Interwar Period History

This paper explores the challenges and efforts of women musicians in interwar Yugoslavia to improve their working conditions and oppose widespread prejudices. Despite relatively favorable conditions in the Yugoslav labor market for professional musicians, women musicians faced numerous obstacles due to prevalent patriarchal norms and negative representations. These issues were exacerbated by state regulations and policies, as well as the hostile approach of male musicians and biased media framing. I will discuss in detail the dominant narratives on women musicians and the attempts at creating a professional labor organization. The aim is to emphasize the intricate array of factors that shaped working conditions and everyday life of women musicians in interwar Yugoslavia,

This original and thought-provoking study offers a fresh perspective on Zionism by exploring Hebrew culture’s ambivalent attitude toward modern sports. Drawing on extensive archival sources and contemporary literary theories, it focuses on Zionism’s surprising anxiety toward sports during the interwar heyday of “muscular Judaism,” revealing an unusual society in which athletes failed to attain national pride and distinction. Addressing themes such as the body, language, space, immigration, internationalism, amateurism, gender, and militarization, Embodying the Revolution presents an innovative reading of Jewish life in Mandate Palestine, linking the marginalization of sports to the meaning and experience of the Zionist Revolution. Idels' compelling interpretation of the appeal of sports, selfhood, and the compromises inherent in radical aspirations—narrated from the periphery of the interwar global rise of sports—challenges contemporary assumptions that dismiss ideology as an elitist myth.

Romani musicians in Serbia are masters of tambura ensemble playing a multiethnic band string practice rooted in Central and Southeastern Europe. Through an analysis of Yugoslav Black Wave films and commercial recordings from 1965 to 1978, this study demonstrates how these musicians gained visibility and recognition both as individuals and as Roma within a specific socialist framework. To achieve this, they developed presentational skills in addition to participatory ones, effectively becoming bi-musical. This transition involved the commodification of their "Gypsyness," which was ultimately leveraged to their advantage by both the musicians themselves
and non-Romani cultural gatekeepers.

Preparations of the shipping company "Żegluga Polska sA" for the second world war keywords: "Żegluga Polska Sa," World War ii on the Baltic Sea, the merchant fleet of the Second Polish republic, Polish shipowners introduction "Żegluga Polska SA" was established in 1926. It was the first Polish shipowner financed entirely by the Polish government and, what is more, one that received governmental subsidies throughout the interwar period. Initially, the company was called "Żegluga Polska," 1 yet in 1932 the name was changed to "Żegluga Polska SA" 2 when the enterprise transformed into a joint stock company. In the same year in which the company was established, "Żegluga Polska" purchased five steamships from the French shipowner "Chantiers Navals Français." Since the vessels were designed to transport wood, coal and scrap metal, 3 in the first few years, they were primarily used in tramp shipping, 1

Kao rezultat njegovih upornog istraživanja, kao i prirode albanskog protagonizma, Flamur Gashi je pronašao jedno od najistaknutijih i najstrategičnijih mjesta za javnu sliku za sjedište Ambasade. Tamo prolazi 64 puta dnevno gradski voz (tramvaj). Da bi izašli iz Sarajeva, automobili su prolazili putem ispred Albanske Ambasade. Također i da bi ušli. Autobuska stanica za turiste nalazi se na njenoj ivici. Proći će i oni tamo. Također, Ambasada se nalazi u blizini Biblioteke Vječnica. Obje dijeli samo prostor asfaltnog puta. Moguće je da je neko od stanovnika, kada upućuje nekog putnika ili turista, precizirajući kao početnu tačku orijentacije Biblioteku, dodao, iz sigurnosnih razloga, i drugu oznaku: Albansku Ambasadu. Godina koja je već postala ambasada imala je četiri sprata, spremna za hoteliranje. Na prvom spratu nalazila se sala sa dvjesto stolica, kao i kancelarijski prostori. Na drugom spratu bilo je 12 soba opremljenih za spavanje, koje su bile zatvorene. Otvarale su se za korištenje kada su dolazile delegacije iz Tirane ili poslanstva iz Prištine. Treći sprat imao je kancelarije zaposlenih u predstavništvu, dok se na četvrtom spratu nalazila kancelarija ambasadora i prostori u funkciji iste. Vlasnik ove visoke i elegantne zgrade bio je pekar iz Sandžaka,

Scurta și tumultoasa biografie a gazetarului artist Dimitrie Șeptilici (1905-1938) Robert C. Tökölyi O figură interesantă, dar efemeră, în peisajul literar-artistic al orașului Baia Mare a fost cea a lui Dimitrie Șeptilici. S-a născut la Predeal, la 7 iunie 1905, 1 într-o familia numeroasă a medicului veterinar Alexandru Șeptilici (ortografiat uneori și Șeptelici) (n.1873) și a Madelinei Roșianu, casnică (n.1881). Tatăl său a absolvit Școala Superioară de Medicină Veterinară din București în anul 1897 cu teza "Operațiunea cryptorchidiei la cal". Dimitrie Șeptilici a urmat cursurile Liceului Dimitrie Sturza din Tecuci iar la București 2 a finalizat studii universitare, dar nu dețin detalii cu privire la acest aspect al vieții sale. Ulterior, a pornit prin țară, hoinărind prin diferite orașe și regiuni, ducând o viață de boem, tipică perioadei interbelice. Moldova l-a cunoscut ca dramaturg și actor. În 1929 se afla la Oradea unde a înființat un ziar, "Crișana". Cu titlul complet "Crișana. Informativă, critică socială", publicația a apărut în perioada 26 ianuarie-8 decembrie 1929, respectiv 4 septembrie 1930. Au existat întreruperi în apariție, în perioada 28 aprilie-16 iunie 1929 respectiv nu au fost identificate numerele cuprinse între 8 decembrie 1929 și 4 septembrie 1930. Apărea în fiecare joi, abonamentele valorau între 200 și 400 de lei și 3-4 lei un număr din ziar. La început Șeptilici apărea ca redactor după care din martie 1929 până la final ca director al acestei publicații. Redacția era formată din Șeptilici (director), Caius Râmneamțu (redactor), Polidor G. Tutoveanu (redactor pentru capitală) și Ioan Anestin, pictor, colaborator. Pe parcursul apariției variabile publicația a schimbat mai multe tipografii: Tipografia Românească, Tipografia Ateneul, Tipografia Cartea Medicală București, Institutul de Arte Grafice Vremea București, Tipografia Diecezană 3 , ceea ce ar putea indica grave probleme financiare și fuga de creditori, un obicei prost, menținut și pe viitor de Șeptilici.

Zveřejňuji tímto první část sve habilitační práce, kterou jsem předložil vědecké radě FF UJEP v roce 2019. I přes vysoce pozitivní posudky bylo členy rady sníženo kvórum neplatnými hlasovacími lístky, čímž byla má habilitace zamítnuta. Tím okamžikem jsem oznámil ukončení své vědecké kariéry. Třeba laskavý čtenář najde něco podnětného v tomto tlustospisu :-)

The article focuses on the military and political reports of the Military Office ofthe President of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1935. The relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland in the interwar period were not ideal for a number of reasons, yet there  were mutual contacts, one of which was the work ofthediplomatic  corps and military  attachés. The view of these reports ondevelopments in Poland was an important source of information fortheCzechoslovak  President. That is why the reports are quite detailed. The article presents them with a commentary on the events mentioned andwiththe necessary setting in the contemporary context.

Streszczenie: Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje wybrane dzieła litewskiego artysty Petrasa Rimšy, który tworzył głównie w pierwszej połowie ubiegłego stulecia. Stworzone przez niego cztery medale o antypolskiej wymowie dobrze obrazują stan relacji polsko-litewskich w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym. Przesłanie tych dzieł-prezentowanie Polski jako nagiej kobiety czy świni-ostatecznie ukształtowało się pod wpływem "buntu" Żeligowskiego. Wydarzenie to odcisnęło duże piętno również w innych gałęziach litewskiej sztuki. Echa polityczno-militarnego klinczu w jakim znalazły się oba państwa w tamtym okresie mają swoje konsekwencje do dzisiaj.
Summary: This article presents selected works of Lithuanian artist Petras Rimša, who worked mainly in the first half of the 20th century. The four medals he created, with anti-Polish overtones, illustrate well the state of Polish-Lithuanian relations in the interwar period. The character of these works-the presentation of Poland as a naked woman or pig-was eventually shaped by Żeligowski's Mutiny. An event which left a significant mark in other branches of Lithuanian art as well. The echoes of the political and military clinch in which the two countries found themselves at that time still have their consequences today.

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Książka jest próbą konfrontacji Czytelników i Czytelniczek z trudną i niemal całkowicie przemilczaną historią wykluczenia architektów pochodzenia żydowskiego ze Stowarzyszenia Architektów Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (SARP) w latach 30. XX wieku. Autorki przedstawiły długoletni i żmudny proces tworzenia nowoczesnej, powszechnej organizacji skupiającej architektów, a następnie jej „narodową” ewolucję, która zakończyła się wprowadzeniem „paragrafu aryjskiego” i skreśleniem osób uznanych za Żydów z listy członków stowarzyszenia. Historia SARP-u została zarysowana na szerokim tle politycznym i społecznym, ukazano przy tym antysemickie stereotypy i łatki przypinane budowniczym pochodzenia żydowskiego.

Książka została poświęcona ludziom, przede wszystkim ofiarom represji, dlatego zawiera część biograficzną, w której zaprezentowano sylwetki wybranych twórców prawdopodobnie wykluczonych z SARP-u i poległych lub zamordowanych w czasie II wojny światowej. Należeli do nich pionierzy modernizmu, tacy jak Jerzy Gelbard, Maksymilian Goldberg i Roman Sigalin, oraz architekci dziś niemal zapomniani - Seweryn Chaykin, Abraham Perelmuter, Edward Herstein, Salomon Pianko i wielu innych.
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spis treści:

Wstęp | Wzorzec. „Paragraf aryjski” w Związku Niemieckich Architektów | Kontekst ogólny. Scena polityczna Polski międzywojennej, jej główni aktorzy i ich stosunek do Żydów | Zaczyn. Na drodze do budowy SARP-u. Ponadlokalne stowarzyszenia architektów przed 1934 rokiem | SARP. Czasy założycielskie | Kontekst szczegółowy. Politechnika Warszawska, Związek Słuchaczów Architektury i antysemityzm | SARP i „paragraf aryjski”. Kalendarium wydarzeń z lat 1937-1939 | Ludzie SARP-u. „Dwa wrogie obozy”, dwie wizje architektury i misji architekta | Architekt-Żyd. Antysemickie narracje prasy „narodowej” | Epilog | Zakończenie | Architekt-Żyd-Obcy. Wybrane postaci (Tadeusz Berlinerblau, Henryk Blum, Mojżesz Brenmiller, Seweryn Chaykin, Izaak Cwajgiel, Alfred Dickstein, Salomon Elbinger, Ernest Epstein, Mordka Fabian, Salomon Wolf Folman, Jerzy Gelbard, Gedalje Gilkowicz, Maksymiljan Goldberg, Bejer Goldman, Władysław Grodzieński, Hirsz Halber, Gedalia Handwerger, Josek Helcman, Edward Herstein, Szymon Hopengart, Ludwik Krakowski, Grzegorz Lewin, Jakub Łęczycki, Abram Markusfeld, Jerzy Mendelson, Izydor Menkes, Wacław Moszkowski, Henryk Oderfeld, Ludwik Paradystal, Calel Pekałok, Abraham Perelmuter, Salomon Pianko, Aleksander Pines, Stanisław Rotberg, Roman Sigalin, Mojżesz Smazanowicz, Józef Steinberg, Jan Sztrancman, Jakub Wizenberg)

Following the Soviet invasion of Poland, Romania's diplomacy became intensely strategic, driven by threats from Soviet expansionism and territorial ambitions of its neighbours, Hungary and Bulgaria. Under Foreign Minister Grigore Gafencu, Romania sought international support in London and Paris, but met the Western reluctance to offer security guarantees without unrealistic preconditions. This led Romania to cautiously involve Germany, seeking an arrangement to deter Soviet advances. Gafencu proposed compromises with Hungary and Bulgaria, offering territorial concessions in exchange for neutrality or support against the Soviet threat, but these efforts were hindered by German strategic priorities and the constraints of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Romania's initial overtures to the Soviets were ignored by Germany, and after the Soviet setbacks in Finland, Romania abandoned this approach, attempting instead to negotiate with Hungary. However, Hungary's rejection of Romanian concessions further complicated Romania's diplomatic position. The influence of Western powers and threats from Germany and the Soviet Union shaped Balkan diplomatic strategies. Turkey aimed to consolidate regional ties to counter potential threats, highlighting complex interactions and territorial disputes, especially over Dobrogea. Romania's pursuit of national security required a delicate balance of alliances, concessions, and strategic realignments amid shifting international dynamics. By mid-1940, Romania's vulnerability and the limitations of international support mechanisms were evident, setting the stage for further geopolitical upheavals in the region.

Τα τελευταία τριάντα χρόνια, παρατηρείται μια συστηματική προσπάθεια αστικής ανάπλασης βασισμένης στην πολιτιστική κληρονομιά στις αναπτυσσόμενες πόλεις του δυτικού κόσμου, που καθοδηγείται από την αυξανόμενη ανταγωνιστικότητα μεταξύ των αστικών κέντρων. Για να ξεχωρίσουν, οι πόλεις εστιάζουν στην ανάδειξη μοναδικών χαρακτηριστικών του αστικού τους περιβάλλοντος. Η παρούσα έρευνα εξετάζει πώς ο φορέας διαχείρισης—είτε δημόσιος, είτε ιδιωτικός, είτε με ηγεσία μέσα από την κοινότητα—επηρεάζει την ενσωμάτωση της αστικής ανάπλασης βασισμένης στην βιομηχανική κληρονομιά στον σύγχρονο κοινωνικό ιστό. Εστιάζοντας στη βιομηχανική κληρονομιά, και συγκεκριμένα στα εργοστάσια και τις καπναποθήκες, η έρευνα αυτή αναλύει δύο μελέτες περιπτώσεων έργων ανάπλασης με διαφορετικούς φορείς διαχείρισης και πηγές χρηματοδότησης. Μέσα από αυτή την ανάλυση, η μελέτη υπογραμμίζει πώς η φύση του φορέα διαχείρισης επηρεάζει την κοινωνική ενσωμάτωση ενός έργου, με βάση τον ρόλο που διαδραματίζει η αναγέννηση μέσα στην κοινότητα. Τα επιλεγμένα παραδείγματα καλύπτουν μεταβιομηχανικές και ιστορικές περιοχές, κυρίως εργοστάσια και αποθήκες καπνού στην Καβάλα και την Δράμα- Δημοτική Καπναποθήκη και καπναποθήκη Spierer αντίστοιχα.

The article examines the political positions and influence of prominent leader of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) Todor Aleksandrov between 9 June 1923 (the Military coup against the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union – BANU) and 31 August 1924 (the murder of Todor Aleksandrov). After the signing of the May Manifesto between the IMRO and the Comintern on 6 May 1924, which marks the breaking point in the political positions of Todor Aleksandrov, they quickly deteriorated and led to his demise in Pirin. The article traces the dynamics between Aleksandrov and his peers and subordinates in the IMRO, the legal Macedono-Bulgarian organizations, the governing factors in Sofia and the Comintern, and outlines the mechanisms set in motion by these factors once the May Manifesto was signed.

Representation of Polish Culture in the Slovak Weekly
„Kultúrny život” as an Example of Dependency Discourse
The purpose of this article is to analyze the press and ideological representation of Polish culture as presented in the journal Kultúrny život, which was published between 1946 and 1968. The author examines the shifting perception of Poland and Polish culture within the context of post-independence studies, as part of the communist strategy to unify the culture of Central and Eastern Europe and construct a new identity for Eastern Bloc countries in the 1950s. She also refers to the thematic scope and modifications in the content of the publication in light of the dynamism of change in 1956 and particularly in the 1960s, as well as the editors’ actions against the discourse of power and the culture of dependence during the Prague Spring.

The process of building the Central Industrial Region (COP) was preceded by a period of intensive investments aimed at improving the living conditions of the citizens of the reborn state. The period from November 1918 until 1922 can be described as the time of building the economic basis of new Poland. It was during this difficult time that the administration and army were created from scratch, provision control was organized by the state and the agriculture and industry were reconstructed after the war destruction. The basis for the state development policy was formed. New migration processes from rural areas to cities occurred. Despite all these activities, not all the regions of the state developed equally. The first problems with the balanced level of life on the whole territory of Poland began to appear. The basic components of a change in the image of Poland were the agricultural reforms and the reconstruction of the Polish industry. The year 1923 can be treated as the end of ...

What insights can a spatial interrogation of Hong Kong's domestic models and its transformative variants deliver in terms of a territory's processes of compressed domesticity? Furthermore, how would the understanding of these models not only question, but, concomitantly reflect the ideologies of a 'square foot society'? According to the Hong Kong SAR Government, 60m2 is seen as the official and standard domestic module. As territorial construct Hong Kong's geopolitical complexity and it's 'Special Administrative Region' status has, since 1997, gradually realigned a number of speculative, housing and political ideologies to establish a unique 'east-meets-west' social-spatial context. The interlacing of rich-versus-poor, limited availability of exploitable property, and the recent emergence of socially driven resistance movements have ruptured conventional spatial tangents, forcing the emergence of tactical strategies as generators for domestic structures far below to the 60m2 mean. In this framework housing and its domestic valance has become questionable in its deployment and mechanization as urbanization instrument, that is to say, the 'model versus the lived'. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of Urbanism (Wirth, 1938), territoriality (Elden, 2013) and 'commoning' (Bruyns, et al., 2015) the proposed analysis is meant to show a number of consequences in terms of radicalized dwelling and spatial compression. The comparison of Hong Kong's 'Tong-lau' housing model, as the archetypical historical shop-house standard, and its contrast to contemporary dwellings highlights the social realities operative in high-density urban dwellings of the 21st Century. Expression of the mutative orders, between the 'model and the lived' concludes on the questionable forms of occupancy and tenancy within hyper-capitalism, the establishment of a 'square-foot-society' and it sharing of resources that ultimately shifts the focus to continued challenge of the 'model' through human necessities of the 'lived'.

The article is devoted to the study of the functioning in the Hungarian onomastic space of ethnonymic proper names originating from the North Caucasian and other ethnic groups, which contacted the Magyars in different historical epochs. The study examines the origin of Hungarian anthroponyms and toponyms, including hodonyms, particularly those connected with the ethnonym Cserkesz (Circassian), but also Kuns, Khazars, Bulgarians, etc. Such anthroponyms as Cserkesz, Karacsay, toponyms Nagycserkesz hamlet, Cserkesz wasteland, Cserkesz street are considered diachronically. The author notes the phonetic similarity of the ethnonym cserkesz (Circassian) and the lexeme cserkész (scout; formerly – forester, fisherman's assistant). The article analyses the complex dynamics of ethnic and linguistic contacts manifested through onomastics, and highlights the importance of these proper names as part of Hungary’s cultural heritage. It is stated that Hungarian researchers, beginning with Count Jenő Zichy and Gábor Bálint, have explored possible historical, linguistic, and ethnocultural connections between the Hungarians and the peoples of the Caucasus – through similarities in surnames, toponyms, and theonyms (such as Isten) – proposing various hypotheses about their Caucasian, Iranian, or other origins, which was also reflected by V. Abaev.

The article examines the crisis situation on the Iran-USSR border during the period of forced industrialization and collectivization in the Soviet Union. During this historical period, the number of Soviet citizens who began to move to Iran increased significantly. Many of them had the Azerbaijan SSR or Turkmen SSR as their starting point. The analytical documents of the British diplomatic mission reflect quantitative data on refugees, as well as their professional status and other parameters. Based on this data, information on migration in two directions, to the region of Iranian Azerbaijan and Khorasan, was analysed. Basically, people left the USSR due to deteriorating living conditions both in cities and in rural areas. A separate group consisted of nomadic Turkmen tribes. For certain categories of those who found themselves in Iran, this country was a transit point on their route to other countries. A conclusion is made about the difference in the treatment of immigrants from the USSR in different Iranian provinces. The general trend was their resettlement to the interior of the country or deportation. As the economic situation in the USSR improved and the state border regime strengthened, the flow of refugees began to decline.

Wraz z przesuwaj¹cym siê frontem wschodnim przed w³adzami komunistycznymi w Polsce pojawi³ siê problem zabezpieczenia obiektów gospodarczych i tworzenia zrêbów administracyjnych na terenach, z których zostali wyparci Niemcy. Rzeczywiste ustalenia zapada³y na Kremlu bez konsultacji z przedstawicielami PKWN, a póniej Rz¹du Tymczasowego 1 . Po rozpoczêciu ofensywy zimowej Pañstwowy Komitet Obrony ZSRR (GoKO Gosudarstwiennyj Komitiet Oborony) wyda³ 20 lutego 1945 r. jednostronn¹ dyrektywê nr 7558 dotycz¹c¹ uprawnieñ Armii Czerwonej w Polsce 2 . Wstêpnie, do czasu konferencji pokojowej, okrelono w niej zachodni¹ i pó³nocn¹ granicê Polski. Zachodni¹ rubie¿ stanowiae mia³a Odra i Nysa £u¿ycka (któr¹ wska-

Tibor Eckhardt was one of the most eventful figures in Hungarian history, but he is now somewhat forgotten, and is best known for his mission in the United States during the Second World War. The former chairman of the Independent Smallholders' Party arrived in the United States in 1941, where his main task was to rally support for the ‘Hungarian cause’. The Teleki government had commissioned him to go abroad, but due to the changing political situation, Eckhardt was largely on his own in later years, and those politically close to him were able to obtain little information about his overseas activities. In 1943 he had the opportunity to inform his Hungarian acquaintances and fellow politicians about the political situation in the United States, and in his letter he also reported on his own fate.

The article presents an in-depth look at the issue of the operational goals of the 10th Army and their implementation, largely through the Częstochowa area, but also at the very beginning of the preparations for aggression against Poland. A close look at the German preparations for war with Poland allows us to move their beginning to late autumn of 1938, with political decisions in this respect invariably being made after 25 March 1939. This enables the creation of a study that combines both of these issues within the scope of one problem. With one of them resulting from the other, inextricably linked by a series of cause-and-effect events, with the gradual narrowing of the research area to one of the operational units subordinate to the command of German Army Group South (10th Army).

Unlike the solid body of historiography mapping out political and diplomatic relations be- tween the United Kingdom and Serbia, cultural transfers between the two nations occupy minimal aca- demic spaces, primarily those concerned with literature, music, and sport. While seemingly apparent, representations and influences of Anglomania and English style in the fashion system of Serbia were sidelined in favor of dominant Austro-Hungarian and French influences, falling under the category of general “Western" influences rather than specifically “British" or “English." Hence, this paper aims to register and outline the particular influences of Anglomania and English style in the Serbian fashion system of the first half of the 20th century, focusing on the interwar elites of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's capital, Belgrade. Despite the initial timeframe, the paper will also provide an overview of the inception of Anglomania and British fashion influences in the Serbian culture of clothing, starting with the late l8th century and Dositej Obradović's English suit as an aesthetic, sociocultural, and political catalyst of Anglo- mania. By doing so, the study allows for a chronological and geographical differentiation of Anglomania, which, in the l8th and l9th centuries, was integral to the urban costume of Vojvodina's bourgeoisie and in the first half of the 20th century became exclusive to Belgrade's emerging fashion elite and the sartorial (self)representation of the Karadjordjević royal family. Focusing on the latter and juxtaposing it with the dominant Francophilia in interwar fashion, the paper outlines Anglomania as the dominant fashionable behavior and stylistic orientation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's fashion habitus. Finally, the paper pro- poses fashion history as a new form of cultural transfer between the United Kingdom and Serbia, moving beyond established approaches and common misconceptions.

Μεταξύ άλλων ο Γιανκ έκανε πρόταση να παραχωρηθούν πέντε νησιά του Ιονίου στην Ελλάδα και να διατηρήσει η Αγγλία την Κέρκυρα και τους Παξούς ως αποικιακή κτήση, ισχυριζόμενος ότι οι ίδιοι οι κάτοικοι δεν επιθυμούσαν να χωριστούν από την Αγγλία. Όταν το έγγραφο αυτό έγινε γνωστό ξεσήκωσε θύελλα αντιδράσεων. Σαν ξαφνικός κεραυνός που σέρνεται πάνω από τα κεφάλια των Ιονίων , η αιφνίδια εμφάνισης του καταχθόνιου σχεδίου που κατατάραξε τα νησιά. Έκπληκτος  και εμβρόντητος έμεινε καθένας κατ’ αρχάς , αλλά ταχέως εξεδήλωσε την γενική αγανάκτηση και ακολούθησε γενικός προφανής παροξυσμός.

Matthäus von Schubarth's correction of the map Principatus Silesiae Teschinensis

One of the most important achievements of 18th-century Austrian cartography is the Atlas of Silesia (Atlas Silesiae) published in 1752 in Nuremberg by the famous Office of the Homannian Heirs (Homanniani Heredes). The Atlas of Silesia, as the first com-plete cartographic picture of the Silesian land, was created on the initiative of Emperor Charles VI and was intended to be a continuation of the work on the cartographic picture of Bohemia and Moravia carried out by Johann Christoph Müller. The latter died before the measurements in the field could be taken, so the Emperor appointed the engineer lieutenant Johann Wolfgang Wieland to take his place. Cartographic work began in 1722 with a survey of the Duchy of Ziębice, and mapping of the other Silesian principalities continued until 1732, when Wieland completed maps of the Duchies of Carniola and Opava in autumn. Such a long time that elapsed before the atlas was published in Nuremberg was due to the need for painstaking field corrections, which were commissioned to Matthäus Schubarth, and to the new political reality that fol-lowed the Silesian Wars, which left the Habsburgs with only the Duchies of Carniola, Opava and Cieszyn. The new lord of Silesia, King Frederick II the Great of Prussia, pre-sented a negative attitude towards cartography, stemming not from dislike as such, but from fear of revealing military secrets. Johann W. Wieland carried out a cartogra-phic survey of the Duchy of Cieszyn and its adjoining states in the summer of 1731, while M. Schubarth's correction took place in 1739 and was completed in the summer of 1740. Ultimately, the map of the Duchy of Cieszyn, Principatus Silesiae Teschinensis, was published, like the maps of the other duchies, with the date 1736 placed in the title cartouche. However, due to time pressure and the reluctance of King Frederick II the Great, the Homannian Dziedzice outhouse did not include M. Schubarth's cor-rection on the maps of the Duchies of Opole, Racibórz and Cieszyn. For this reason, M. Schubarth requested that the maps of these principalities not be signed with his name, to which the Dziedzice Homanna publishing house agreed, and therefore in the cartouche of the map of the Duchy of Cieszyn only J. W. Wieland appears as the author. The manuscript with the correction to the map of the Duchy of Cieszyn, which is the subject of this edition, fortunately survived in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw, where it is available as part of the fascicle [Brulionowe notaty do projektowa-nej wydania pracy Johanna Ferdinanda von Hallmensfelda 'Schlesische Land-Charten Historie' with the notation Rps 3107 III. M. Schubarth's notes contain a correction of the 246 errors with which J. Wieland's map appeared in print. Thus, only an analysis of the map of J. Wieland's map in combination with M. Schubarth's correction, made available as the present edition, will give a more complete cartographic picture of the Duchy of Cieszyn in the first half of the 18th century.

Mniszek, Who Was not Mnich - on What Was, Could Be or Did not Exist at All

Lost territorial names of the former Duchy of Cieszyn are not a fully exhausted research sub-ject. Many of the land and water territory names remain unidentified, and yet it is still possible to locate them as in the case of Mniszek near Skoczów. Preserved sources do not resolve the dispute whether Mniszek should be classified as a forgotten territory name or perhaps a lost settlement. An advocate of the former view was Idzi Panic, while the latter idea was closer to Vincenc Prasec. In this article, I provide arguments that Mniszek was located in Skoczów state, not in Strumień to which Mnich belonged. Both names were used by some researchers interchangeably, which led to general confusion. For this reason, the story of Mniszek must be separated from the one of Mnich. The village of Mniszek, revealed in sources from the sec-ond half of 16th century, was located on the right bank of the Vistula, between Pogórze and Kowale. It was initially mentioned as the name referring to the region where new ponds were created, inhabitants settled, roads were built on which tolls were collected. Over time, how-ever, the name Mniszek was merely associated with a few ponds, only to eventually disappear in the 18th century. As I have cautiously pointed out so far, Mnich was not mentioned in 1559 for the first time, but it does not mean that 1621 (date of establishment of Skoczów-Strumień state urbarium) is the year of the oldest mention of that place. It is very likely, as indicated by Matthias Kasperlik's notes, that the place was revealed soon after the sale of Skoczów-Strumień state by Prince Wenceslaus III Adam, i.e. before 1577.

The paper represents an attempt to analyse the reasons and consequences of the radical refocusing of the Polish state's system in the interwar period. The thesis was advanced that in the interwar period in Poland two fundamentally different models of polity and governance of the state were created, which had a material bearing on the state's general domestic situation, including also the security and stability of the polity. The presented arguments suggest that in the years 1918-1939 the model of the Polish polity evolved from the strengthening of the executive authority, during the initial formation of the independent state entity, through the representative parliamentary democracy, and up to the presidential polity, in which the president clearly dominated over the legislative and judicial authorities. Such momentous changes introduced over a relatively short period of time could be the evidence of destabilisation of the political scene and could also indicate that the bases of the democratic polity of the state were not firmly established in the interwar period.

This paper focuses on poetics and performance activities of operettas ("Miss Ganymed", "Bosanska ljubav", and "Omer-paša") by Alfred Pordes, Jewish composer and conductor perished in the Holocaust. As Pordes spent his lifetime on the route from Sarajevo to Belgrade, therefore authors merged sources about this composer from both city archives and libraries.

Alexandru Averescu (1859–1938) kimagasló tehetségű román katonatiszt volt, aki 1907-től politikusként is tevékenykedett. Három alkalommal töltött be miniszterelnöki funkciót: 1918-ban, 1920–1921-ben, valamint 1926–1927-ben. Írásom az alábbi főbb kérdésekre keresi a választ: hogyan lett katonából politikus? Miként sáfárkodott az első világháború idején és az ezt követő években szerzett rendkívüli népszerűségével? Miniszterelnökként, különösen 1920–1921-ben, mivel járult hozzá Nagy-Románia megszilárdulásához?

This study investigates the convergence of Digital Taylorism and digital colonialism as central mechanisms in the transformation of labor and power under digital capitalism. Digital Taylorism refers to the algorithmic management of labor processes, where work is broken down, monitored, and optimized by automated systems that prioritize productivity over human agency. This model intensifies surveillance and reduces labor to data points, reinforcing alienation and commodification. Simultaneously, digital colonialism extends these dynamics globally, as technology corporations from the Global North impose platforms, infrastructure, and labor regimes upon the Global South. In doing so, they replicate colonial dependencies through data extraction, cultural imposition, and labor exploitation. The study adopts the Critical-Humanist Political Economy of Communication framework, emphasizing class, labor, and structural domination, and integrates Georg Lukács’s concept of reification to examine how commodification permeates both work and public life. It argues that Digital Taylorism and digital colonialism together deepen the reification of labor, transforming human activity into quantifiable, monetizable elements. Furthermore, the logic of commodification spills into the public sphere, reshaping it into a fragmented, profit-driven environment—the “post-public sphere.” Drawing on interdisciplinary literature, the study reveals how digital technologies extend capitalist control, restrict autonomy, and erode democratic participation. Ultimately, it calls for critical awareness and regulatory intervention to resist the pervasive commodification of life under digital capitalism and to reclaim digital spaces for public good, labor justice, and cultural sovereignty.

2025/ JOURNAL ARTICLE/ Academica. Revistă editată de Academia Română///

Interpretarea istorică elaborată cumulativ de Xenopol, Zeletin și Lovinescu s-a impus ca cea mai influentă perspectivă asupra dezvoltării interpenetrate a ideilor liberale și conservatoare pe filieră românească. Cristalizată în adversitate față de metamorfoza tradiționalistă a conservatorismului și reprezentând cea mai penetrantă pledoarie în favoarea acelor accente și predilecții ale liberalismului întruchipate de partidul cu această definiție înființat în 1875, ea manifestă tendința de a supralicita continuitățile de lungă durată ale celor doi vectori ideologici, în dauna unei înțelegeri nuanțate a rupturilor ce le-au marcat evoluția. Comunicarea își propune să reliefeze și să expliciteze ceea ce autorul consideră a fi cel mai important dintre aceste momente de discontinuitate: perioada cuprinsă între instaurarea monarhiei constituționale din 1866 și debutul marii guvernări liberale din 1876, marcată, printre altele, de formularea tezelor fundamentale ale criticii junimiste, prin articolele lui Maiorescu de la 1868. Transformarea discursului liberal de factură radical-democrată al epocii pașoptiste într-o concepție ideologică ce avea să funcționeze ca principala expresie a raționalizării structurilor economice, sociale și politice din România de până la comunism a fost însoțită, în aceeași ani, de amorsarea culturii critice situate în opoziție față de aceleași tipare ale procesului de modernizare. Născută sub egida conservatorismului junimist, ea avea să cunoască adaptări și să sufere derapaje deopotrivă pe făgașul dreptei și pe cel al stângii, pe parcursul următoarelor decenii.

Príspevok približuje interný a externý pohľad na vznik Československa spoza Atlantiku, z pôdy Spojených štátov amerických. Interným pohľadom pritom rozumieme postoj amerických Slovákov k osudom Slovákov v Uhorsku a k vzniku Československa, a externým zase postoj amerických politických elít, osobitne pohľad prezidenta Wilsona na rozpad Rakúsko-Uhorska.

This study presents research on Roma music in Serbia, as well as the
socio-historical contexts that have shaped it. Texts by Tihomir Đorđević,
Andrijana Gojković, Tatomir Vukanović, Vesna Acković, Dimitrije
Golemović, Svanibor Pettan, Ivana Ljubinković, Alexander Marković,
Ana Banić Grubišić, and other researchers who have contributed to this
field from the beginning of the twentieth century to the present day are
analyzed. Chronologically arranged thematic and disciplinary nodes are
also highlighted – from ethnological descriptions, classifications and the
first discussions on representations of Roma identity, through (musical)
folkloristics, non-Roma ethnomusicological analytical engagement with
understandable text (i.e., instrumental music), to the shifting of the
Serbian and American anthropologists’ focus toward socially engaged
interpretations.

Latvia and the Netherlands have had traditionally close, friendly and versatile relations. This paper provides an overview of Latvia-the Netherlands economic relations in the interwar period. The Netherlands established formal diplomatic relations (de iure) with Latvia on 24 March 1921. In the interwar period, Latvia and the Netherlands economic relations were mainly confined to foreign trade. A Treaty of Commerce between Latvia and the Netherlands was concluded on 2 July 1924 and came into force on 2 October 1925. During the interwar period, more generally, but particularly in the Latvian trade statistics the Netherlands was referred to as Holland (despite the fact and wording of the trade treaty!). Latvia's main imports from the Netherlands in the interwar period were Plant oils, Coal (coke and briquettes), Metals and metal products (including lead, cast iron), Grains (wheat, rye, oats), and Fertiliser (including Superphosphate), whilst Latvia's main exports to the Netherlands were Timber and timber products, Paper and paper products, Linoleum, Plywood and Hides and furs. The Netherlands was an important trade partner for Latvia whilst only a minor trade partner for the Netherlands. Thus, trade and economic relations were of great importance to Latvia, but of marginal significance to the Netherlands in the interwar period.

Latvia and Belgium have traditionally close, friendly and versatile relations. This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Belgian economic relations in the interwar period. Belgium established formal diplomatic relations (de iure) with Latvia on 26 January 1921 together with the other members of the Allied Supreme War Council. In the interwar period, Latvian and Belgian economic relations were mainly confined to foreign trade. A Commercial and Navigation Treaty between Latvia and the Economic Union of Belgium-Luxemburg was concluded on 7 July 1925 and came into force on 21 August 1926. Latvian trade statistics referred to only Belgium until 1933 when the designation Belgium-Luxemburg was used thereafter (despite the fact of the trade treaty!). Latvia's main imports from Belgium in the interwar period were Wool and woollen products, Glass products, Metals (including tin, copper, lead, nickel, aluminium), Iron and Steel (including steel rails), Thomas flour fertiliser, and Threads and yarn (including artificial silk), whilst Latvia's main exports to Belgium were Timber and timber products, Paper and paper products (including cellulose), Matchsticks, Flax and Flax products (including Flax seeds and Linen thread), Linoleum, Plywood and Butter. Belgium was Latvia's third largest trade partner after the United Kingdom and Germany whilst only a minor trade partner for Belgium. Thus, trade and economic relations were of great importance to Latvia, but of marginal significance to Belgium in the interwar period.

Le 1er juillet, c't'une grosse journée icitte. Les feux d'artifice pètent dans l'ciel, le monde sort le BBQ pis pop la p'tite bière froide. Mais d'où ça sort, toute cette affaire-là ? Ben, en 1867, le Canada, l'Nouveau-Brunswick pis la Nouvelle-Écosse ont fait un genre d'union pis ont callé ça le Dominion du Canada. C'est là que l'pays est officiellement né, avec un premier ministre pas mal flyé du nom de John A. Macdonald. L'vieux y tripait ben sur les cigares pis la politique lourde. Pendant des années, c'tait pas ben fêté, le « Dominion Day ». Mais en 1982, quand le Canada a rapatrié sa Constitution, ils ont rename ça pour l'appeler "Fête du Canada". À partir de là, le monde s'est mis à sortir dans les rues, mettre des drapeaux pis chanter « Ô Canada » à tue-tête. Mais tsé, faut pas oublier qu'au Québec, c'est aussi le jour des déménagements. Fait que pendant que le reste du pays fête, ben nous autres on traîne des matelas dans les escaliers… Bref, la Fête du Canada, c'est un mixte de fierté nationale pis de cartons de déménagement, selon c'que t'as envie de faire ce jour-là. ✌ « L'histoire de la Fête du Canada » Le 1er juillet marque chaque année la Fête du Canada, journée nationale célébrant la naissance officielle du pays. Tout remonte à 1867, lorsque le Canada, le Nouveau-Brunswick et la Nouvelle-Écosse s'unissent pour former la Confédération canadienne, alors appelée « le Dominion du Canada ». Ce moment historique est piloté par Sir John A. Macdonald, le tout premier Premier ministre du pays. Pendant longtemps, la fête du 1er juillet reste modeste. Ce n'est qu'à partir de 1967, lors du centenaire du pays, et surtout en 1982, lorsque le Canada rapatrie sa Constitution et rebaptise cette journée « Fête du Canada », que les célébrations prennent de l'ampleur. Aujourd'hui, des festivités se déroulent partout au pays : concerts, feux d'artifice, cérémonies officielles et rassemblements communautaires. Pourtant, au Québec, cette journée est aussi marquée par une tradition bien locale : le jour du déménagement, ce qui donne une tout autre saveur à ce 1er juillet. Que l'on célèbre avec un drapeau dans les mains ou avec un divan sur le dos, le 1er juillet reste une journée clé dans l'histoire canadienne.

Historijski ili povijesni revizionizam je pojam koji se u zadnje vrijeme počeo vrlo često pojavljivati u javnosti, ne samo u Hrvatskoj, već i u drugim zemljama bivše Jugoslavije. Ovaj pojam se najčešće pojavljuje u kontekstu raznih političkih kontroverzi kao što su mijenjanje imena trgova i ulica, odnos prema ustaškom pozdravu "Za dom spremni" u Hrvatskoj ili sudska rehabilitacija fašističkih kolaboracionista u Srbiji. Nažalost česta upotreba tog termina nije proporcionalno potakla i razvoj historiografske analize fenomena historijskog revizionizma, stoga postoji kroničan manjak stručne historiografske literature koja se bavi ovim sve očitijim problemom. U tom kontekstu objavljivanje hrvatskog prijevoda knjige Domenica Losurda Historijski revizionizam: problemi i mitovi predstavlja značajan pomak te se možemo nadati da će knjiga potaknuti veće zanimanje za problem historijskog revizionizma. Domenico Losurdo, talijanski filozof i povjesničar, koji se javno izjašnjavao kao marksist, bio je profesor filozofije na Sveučilištu u Urbinu. Umro je 2018. godine. U filozofskim djelima Losurdo se bavi Kantom, Hegelom, Marxom, Nietzscheom i mnogim drugim filozofima. Kao povjesničar uglavnom se bavi poviješću filozofsko-političkih sustava. Primjeri takvih djela su Liberalism: A Counter-History (Verso, 2011) u kojem Losurdo ističe da liberalna tradicija u povijesti često raznim grupama ljudi nije priznavala njihova temeljna ljudska prava te je tako proizvodila rasizam, ropstvo, kolonijalizam i genocide. U knjizi Non-Violence: A History Beyond the Myth (Lexington Books, 2015) Losurdo pak kritizira zagovornike nenasilnih pokreta te zaključuje da svi nenasilni pokreti uključuju neku vrstu nasilja. Na kraju je važno spomenuti i knjigu War and Revolution: Rethinking the Twentieth Century (Verso, 2015) koja u prvih pet poglavlja donosi sadržaj knjige Historijski revizionizam: problemi i mitovi, a nakon toga slijede još dva dodatna poglavlja. Historijski revizionizam: problemi i mitovi je hrvatski prijevod talijanskog izvornika Il revisionismo storico. Problemi e miti koji je prvi put objavljen u Rimu 1996. godine, a zatim u nekoliko novih izdanja. Djelo se sastoji od pet poglavlja u kojima Losurdo prvo prikazuje kronološki razvoj revizionističke tradicije, a nakon toga direktno kritizira pojedine autore i cijelu revizionističku tradiciju. U djelu Losurdo detaljno izlaže teze revizionističke tradicije, koje kritizira na različite načine, koristeći se pri tome sekundarnom literaturom kako bi događaje koje revizionisti jednostrano prikazuju kontekstualizirao i bolje prikazao. Također često ukazuje na razne kontradikcije unutar samih revizionističkih teza, pa čak i unutar opusa istih autora. Losurdo pod pojmom historijski revizionizam u ovom djelu podrazumijeva historiografsku i kulturnu tradiciju kojoj je cilj "likvidiranje revolucionarne tradicije počevši od 1789. do naših dana" (str. 12). Predmeti revizionističke kritike nisu samo same revolucije dugog 19. i 20. stoljeća, već i pokret otpora u Drugom svjetskom ratu i antikolonijalni pokret, naravno zato što su bili pod utjecajem boljševizma. U SAD-u predmet kritike je Lincoln, Građanski rat i period rekonstrukcije zbog navodnog "jakobinskog" duha koji je pogonio tzv. abolicionističku revoluciju. Krajem prvog poglavlja Losurdo odgovora na moguće primjedbe da su sve ovo samo reinterpretacije povijesti te dodatno dopunjava spomenutu definiciju revizionizma kao specifičnog "kulturnog i političkog fenomena koji se manifestira u jednom određenom kontekstu u odnosu na određene događaje i točno određeni povijesni ciklus" (str. 37). Prema Losurdu postoji značajna kvalitativna razlika između obične reinterpretacije i revizionizma koji se pojavljuje u točno određenom kontekstu. Losurdo među historijske revizioniste (u već opisanom smislu ri-