack of success in acquiring rights from Koestler that forced them to pursue Fast's Spartacus as an alternative. The triad of Koestler, Fast, and Douglas, with their roots in debates within socialist and communist circles from the mid-nineteenth century, substantially make up central parts of what I call the main twentieth-century myth of Spartacus.

Elmi ictimaiyyətə təqdim olunan "İrəvan əyalətinin icmal dəftəri"ndə bütün tarixi dövrlərdə Azərbaycanın ayrılmaz tərkib hissəsi olmuş İrəvan əyalətinin ən qədim əhalisi olan Azərbaycan türklərinin tarixi barədə zəngin material vardır. Bu əvəzsiz ilk mənbədə XVI əsrin sonlarında Azərbaycanın həmin tarixi bölgəsinin sosial-iqtisadi vəziyyəti, şəhərləri, kəndləri, tarixi coğrafiyası, toponimikası, həyat tərzi barədə çox qiymətli tarixi faktlar öz əksini tapmışdır.

The Alevis in Turkey, the largest religious minority and one of the most ardent supporters of the establishment of the secular Turkish Republic, have always refused to be labelled as a minority. They have been repeatedly challenged by both governments and non-Alevi communities, and their stance towards government authorities and Syrian Alawites has led to various difficulties. In their study of this minority, the researchers addressed the fundamental question: "What are the co-operation efforts and obstacles for Turkish Alevis in dealing with the governments and non-Alevi communities of this nation?" In their initial research, they came across the currents of secularism and gradual democratisation, political parties, the dominant Hanafi Sunni group, Alevi Kurds, Turkish authorities, Arab Alevis, and Syrian Alawites, sparking curiosity about the role and impact of these currents on Alevis and the Alevis’ reciprocal influence on them. Through the analysis of these scenarios utilizing a typological, thematic, and analytical-descriptive approach, several outcomes have emerged: The government's favouring of Sunnis has led to discontent among Alevis, made closer relations between them more difficult, and encouraged greater solidarity among Alevis in Turkey and Syria. The Alevis have spoken out against the ruling party and are leaning towards the Republican People's Party. The absence of Alevi leaders in political parties and government positions has led to anti-government protests. The processes of democratization and cultural pluralism have triggered a slight tendency to revive the religious aspect, but the pursuit of secularism, the marginal role of religious beliefs in daily life, and the endorsement of Atatürk's secular reforms remain at the forefront.

The haplogroup R1b, often associated with Turkic peoples, spread to the Middle East, Anatolia, and Europe thousands of years BCE. This migration continued in waves well into the centuries of the Common Era, spreading via Northern and Central Europe, Anatolia, and even North Africa. This is the map and the dating of the spread of R1b. R1a is also considered connected to Turkic lineages. However, the genetics of Turanian and Turkic-speaking peoples is not limited to the R haplogroups. Tracing back to CF and C, this shared root extends to many other haplogroups. Even before the Common Era, Turkic-speaking carriers of I, G, J, Q and others already existed. I will explain further below.

European nations needed to find themselves an ancestor, a lineage. That ancestor was Turkish. In some way, they knew this. Many wise Europeans had told them so. Yet, by the late 19th century—when European racism had developed—they could no longer accept this. They could not accept the “humiliation” of their lineage being traced back to the Turk. They needed to find an ancient center of civilization, a “noble” ancestor. They discovered Ancient Greece and declared it their forefather.

This paper presents the philological analysis of one of the Ardabīl documents: An Uigur-Turkic decree of the Timurid prince Mīrān Šāh, dated to 800 AH/1398 CE. It is the oldest of the Timurid Uigur-Turkic decrees thus far known, and the only one accompanied by a Persian summary. It attests to the patronage of the Timurid rulers for the Safavid Order in Ardabīl, and offers significant information on the administration, chancellery, taxation, and many other aspects of the early Timurid rule, and merits further investigation from the historical viewpoint.

مُلَخَّص :

يَسعَى هذا البحثُ إلَى استجلاء الـمَعنَى اللغوي والتاريخي لمصطلح «العربية»، وتحليل البنية الهِجائية العربية مِن حيثُ عَدَد حُروفها وتطوُّرها الكِتابي والصوتي. ويركّز على تفسير عَدَدٍ من الظواهر الإملائية والرسومية التي تُميِّز الخَطَّ العربيّ، مِثل شكلِ «اللام–ألِف»، ورَسمِ الهَمزة، وأشكالِ الكاف والعين والنون، فضلاً عن ظاهرة الألف الفارقة والواو الزائدة، إضافةً إلى نشأة الحَرَكات وعلاماتها وأصولِها. كما يَـتناولُ البحثُ الآثارَ الخَطِّيَّة الموروثة في نِظام الهِجاء العربي، ويربطها بجذورها في الأبجديات الساميَّة، ولا سِيَّما السريانية والنبطية، ويقدّم فَرَضياتٍ حول الأصل السرياني والنبَطيّ لبعض الأشكال الخطية. ويَخلُص البحثُ إلى أنّ الـخَطَّ العربي ليس بُـنْـيةً معزولة، بل هو نِتاج تفاعُل تاريخي وثقافي ولغوي متشابك، يكشف عن استمرارية في أشكال الحروف ورموز الضبط، وعن دينامية في تحوّلها من رسوم قديمة إلى أنساق معيارية مستقرة.

الكلمات المفتاحية : العربية، الأبجدية، السريانية، النبطية، تطوّر الحروف، الإملاء، الحركات، الأثر الساميّ، تاريخ الكتابة.

Öz İzmir, I. Dünya Savaşı'nda öne çıkan sembol kentlerden birisi, belki de birincisidir. İzmir'i böylesine önemli kılan, sahip olduğu ekonomik, ticari ve zirai potansiyeli olduğu kadar iki devletin, üstelik savaşta teorik olsa da müttefik olan iki devletin İtalya ve Yunanistan'ın şehre hȃkim olmak için verdiği mücadeledir. Savaşın sonlarında başlayan ve mütarekeden sonra İzmir'de ve barış konferansının toplandığı Paris'te yaşanan rekabet iki ülke arasında bir rekabet olmanın ötesine geçmiştir. İzmir'de yaşayan Yunan vatandaşı Rumlarla onlarla iş birliği halinde olan yerli Rumların İtalyan vatandaşlarıyla ilişkileri, kimi zaman şiddete varan bir rekabet şeklinde gelişmiştir. İtalya ve Yunanistan arasında kendi cemaatlerinin de desteğiyle yaşanan rekabette hedef müttefiklerini etkilemektir. Bunun için her iki devlet de hiçbir fırsatı kaçırmamıştır. İtalya, savaşa girerken ve savaş devam ederken müttefikleriyle imzaladığı gizli antlaşmaları mücadelesinin temel unsuru olarak ön plana çıkarırken Yunanistan, müttefik devletlerinin kamuoylarında var olan Yunan severliği propaganda politikasının esası olarak görmüştür. İzmir'de, Paris'le birlikte Londra'da yaşanan mücadelenin galibi Yunanistan olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı İtalya ile Yunanistan arasında İzmir'de Mondros Mütarekesi'nden sonra yaşanan rekabeti incelemektir. Bunun için ağırlıklı olarak İtalyan kaynakları kullanılmıştır. Konu, mütarekeden işgale kadar olan dönemde yaşananları kapsamaktadır.

The literature on internationalism took the Ottoman Empire's demise for granted and construed it as a defunct empire with territories to be apportioned. Starting the history of internationalism around the end of the First World War, when the Ottomans' defeat became clear, gave rise to the misleading conclusion that the Ottomans only got involved in internationalism to prevent their territory from an impending partition, or at least, to carve a Turkish homeland out of a falling empire. This article argues that tracing the history of internationalism in the Ottoman context should not start at the end of the First World War when the Ottomans' defeat became clear, but at an earlier period when the Ottomans actively participated in the creation of their own brand of internationalism. In this period, internationalism was not a survival tactic to block the partition of the Turkish homeland, but an assertive policy to create an international system that would guarantee Ottoman independence and territorial integrity.

The Justice and Development Party's (AKP) policymakers have aimed to position Turkey as the leader of the Middle East by assessing its soft power since they came to power. Drawing on Strategic Depth of Ahmet Davutoğlu, Prime Minister of Turkey, this article attempts to offer a critical constructivist, postcolonial and feminist analysis of Turkey's recent foreign policy discourse in the region by showing how the myth of leadership is constitutive, and is constituted by Davutoğlu's discourses on women/femininities and men/masculinities. The leadership is imagined by localising Enlightenment notions of masculinity through a re-reading of local traditions, namely Ottoman history and Islam. In doing so, Strategic Depth aims to feminise Turkey's imagery without necessarily putting it out of the masculinity continuum. As such, Turkey mimics the West but differs from it so as to perpetuate a good masculinity over the people of the Middle East. Implicit in such an imagery, the text distinguishes itself from the competing self-perceptions (and masculinities) in the country, namely the Kemalist one. I further argue that this imagery underlies the recent hypermasculinisation of politics within and beyond the country when political elites feel threatened in the face of political crises.

This study examines Greece's involvement in the 1919 military campaign in Ukraine as part of the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War. Despite Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos' strategic commitment of troops to bolster Greece's diplomatic standing, the expedition was hindered by poor Franco-Greek cooperation. Greek troops, initially to be assigned auxiliary roles, were drawn directly into combat under adverse conditions, facing both Bolshevik resistance and the condescension of their French allies. The campaign highlighted the significant challenges of coalition warfare and the resulting chaos within the Allied forces in Southern Russia. Utilising overlooked Greek primary sources and military memoirs, this study illustrates a mostly forgotten chapter of military history, marking the first overseas campaign since the Greek state's founding. The Ukrainian campaign ultimately served as a prelude to Greece's ill-fated Asia Minor campaign, revealing key military and diplomatic challenges that shaped Greece's postwar aspirations.

W. E. B. Du Bois is credited with debunking the social Darwinism pervasive in turn-of-the-century social and political theory, exposing the environmental causes of black disadvantage and undercutting claims regarding “inborn” racial deficits. This, however, misses the constructive role that Darwinism played in his account of racial advancement. This article shows how Darwinism, eugenics, and race science shaped Du Bois’s conceptualizations of race and of racial uplift. Darwinism, I argue, informed his analysis of the harms that slavery and segregation visited on black Americans. It also influenced his defense of democratic equality: setting aside its other virtues, democracy would remove “artificial” constraints on the competitive struggle, enabling the best of white and black races to succeed. It was, then, eugenically advantageous. Against the common view that Du Bois rejected social Darwinism and eugenics, I demonstrate that their relationship was far more ambivalent and that his racial politics appealed to them.

The role of non-governmental organizations is currently considered to be the manifestation of the formal and organized presence of the people of a country in foreign relations and the interaction process of the world community; therefore, friendship associations are considered one of the influential players in the field of public diplomacy. The developments of recent decades in the international arena indicate that the role of friendship associations, public institutions, and informal organizations in global dynamics is expanding, and in parallel, the role of states in this relationship is decreasing. Since associations play a role in two key areas, namely relations between nations and the international environment, their scope of activity and activism is very broad and widely recognized. Today, relying solely on classical methods is in no way sufficient to meet the needs of modern diplomacy. The increasing ability to access vast amounts of information and the speed of its transmission to audiences in the far corners of the world has challenged the management of foreign policy by states. Traditional hierarchical models, in the shadow of communication technology, have inadvertently given way to complex networks without central control, and diplomacy can now be interpreted as an interwoven mechanism of government, media, and public opinion. On the other hand, there is no doubt that the era of domination and the hegemony of hard power has passed, and in the modern and post-modern world, what determines the direction and process of affairs in relations between states and especially nations more than any other factor is the power of thought, dialogue, the pen, mutual understanding, and human relations. Achieving political, security, and economic goals has always been one of the most important aims of countries in formulating and implementing their foreign policies. To achieve these goals, countries have traditionally pursued a type of diplomacy based on political, military, and economic approaches and tools; however, in the early years of the third millennium, relatively new approaches to diplomacy have been proposed that recommend greater attention and emphasis on cultural approaches and tools for foreign policymakers and planners. This article aims to explain cultural diplomacy, the role of friendship associations in international relations, the impact of cultural factors on diplomacy, and how to effectively use "soft power" to advance countries' diplomacy.

This study reconsiders and overturns key Orientalist assumptions about popular agency and despotic rule in medieval Islamic society. These assumptions encompass the notions that no relationship existed between the lower rungs of society and the ruling elite except through the hegemonic pattern of the absolute and unfettered rule of sulṭāns/caliphs, and that people at large enjoyed little to no agency in regard to effecting social, political, spiritual and economic change. My study argues against these assumptions by clearing a space for better understanding of where the social, economic and political agency of ordinary people lay. I argue that medieval Islamic societies did not merely have a single authoritarian sphere of social activity in which only the elite had agency; rather, there were multiple public spheres where people recruited from a range of private spheres expressed differing modes of social agency. This study reveals that there was a vibrant public sphere in medieval I...

Hörmətli Həcər xanım,
ümidvaram ki, səhhətiniz qaydasındadır. Belə ki, bu dünyada sağlamlıq var-dövlətdən, mal-mülkdən, karyeradan, habelə övlad-əndişəsindən, bəzən Vətən sevgisindən, hətta bəzi hallarda vicdandan belə önəmli ola bilir.
Həcər xanım, bir neçə müddətdir ki, Sizin insani keyfiyyətləriniz, elmi baxışlarınız, bilik sə-viyyəniz, yazı tərziniz və elmi karyeranız barədə müxtəlif fikir və mülahizələrimi müxtəlif for-malarda, müxtəlif media, həmçinin sübut vasitələri ilə ayrı-ayrı qurumlar qarşısında səsləndirir, bəzən tərifi, bəzənsə tənqidi yanaşmalarla ifadə edirəm, həm də bu fikirlərimi ən ilk oxuyan, ən əsası, şəxsiniz və elmi-səviyyəniz barədə irəli sürülmüş müddəalara ilk fikir bildirmək imkanı olan Siz özünüz olursunuz. Lakin, Azərbaycanın çoxsaylı tələbə və alim ordusu tərəfindən bu mövzudakı tezislərimə göstərilən hədsiz marağa baxmayaraq, fikirlərimə Sizdən heç bir reak-siya görmürəm, həm də, əminəm ki, belə vəziyyət iki müddəadan qaynaqlana bilər:
“Ya Siz Sizin haqqınızda dediklərimlə tam razılaşırsınız və deməyə bir sözünüz yoxdur deyə, susursunuz, ...
Bu məktubu Sizə göndərməkdə məqsədim, bir daha öz şərəfli soyuma və əqidəmə sadiq qalaraq, bir alimin arxasından iş görmədiyimi göstərmək və nəzərinizə çatdırmaqdır ki, bu günə kimi Sizin insani keffiyyətləriniz və elmi səviyyəniz haqqında ictimailəşdirdiym bir məqalə (Azərbaycan tarixşünaslığı jurnalı), dörd məktub (AMEA və Azərbaycan Respublikası Prezi-dentinin Administrasiyasına) və bir kitaba (Baki, 2025) dolğun və gətirdiyim müddəalar əsa-sında yaranmış şübhələrə birdəfəlik son qoya biləcək bir cavab almadığım təqdirdə, sonrakı həftənin bazar günündə bu yazı tam mətni ilə Azərbaycan Respublikası Prezidentinin Administrasiyasına göndərdiyim III müraciətin giriş hissəsi kimi müxtəlif media vasitələri ilə ic-timaiyyətə təqdim olunacaqdır.

Bergen to Lund, to Turkey and back to Lund. Throughout this journey, I have enjoyed the company, support and friendship of a number of people who have influenced and directed my project in various directions. The result would not have been the same without the inspiration of every single one of them. During this project, Lund University has proven to be a valuable institution for someone with an academic interest in religious and cultural aspects of Turkish society. As a Doctoral Candidate at the Centre for Theology and Religious Studies, I have had the privilege of attending the Higher Seminars of Islamology and of History and Anthropology of Religion, chaired through the years by Professor Emeritus Tord Olsson, Professor

إن وصف اقتصاد إسرائيل بأنه "اقتصاد زومبي" هو توصيف مثير يهدف إلى إظهار أن النظام الاقتصادي في اسرائيل ليس فقط غير قابل للإستمرار، بل إنه متشابك بعمق مع التضليل السياسي، والتواطؤ الدولي، وحملة الإبادة الجماعية المستمرة في غزة. يستند هذا التوصيف إلى رؤى الدكتور شير هيفر (وهو باحث في شؤون الاحتلال الإسرائيلي ونظام الفصل العنصري والإبادة الجماعية؛ والمدير الإداري لتحالف العدالة بين الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين؛ ومؤلفة كتاب "خصخصة الأمن الإسرائيلي)". ويركز هيفر على عدة أبعاد: عدم الاستقرار المالي، وانهيار المصداقية المؤسسية، ودور الدعاية، والسياق الجيوسياسي للعقوبات وحركات المعارضة الشعبية مثل حركة المقاطعة وسحب الاستثمارات وفرض العقوبات (BDS)، ويقدم صورة شاملة للأزمة التي تواجه إسرائيل، مُؤطَّرة من خلال استعارة "الاقتصاد الزومبي".

Describing Israel's economy as a "zombie economy" is a striking characterization intended to show that the economic system in Israel is not only unsustainable but is also deeply intertwined with political disinformation, international complicity, and the ongoing genocidal campaign in Gaza. This description is based on the insights of Dr. Shir Hever (researcher of Israeli occupation, apartheid, and genocide; Managing Director of the Alliance for Justice between Israelis and Palestinians; and author of The Privatization of Israeli Security). Hever focuses on several dimensions: financial instability, the collapse of institutional credibility, the role of propaganda, and the geopolitical context of sanctions and popular opposition movements such as the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, providing a comprehensive picture of Israel's crisis, framed through the metaphor of the "zombie economy." Below is a review of Dr. Shir Hever's insights on these interrelated topics.

In Chapter 2, Deniz Yonucu discusses how global counterinsurgency practices have influenced Turkish counterinsurgency strategies. She traces this influence in the Turkish General Sta!’s translation of key counterinsurgency works into Turkish and training Turkish military officers in the US to gain expertise in counterinsurgency, provocation and propaganda techniques, and psychological warfare. While dissecting the practical and ideological aspects of Turkish paramilitarism in the Cold War era, she introduces ‘provocative counterorganisation’ as an analytical tool to widen our understanding of Turkish paramilitarism through which she argues that states intentionally foment internal violence within dissident groups or between dissident communities through paramilitary forces, in order to maintain a controlled level of violence that weakens resistance while minimising the state’s overt involvement. Yonucu provides a compelling illustration of this strategy through the spatial isolation of Northern Kurdistan particularly in the 1990s.

The last few weeks have witnessed a catastrophic geopolitical development in Rojava, Northeast Syria. On October 6, US President Donald Trump announced the immediate withdrawal of all remaining US troops, stationed there to fight Islamic State together with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Trump thereby opened the way for the ethnic cleansing of the region that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has long openly planned, under the thin guise of 'security concerns'. Erdoğan's stated aim is to eliminate the SDF's military capability, and repopulate the Kurdish-majority region bordering Turkey with millions of refugees, the majority of whom are originally from other parts of Syria. (Even if those refugees have to be tricked or forced into the deal, as recently revealed by Amnesty International.) It's a disgrace that the international community has so far done so little to thwart Erdoğan's plans.

After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping the colonialist state's expansionist wishes and illegitimate international actions. We have observed over the last three decades how the concept of terrorism has worked perfectly for the nation states and almost every large and powerful nation state has benefited from this. The new strategy is expected to serve for a similar excuse. Now any powerful or large nation state, such as the USA against Mexico, India against Kashmir, Europe against North Africa, Saudi Arabia against Yemen, Russia against Ukraine and China against Hong Kong, can follow this same path and expand their interest and authority at the expense of others, in the same way that Turkey is currently carrying out in their actions against Kurds in Syria and elsewhere. This newfound strategy of 'safe zones' is just a new name for old-style colonization, which continues to enable the monopolistic pr...

I was born in Kars, a city in eastern Turkey, which used to have a multi-ethnic, multilingual and multi-religious population. The city municipality shares borders with four countries and one disputed territory: Turkey, Iran, Georgia, Armenia, and the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. I don't know if a similar city exists in the world, but it was one of the cities where pluralism coexisted, where Kurds, Turks, Azeris, Armenians, Terekemes, Turkmen, Georgians, Chechens, Russians, and even some Germans lived peacefully side by side; where many mixed families flourished. Having spent your childhood in such a diverse environment as I did, certainly shapes an individual's identity. Kars is not just the city where I was born; it is the place that created my pluralistic identity and belief in tolerance, pluralism, and the coexistence of difference within any given society. These principles have been my guide, first during my many years in journalism and more recently, over the past 1...

This article discusses the various ways the Kurdish women's movement has impacted feminism in the Turkish context. Against the background of the problematic historical relationship between Turkish and Kurdish women's rights activists, we will explore the shift in perceptions of, attitudes towards and relations of feminists in Turkey with the Kurdish women's movement. Our article will show that a "new generation of feminists" in Turkey appreciates and is inspired by the Kurdish women's movement, and rejects the Kemalist and nationalist undertones of earlier generations. Without wanting to belittle on-going nationalism and the rise of women cadres linked to the authoritarian Turkish regime, our article analyses the various ways the intersectional long-term struggle of Kurdish women is being perceived, recognised as well as critically engaged with by many Turkish feminist activists.

In this research, gender representation and equity in the Turkish cinema industry are investigated through a comprehensive analysis of the top 99 films based on ticket sales, utilizing data from Box Office Turkey. Drawing upon Foucault's concepts of power dynamics and discourse, Althusser's notion of ideological state apparatuses, and Laura Mulvey's concept of the "male gaze," the research compiles and categorizes the set crews of these films based on roles such as director, producer, and art director. By examining the gender composition of set crews across various departments, the study aims to illuminate patterns of representation and identify areas for improvement in fostering inclusivity and diversity within the Turkish cinema industry. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics in Turkish cinema and provide insights for shaping future policies and initiatives to promote gender equality and equitable opportunities for all genders, aligning with an emphasis on power relations and ideological reproduction within societal institutions. The study comprehensively analyzes the gender imbalance within the Turkish cinema industry and emphasizes the need to address systemic barriers and promote inclusivity to enrich storytelling and contribute to broader social justice and equality efforts.

Din eğitiminin bireyin manevi eğilimleri üzerinde belirleyici yönde etkide bulunabilme potansiyeli vardır. Bundan ötürü Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi derslerine yönelik tutum ile manevi iyi oluş durumu arasında önemli bir ilişkinin bulunduğu ifade edilebilir. Bu iki değişken arasındaki ilişkinin sistemli bir şekilde araştırılarak ortaya konulması, bilimsel anlamda önemli bir gereklilik olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu araştırma, ortaöğretim öğrencilerinin Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersine yönelik tutumları ile manevi iyi oluş düzeyleri arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemek amacıyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Çalışma, nicel araştırma yöntemlerinden tarama modeline dayalı olarak yürütülmüştür. Araştırma kapsamında elde edilen veriler; “Kişisel Bilgi Formu”, “Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Tutum Ölçeği” ve “Manevi İyi Oluş Ölçeği” aracılığıyla toplanmıştır. Araştırmanın katılımcıları, 2023-2024 eğitim öğretim yılında Iğdır ilinde öğrenim gören 11. ve 12. sınıf düzeyindeki, tesadüfi örneklem yöntemiyle belirlenen 723 öğrenciden oluşmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında öğrencilerden elde edilen veriler SPSS-26 programı ile analiz edilmiş ve anlamlılık düzeyi p<.05 olarak kabul edilmiştir. Çalışma sürecinde öncelikle öğrencilerin ölçeklerden aldıkları ortalama puanlar hesaplanmış, Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersine yönelik tutum düzeyleri ile manevi iyi oluş düzeyleri belirlenmiştir. Ardından, bağımsız değişkenlerin bu değişkenler üzerindeki etkisini belirlemek amacıyla çeşitli istatistiksel analizler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu amaçla iki değişkenli bağımsız gruplar için t-Testi, üç veya daha fazla bağımsız değişken içeren gruplar için tek yönlü varyans analizi (ANOVA), iki ana değişken arasındaki ilişkiyi değerlendirmek amacıyla ise korelasyon analizi yapılmıştır. Araştırma bulgularına göre, öğrencilerin Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersine yönelik tutum düzeyleri orta seviyede, manevi iyi oluş düzeyleri ise yüksek seviyede bulunmuştur. Cinsiyet ve sınıf değişkenleri açısından öğrencilerin derse yönelik tutumlarında anlamlı bir farklılık tespit edilmemiştir. Ancak, okul türü, sosyoekonomik durum ve akademik başarı düzeyleri açısından anlamlı farklılıklar gözlemlenmiştir. Manevi iyi oluş düzeyleri açısından ise sınıf ve sosyoekonomik durum değişkenlerine göre anlamlı bir farklılık oluşmamış; cinsiyet, okul türü ve akademik başarı değişkenlerine göre anlamlı farklılıklar bulunmuştur. Korelasyon analizi sonucunda, öğrencilerin Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersine yönelik tutum düzeyleri ile manevi iyi oluş düzeyleri arasında negatif yönlü ve anlamlı bir ilişki olduğu saptanmıştır. Bu sonuç, öğrencilerin sahip oldukları dinî görüş ve mezhepsel farklılıklarla ders içeriğini algılama biçimleri, dersin işleniş yöntemi, öğretim programının içeriği ve bireysel manevi algılarının bu ilişki üzerinde etkili olabileceğini düşündürmektedir.
Religious education has the potential to have a decisive effect on the individual’s spiritual tendencies. Therefore, it can be stated that there is an important relationship between the attitude towards Religious Culture and Ethics courses and spiritual well-being. Investigating and systematically identifying the relationship between these two variables is considered a significant scientific necessity. This study aims to examine the relationship between high school students’ attitudes towards the Religious Culture and Ethics course and their levels of spiritual well-being. The study was conducted based on the survey model, one of the quantitative research methods. The data collected within the scope of the research were obtained through the “Personal Information Form,” “Religious Culture and Ethics Course Attitude Scale,” and the “Spiritual Well-being Scale.” The participants of the study consisted of 723 students from the 11th and 12th grades, selected using a random sampling method, from schools in Iğdır province during the 2023-2024 academic year. The data obtained from the students were analyzed using SPSS-26 software, with a significance level set at p<.05. In the research process, the mean scores obtained by the students from the scales were calculated, and the levels of attitudes toward the Religious Culture and Ethics course and spiritual well-being were determined. Then, various statistical analyses were performed to determine the effects of independent variables on these variables. For this purpose, t-Tests for independent groups were used for two-variable comparisons, One-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) for groups with three or more independent variables, and correlation analysis was conducted to assess the relationship between the two main variables. According to the findings, the students’ attitudes towards the Religious Culture and Ethics course were found to be at a moderate level, while their spiritual well-being
levels were found to be high. No significant difference was found in students’ attitudes towards the course based on gender and grade level variables. However, significant differences were observed based on school type, socioeconomic status, and academic success levels. As for the spiritual well-being levels, no significant difference was found based on grade level and socioeconomic status; however, significant differences were found based on gender, school type, and academic success. The correlation analysis revealed a negative and significant relationship between students’ attitudes toward the Religious Culture and Ethics course and their levels of spiritual well-being. This result suggests that students’ religious views, denominational differences, the way the course
is delivered, the content of the curriculum, and their individual spiritual perceptions might influence this relationship.

Osmanlı toplum hayatının önemli kurumları arasındaki tekkeler; tarihî zenginliği, kültürel birikimi, geçmişten bugüne gelen mimarî yapısı, sahip olduğu fonksiyonları ve yaptığı faaliyetleriyle üzerinde durulması gereken bir sahayı teşkil etmektedir. Bu bağlamda tekkeler, kuruluşlarından itibaren kardeşlik, hoşgörü, birlik, beraberlik temelinde her sınıftan insanın kaynaşmasını sağlamış; mütevazı yapılarında düzenledikleri zikir meclisleriyle, imân, ibadet, ahlâk boyutunda muhabbet eksenli sürdürdükleri ilmî-irfânî ders ve sohbet ortamlarıyla toplumsal hayatın vazgeçilmez dinamik unsurları arasında yer almıştır. Fethedilen bölgelerin kalıcı olarak yurt edinilmesinde önemli rol oynayan tekkeler, zor zamanlarda vatan savunmasında öne çıkmıştır. Bu tekkelerden biri de Eyüpsultan’da Millî Mücadele’nin merkezi olan Hâtûniye Tekkesi’dir. Hâtûniye Tekkesi, günümüzde yenilenen müştemilâtıyla, geçmişi bugüne taşıyan hazîresindeki mezar taşı kitâbeleriyle İstanbul’un sayılı dergâhlarından biridir. Gizlice silâh sevkiyatı yaparak, Millî Mücadele’ye verdiği destekle adını duyuran tekke, tarihî süreçte bir ilim yuvası anlamında dönemin mesnevîhânesi olarak da ünlenmiştir. Bu makalede Millî Mücadele’deki katkılarıyla tanınan, hazîresinde pek çok önemli ismi barındıran, Kâdirî, Nakşî, Mevlevî usûl ve âyinlerine ev sahipliği yapan, Mesnevî derslerinin icrâsıyla İstanbul’da Mevlevî kültürünün gelişmesini sağlayan Hâtûniye Tekkesi, ulaşılabilen kaynak ve belgeler ışığında incelenmiştir. Hâtûniye Tekkesi’nin geçmişten bugüne gelen serüvenini ve toplumsal hayata katkısını tanıma gayesiyle ele alınan bu makale, iki bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde, Hâtûniye Tekkesi’nin inşâsı, anılagelen isimleri, bulunduğu konumu, tarîkat faaliyetleri, âyin günü, Millî Mücadele’deki rolü, dergâha hizmet eden postnişînler üzerinde durulmuştur. İkinci bölümde ise söz konusu tekkenin hazîresi, müştemilâtı, bugünkü durumu tetkik edilmiştir. Diğer taraftan adı geçen dergâhın hazîresindeki mezar taşları, günümüzdeki konumuyla ele alındığı için hazîre kısmı tekkenin güncel fonksiyonları başlığı altında değerlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma kapsamında hem literatür hem saha incelemesi yapılmış ve Hâtûniye Tekkesi’nin güncel durumu yerinde gözlemlenmiştir. Tekkenin güncel fotoğrafları çekilmiş ve mezar taşı kitâbeleri incelenmiştir. Tekkenin fizikî değişiklikleri hakkında ilgililerden bilgi alınmış, bununla birlikte İstanbul 1 Numaralı Kültür ve Tabiat Varlıklarını Koruma Bölge Müdürlüğü Arşivi’nde tekkenin eski hâline dair araştırma yapılmıştır. Ayrıca Eyüpsultan Belediyesi’nden tekkenin önceki yıllara dair fotoğrafları temin edilmiştir. Eyüpsultan’da tarihî birikimin ve tabii güzelliklerin buluştuğu mevkide bulunan Hâtûniye Tekkesi; Kurtuluş Savaşı’ndaki stratejik önemiyle, Hüsâmeddin Efendi gibi iyi yetişmiş meşâyıhın faaliyetleriyle, yüklendiği fonksiyonlar gereği farklı isimlerle anılmasıyla, devrine ışık tutan çok sayıda mezar taşı kitâbesiyle, toplumun ilmî, irfânî, edebî hayatına katkı sunan hizmetleriyle İstanbul’un önemli tekkelerinden biri olmuştur.
Lodges were among the important institutions of Ottoman social life and today lodges constitute a field that should be focused on with their historical richness, cultural accumulation, architectural structure from the past to the present, their functions and their activities. In this context, the lodges have ensured the integration of people from all classes based on brotherhood, tolerance, unity and togetherness since their establishment. In addition, they have become one of the indispensable dynamic elements of social life with the dhikr assemblies organized in their modest structures and the scientific-wisdom lessons and conversation environments they have maintained based on love in terms of faith, worship and morality. Lodges not only played an important role in making conquered regions permanent homes, but also stood out in defending the homeland in difficult times. One of these is the Hatuniye Lodge, which
was the centre of the Turkish War of Independence in Eyupsultan. The renewed annexes and the gravestone inscriptions in the graveyard that carry the past to the present make Hatuniye Lodge one of the few convents in Istanbul. Known for supporting the Turkish War of Independence by secretly shipping weapons, this lodge was also famous as the mathnawīkhāna of the period in the sense of a science centre
throughout history. In this article, Hatuniye Lodge, which stands out with its contributions to the Turkish War of Independence, hosts many important names in its grave, hosts Qādirī, Naqshbandī, Mawlawī procedures and ceremonies, and enables the development of Mawlawī culture in Istanbul with the performance of Mathnawī lessons, is examined in the light of accessible sources and documents. This study was conducted with the aim of recognizing the development of Hatuniye Lodge from past to present and its contribution to society and consists of two parts. In the first part, the construction of Hatuniye Lodge, its known names, its location, activities of the order, its ritual day, its role in the Turkish War of Independence, and the shaykhs serving the lodge were examined. In the second part, the graveyard, outbuildings and current situation of the lodge were examined. In addition, since the gravestones in
the graveyard of the lodge were examined with their current location, the graveyard section was evaluated under the title of the current functions of the lodge. As part of the present study, both literature and field studies were conducted, and the current status of the Hatuniye Lodge was observed on site. Current photographs of the lodge were taken and tombstone inscriptions were examined. Information was obtained from the relevant parties regarding the physical changes in the lodge. In addition, research was conducted on the old state of the lodge in the Directorate of the Istanbul No. 1 Regional Board for the Protection of Cultural Heritage Archive. Subsequently, photographs of the lodge from previous years were obtained from the Eyupsultan Municipality. Hatuniye Lodge is located in Eyupsultan, where historical heritage and natural beauties meet and with its strategic importance in the Turkish War of Independence, the activities of well-educated shaykhs such as Husameddin Efendi, being known by different names due to the functions it undertook, numerous tombstone inscriptions that shed light on its era, and its services contributing to the scientific, intellectual and literary life of the society, it has become one of the important lodges of Istanbul.

nsan hem fiziksel hem de metafizik katmanlara sahip bir varlıktır. Bu katmanlar arasında denge sağlanamazsa iç ve dış dünyasında problemler ortaya çıkar. Dengenin sağlıklı olabilmesi için insan, sürekli bir anlam arayışı içine girer ve bunun için de doğru, güzel ve benlik dönüşümünü gerçekleştirmiş yetkin rol modellere ihtiyaç duyar. Şüphesiz bu modeller, peygamberler ve onların izinden giden kâmil insanlardır. Bu noktada sosyal olan insanın diğer varlıklarla etkileşimi ortaya çıkar. Etkileşim, insanın tarihî veya çağdaş şahsiyetleri arasında olduğu gibi, herhangi bir eser, olay veya olgu arasında da olabilmektedir. Bu çalışmada konu ettiğimiz Ebu’l-Hasan Harakânî ve Mevlânâ Celaleddin-i Rumî’nin hem kâmil insan olmaları hem de etkileşimleri, tasavvuf düşüncesi açısından önemli bir yere sahiptir. Harakânî’nin birçok tarikat silsilesinde adının geçmesi, Üveysîlik tarikiyle Bâyezîd-i Bistâmî’nin Tayfuriyye ekolüne mensup olması, Nakşibendiyye tarikatının ilklerinden olan birçok sûfîyi etkilemesi, onun etki alanının oldukça geniş olduğunu göstermektedir. Mevlânâ’nın sadece Harakânî’den değil birçok sûfîden de etkilendiği tespit edilmiştir. Mevlânâ’nın Harakânî’yi manevî mürşid olarak kabul etmesi ve onu övücü sözlerle anması, Harakânî’nin Mevlânâ’nın tasavvuf düşüncesindeki etkisinin büyüklüğünü ve önemini göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada Mevlânâ’nın kendisinden asırlar önce yaşamış olan aşk ve cezbe ehli Harakânî’nin tasavvuf düşüncesindeki bazı etki alanları incelenmiştir. Hedeflenen amaç ise, her iki sûfînin Anadolu’da tasavvuf düşüncesinin kurucu teorisyenlerinden olmalarından yola çıkılarak tasavvuf geleneğindeki aşk, vecd ve cezbe ehlinin hallerinin anlaşılması ve etki alanlarının tespit edilmesidir. Çalışmada ele alınan her iki sûfînin aşk ve cezbe ehli olması ve Mevlânâ’nın büyük bir âlim, şair, mütefekkir gibi çok yönlülüğü, konunun geniş olmasını zorunlu kılmaktadır. Ancak konu Mevlânâ’nın Mesnevî’sinde bizzat Harakânî hakkında söylediği kendi ifadelerinden yola çıkılarak bazı çıkarımlarla sınırlandırılmıştır. Araştırmada yöntem olarak giriş kısmında insanın ontolojik yapısı ve anlam arayışı üzerinde kısaca durulmuş, manevî rehberlerin rol modelliği özetlenmiştir. Mevlânâ’nın etkilendiği diğer sûfîler arasında Harakânî’nin özel bir yeri olduğu tespit edilerek öne çıkan etki alanları belirlenmiştir. Harakânî’nin, Mevlânâ’nın düşünce dünyasında önemli bir yere sahip olduğu, eserinde bazen açık bazen de metaforik anlatımlarla sıkça bahsedilmesinden anlaşılmaktadır. Çalışmanın ilerleyen kısımlarında, Harakânî’nin Mevlânâ üzerindeki etki alanları; meşrep, keşf ve ilham, Üveysîlik, mecaz/sembol veya metaforik anlatım, zâhir ve bâtınî bilgi şeklinde ele alınmıştır. Aslında çalışma konusu olan her iki şahsiyetin şuttârlığından hareketle, zaman ve mekân ötesi birçok alanda etkileşimden bahsetmek mümkündür. Ancak bir makalenin sınırları çerçevesinde, sadece Mesnevî’den hareketle belirli alanların tespiti ve diğer birçok hususu burada özetlemek icap etmiştir.
Human beings are entities that possess both physical and metaphysical layers. If a balance between these layers is not maintained, problems arise in both their inner and outer worlds. In order for this balance to be healthy, humans engage in a constant search for meaning. For this purpose, they require perfect role models who embody the ideals of truth, beauty, and self-transformation. Undoubtedly, these models are the prophets and the perfect individuals who follow their path. At this point, the social human’s interaction with other beings comes into play. This interaction may occur not only between historical or contemporary individuals but also between any work, event,or phenomenon. In this study, the significance of both Abū al-Ḥasan al-Kharaqānī and Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn al-Rūmī’s interactions and their status as perfect human beings holds an important place within the framework of Sufism. Al-Kharaqānī’s name appears in many Sufi lineages, and his association with the Ṭayfūriyya school of Bāyazīd al-Bisṭāmī through the ʾUwaysī path and his influence on many early sufis of the
Naqshbandiyya order demonstrate the wide scope of his influence. It has been identified that Mawlānā was influenced not only by al-Kharaqānī but also by many other sufis. Mawlānā’s acceptance of al-Kharaqānī as a spiritual guide and his frequent praise of him indicate the significant and profound impact al-Kharaqānī had on Mawlānā’s sufi thought. This study explores some of the areas of influence of al-Kharaqānī, a figure of love and ecstasy who lived centuries before Mawlānā, within the framework of
sufi thought. The main objective is to understand the states of those engaged in love, ecstasy, and attraction in the sufi tradition, based on the fact that both of these sufis were founding theorists of sufi thought in Anatolia, and to identify the scope of their influence. The scope of this study naturally becomes extensive due to the multifaceted nature of Mawlānā as a great scholar, poet, and thinker, as well as his association with the people of love and ecstasy. However, the study is narrowed down by focusing on Mawlānā’s own expressions about al-Kharaqānī in his Mathnawī. The methodology involves a brief discussion of the ontological structure of human beings and the search for meaning in the introduction, followed by an overview of the role-modelling function of spiritual guides. It has been determined that al-Kharaqānī holds a special place among the other sufis who influenced Mawlānā, and key areas of influence are identified. The frequent references to al-Kharaqānī in Mawlānā’s work, both explicitly and through metaphorical expressions, show that al-Kharaqānī occupies an important placein Mawlānā’s intellectual world. In the subsequent sections of the study, al-Kharaqānī’s influence on Mawlānā is analysed in terms of “mashrab” (spiritual inclination), “kashf” (unveiling) and “ilhām” (inspiration), the ʾUwaysī path, metaphorical expressions, and
the duality of outward and inward knowledge. The two figures, both belonging to the “shuṭṭār” group, provide grounds for discussing interactions beyond time and space. However, within the limits of this article, only specific areas based on Mathnawī are identified, and many other aspects are summarised.

Eski çağlardan bu yana siyasi, ekonomik ya da dinî sebeplerden dolayı meydana gelen savaşların kazanılmasında askerî stratejilerin yanı sıra kullanılan savaş malzemesinin niteliği de önemli rol oynamıştır. Arkeolojik kazı çalışma ları, bu türden savaş malzemelerini saptayabilme noktasında önemli veriler sunmaktadır. Nitekim birçok merkezde saldırı ya da savunma amacıyla kullanılan çok sayıda savaş malzemesi tespit edilmiştir. Günümüzde Afyonkarahisar il sınırları içerisinde yer alan Amorium'un da Anadolu'daki başlıca yol güzergâhları üzerindeki konumundan dolayı Orta Çağ boyunca belli aralıklarla askerî kuşatmalara sahne olduğu bilinmektedir. Yazılı kaynaklardan edinilen bu bilgi, kentte yürütülen arkeolojik kazı çalışmalarıyla da desteklenmektedir. Nitekim kentin farklı noktalarında bu kuşatmalara ilişkin çeşitli savaş malzemesi buluntusu ele geçmiştir. Bu çalışmada Amorium kazılarında ele geçen ve askerî kuşatmalarla ilişkili olduğu düşünülen bir grup tribolos (caltrop) ve ok ucu buluntusu incelenmiştir. Söz konusu buluntular, Yukarı Şehir'in güneybatı köşesinde yer alan ve kentin en korunaklı bölümü olarak değerlendirilen İç Sur'da tespit edilmiştir. Tamamı demir malzemeden olup dövme tekniği ile üretilen buluntulardan tribolos (caltrop) örnekleri tek tip, ok ucu örnekleri ise yassı, dörtgen ve üçgen kesitli olmak üzere üç farklı tip hâlinde değerlendirilmiştir. Bununla birlikte her iki buluntu türü, yazılı kaynaklar, buluntu mekân ilişkisi ve diğer merkezlerde tespit edilen benzer örneklerden yola çıkılarak tarihlendi rilmeye çalışılmıştır.

Akbari, noted that the Sisodia Rajputs of Mewar had roots linked to Zoroastrian and Iranian heritage. This heritage gave the Sisodias fierce independence and strong martial skills, making them tough opponents against Muslim rulers like the Mughals. This reflected a widespread belief in their Indo-Iranian aristocratic identity, associated with solar worship traditions and an elite warrior culture that made them nearly unbeatable. 1. Early Iranian Links and the Maitraka Solar Tradition (Before the 8th Century CE) The Sisodia Rajputs, rulers of Mewar in Rajasthan, claim descent from the Solar dynasty, tracing their lineage to the Hindu epic hero Lord Rama. Although mainly based in Hindu royal tradition, some historical and cultural ideas suggest early Iranian (Persian) influences possibly arriving from migrations out of eastern Iran before the 6th century CE. The symbolism of Noshirwan (Khusrow I), a renowned Persian king known for justice, deeply influenced Indo-Persian political ideas and royal customs.

This collective volume contributes to the conceptual understanding of Arab youth and their relationship to politics by making explicit how civic engagement in seemingly ‘apolitical’ fields can be conceived as a form of political activism. In speaking with Algerian, Tunisian, Lebanese, and Syrian youth civic activists who also participated in their country’s uprisings in 2011 or 2019, what is striking is their own insistence on the continuity between direct political protest and their civic engagement. Yet at the same time, these activists almost universally qualify their civic engagement as expressly ‘apolitical’. Such reflections beg two questions: how do youth understand the notion of ‘apolitical’ engagement, and on what premise do they see continuity between political protest and so-called ‘apolitical’ civic engagement? To answer these questions, the studies draw on the analytical tools of practice theory, reconceptualizing ‘youth’ as a generational practice of politics, meaning a ‘competent performance’ of shared knowledge and understandings of what constitutes politics and the political.
In the second chapter, what is treated is that, in the effervescence of post-revolutionary Tunisia, youth political engagement demonstrated both an apathy towards official institutionalized venues and a dynamic subculture reflecting young people’s resistance as expressed in daily practices. These gaps are puzzling because they do not fit a neat dichotomy of the pre- and the post-Ben Ali period. On the contrary, youth political commitment in post-revolutionary Tunisia demonstrates more complex political behaviors that have been adopted in the decade since 2011. In investigating these behaviors and commitments, I posit that youth political engagement has been reconfigured in politics as everyday activity.

Turkish audience became familiar with Shakespeare's works in the middle of the 19 th century thanks to the visiting troupes from Europe and Armenian actors 'performances in Türkiye. The first translations of Shakespeare's plays, albeit initially from French to Turkish, were also seen in the second half of the 19 th century. Although some journalists and critics reviewed Shakespearean performances in newspapers or literary magazines in this period, it took a considerable amount of time to evaluate the context of Shakespeare's oeuvre and his dramatic approach in Türkiye. Only after the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, Turkish intellectuals and scholars began to introduce and analyse Shakespeare in an array of different works. This essay sets out to investigate a selection of works featured in their attempt to introduce Shakespeare to the Turkish reader/audience from the 1930s to 2012. The article maps out some studies extensively bridging the gap between Türkiye and Shakespeare in various ways. The focus of the analysis will be on Cenap Şehabettin's Vilyem Şekspiyer (William Shakespeare) (1931), Metin And's "Türkiyede Shakespeare" ("Shakespeare in Türkiye") (1964), Talât S. Halman's Türk 'Shakespeare (Shakespeare the Turk) (2003), İnci Enginün's Türkçede Shakespeare (Shakespeare in Turkish) (2008) and Türkiye'de Şekspir Olmak (Being Shakespeare in Türkiye) (2012) directed by Gülşah Özdemir Koryürek. The range of these works provides a comparative approach to initiate an argument about how Shakespeare is located in Turkish literature, culture, and academia.

This article seeks to explore an alternative agenda for theorizing about legal and political principles and institutions from an internationalist perspective. It aims at creating reasonably comprehensive overviews of such phenomena as decisive legal transformation and political change taking place across borders, while emphasizing the need for international political organisationemerging from the encounter (at times, "missed" encounter or mismatch) between peoples in movement and the normative principles of their actions-as the basis for creativity in law and politics, in economics as well as history. In this respect, the article finds inspiration among the historical critiques of the "stages of growth" and modernization theories that developed in conversation with

"[...] İsrailliler, örneğin, bir Kürt devleti yaratmaya dönük, kökleri derine inen bir çıkar gütmekteler. Oldum olası merak etmişimdir, İsrailliler bir Kürt devleti yaratmaya neden ilgi duyuyorlar, ve Kürt milliyetçiliğine neden bu kadar dikkat harcıyorlar?"