Balkan History

In the multi-ethnic structure of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish-Muslim population was predominantly employed in military and bureaucratic positions, while non-Muslim subjects played an active role in nearly all areas of commerce. Among them, Armenians, Greeks, and Jews held particularly privileged positions. These communities were not only prominent in domestic trade but also played a leading role in the empire's commercial relations with foreign countries. As a result, legal changes concerning dhimmis (non-Muslim subjects) emerged during the modern period of the Ottoman Empire. During the reform era that began in the 19th century, non-Muslims benefited the most from reforms related to the commercial sector.

Suština sadržaja donesenog u knjizi pod naslovom BRZINA MRAKA, Politička djelatnost Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1989. do 1996. jeste da se njime opisuje kako je jedna vjerska institucija, Srpska pravoslavna crkva, najprije polagano, tokom prve polovine 1980-ih, stupila u javni i politički prostor Jugoslavije, diskurzivno sekundirajući srpskim kulturnim, književnim (UKS) i naučnim institucijama (SANU) u Srbiji, te kulturnoj inteligenciji i članovima političke elite koji su nakon Titove smrti počeli otvoreno i programatski, javno uobličavati nezadovoljstvo položajem srpskog naroda u Jugoslaviji,  Ustavom iz 1974. godine, izražavati zahtjev za jačim uvezivanjem užeg državnog područja Srbije, te za rješavanjem tzv. Kosovskog pitanja oko kojeg se poticalo buđenje tzv. tradicionalnog nacionalizma među Srbima širom Jugoslavije.  Upravo u navedeno vrijeme započeo je idejno-politički proces usmjeren na okupljanje i homogeniziranje srpskog nacionalnog društva unutar Jugoslavije a zbog nemogućnosti prihvatanja činjenice dezintegracije te države na, kako se tvrdilo, vještačke republičke i pokrajinske zasebnosti, te činjenice bezizglednosti zaživljavanja socio-kulturnog i nacionalnog jugoslovenstva koje je izgubilo povijesnu šansu zbog, opet kako se tvrdilo, priznanja i afirmiranja sintetičkih nacionalnih i kulturnih zasebnosti – Muslimana, Crnogoraca, Makedonaca.

The article focuses on the military-political reports of the Military Office of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic from 1936 and builds on the previous article dealing with 1935, which was conceived in a similar way and is a direct continuation. 1 Czechoslovak-Polish relations in the interwar period were far from ideal. However, there were mutual contacts 2 and the Czechoslovak military attaché in Poland and other representatives of the diplomatic corps played a very important role in this respect. Their surviving reports are quite detailed and tell of important changes and developments in Poland. This study presents them with a commentary on the events mentioned and with the necessary setting in the contemporary context.

Following the Soviet invasion of Poland, Romania's diplomacy became intensely strategic, driven by threats from Soviet expansionism and territorial ambitions of its neighbours, Hungary and Bulgaria. Under Foreign Minister Grigore Gafencu, Romania sought international support in London and Paris, but met the Western reluctance to offer security guarantees without unrealistic preconditions. This led Romania to cautiously involve Germany, seeking an arrangement to deter Soviet advances. Gafencu proposed compromises with Hungary and Bulgaria, offering territorial concessions in exchange for neutrality or support against the Soviet threat, but these efforts were hindered by German strategic priorities and the constraints of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Romania's initial overtures to the Soviets were ignored by Germany, and after the Soviet setbacks in Finland, Romania abandoned this approach, attempting instead to negotiate with Hungary. However, Hungary's rejection of Romanian concessions further complicated Romania's diplomatic position. The influence of Western powers and threats from Germany and the Soviet Union shaped Balkan diplomatic strategies. Turkey aimed to consolidate regional ties to counter potential threats, highlighting complex interactions and territorial disputes, especially over Dobrogea. Romania's pursuit of national security required a delicate balance of alliances, concessions, and strategic realignments amid shifting international dynamics. By mid-1940, Romania's vulnerability and the limitations of international support mechanisms were evident, setting the stage for further geopolitical upheavals in the region.

The paper contributes to the research on the expansion of the grain trade in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, by looking at the contribution of Eastern Europe, more specifically, Romania. This would be a welcome addition, since existing studies often emphasise the contribution of Northern American grain, while that of Eastern Europe was also impressive. At the end of the nineteenth century, a connection was created between the ports of the Lower Danube and the entrepôt in Antwerp, a connection that was indispensable for the two ends of the network but also for the business environment. The paper has an original approach, since the author does not (only) use published quantitative sources but combines diplomatic archival material from both Belgium and Romania. Sailing to European entrepôts: Romanian farming and the Antwerp international grain market (1881-1914) •33 of the international grain market in agricultural products from the Black Sea basin. The idea that Romania (Oltenia, Wallachia, Dobruja, and Moldavia regions) is a state with a high agricultural potential is one of the widely accepted truths in Romanian culture. It was not, however, the main source of grain supply for the large urban centres of Europe in the second half of the 19 th century and the first part of the 20 th century. In the context of population growth and industrialisation in Western and Central Europe, the international grain trade, managed in an exemplary manner by large entrepôts 5 and profitably by multinational grain companies, increased in quantity and the geographical division of labour deepened. While Western European countries specialised mainly in industrial production, others, such as Romania, remained anchored in a pre-industrial economy (partly reminding of the mediaeval times), in which the increase in agricultural production and the export of cereals were the most striking aspects of economic development throughout 'the long 19 th century' . The countries in the latter category assumed the role of a viable and complementary source of daily food for the English, French, and Germans, and sometimes, thanks to the movement of agricultural products between the large ports and urban centres of Central Europe, they even found their way to the tables of the inhabitants of Prague, Bratislava, and Vienna. 7 From this point of view, it is interesting to follow what the situation was around 1900 between Antwerp, a major and modern Belgian grain warehouse, and the Danube hinterland, a subsidiary source of trade stocks in the Black Sea entrepôts system owned by Tsarist Russia (the then owner of the disputed Ukrainian territories today). The followers of cyclicality and the lessons of history, as proposed by George Santayana, as well as international public opinion, can see certain similarities with the current grain crisis caused by the war between Ukraine and the Russian Federation: international negotiations, tariff measures, routes and means of transport, stimulation 12 See an excellent analysis of the Romanian case in:

This paper explores the dynamics of American and Vatican policies in the communist Yugoslavia under Josip Broz Tito from the end of World War II to the end of Pius XII’s pontificate in 1958. The genocide against the Orthodox Serbs, Jews, and Roma committed by the fascist and devoutly Catholic Ustasha regime of the Axis puppet Independent State of Croatia cast a long shadow on church-state relations in Yugoslavia. The Roman Catholic Church (RCC) in that country was considerably compromised on account of its attitude towards the Ustasha regime, but offered vocal opposition to the communist government in 1945. This was in line with the visceral anticommunist policy of Pius XII who endeavored to enlist the assistance of the USA. For the Vatican, Tito’s Yugoslavia, with its atheistic doctrine and violent treatment of the RCC, was an implacable enemy. Their clash manifested in the Vatican’s “ratline” operations to help the fleeing Ustasha war criminals escape justice and staunch support to the Archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije (Aloysius) Stepinac, during his trial and imprisonment, which Catholic propaganda turned into a major international event. The American policy towards Tito’s Yugoslavia was informed by political and military requirements, despite lobbying on the part of the American Catholic hierarchy. Initially faced with the hostility of a loyal Soviet satellite, the USA provided a measure of support to the Vatican as a way of bolstering anticommunist opposition of the RCC in Yugoslavia. This included an increasingly benevolent attitude towards the smuggling of Ustasha criminals. However, American diplomacy was reserved in the matter of the Stepinac trial, as it had grave doubts about his wartime record. After the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, Yugoslavia effectively became an American ally. Supporting Yugoslavia was now part of the American containment policy towards the Soviet Union, which ran contrary to the Vatican’s agenda.

The Ministerial Council of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes issued a decree on 23 July 1920 regarding the minting of 5-, 10-and 25-para coins, which were released into circulation in December, the same year. The minting of these coins was entrusted to an Austrian company "Metallwarenfabrik

The plague was an invisible enemy that struck unpredictably,
devastating villages and cities, and often drastically reducing entire national populations. This article examines the plague as one of the most serious challenges faced by the Balkans, Albanian territories, and other parts of Europe. While several foreign and Albanian scholars - including B. Hrabak, K. Kërçiku, P. Xhufi, and A. Muhaj - have addressed the plague in the Albanian lands, their research primarily focuses on the 15th century and the period of the Ottoman conquest. The novelty of this article lies in its focus on earlier periods: Antiquity, the Early Middle Ages, and the High Middle Ages. Our study is based on existing historiographical literature and a limited number of historical documents available for these earlier periods. We explore cases of plague in the Illyrian-Albanian territories as well as in neighboring regions, from antiquity through the 11th century. The article is divided into two parts. The first provides a general overview of the disease’s symptoms and prevention (anamnesis and prophylaxis), contextualized with historical examples from both Albanian territories and neighboring regions. The second part examines specific historical events linked to outbreaks of the disease. This article represents our initial contribution to the study of plague in Albanian history and will be followed by further research.

Апрельская война 1941 г. застала в Королевстве Югославия примерно 30 тыс. русских эмигрантов, которые в результате революционных событий 1917 г. и Гражданской войны (1918)(1919)(1920)(1921)(1922) покинули Россию и в период с 1919 по 1923 г. приехали в Королевство сербов, хорватов и словенцев (СХС) (с 1929 г. -Королевство Югославия). После разделения территории Югославии в результате вторжения Германии и Италии в страну в апреле 1941 г. и ее капитуляции большая часть представителей этого сообщества осталась пассивной, некоторые решили сотрудничать с немцами, но были и те, кто выбрал для себя путь активного сопротивления оккупантам. В борьбу с оккупантами на территории бывшей Югославии включились русские эмигранты -представители самых различных профессий (инженеры, художники, ученые, врачи). По подсчетам крупнейшего специалиста по истории русского зарубежья в Югославии Алексея Борисовича Арсеньева, более 90 русских врачей и медсестер участвовали в движении Сопротивления. Русские врачи были специалистами в различных областях медицины. Большинство из тех, сведения о которых у нас есть, получили образование в самом Королевстве СХС (Королевство Югославия), некоторые вступали в Сопротивление будучи студентами медицинских факультетов. Среди боровшихся с фашизмом врачей были и представители первого поколения русских беженцев, в том числе участников Белого движения. В годы оккупации русские врачи, участвовавшие в партизанском движении, вступившие в Народно-освободительную армию Югославии, заведовали больницами, руководили эпидемиологической службой, внося таким образом вклад в борьбу с фашизмом. В статье приводятся биографические сведения о некоторых из них. Ключевые слова: русская эмиграция, движение Сопротивления, Вторая мировая война, антифашизм, партизанское движение, Югославия, оккупация, биография, врачи, медицина Для цитирования: Живанович М. Русские врачи-эмигранты -участники движения Сопротивления на территории Югославии // Сибирь гуманитарная. 2025. № 2. С. 51-65.

Battlefield tourism is emerging as a new market and marketing area for tour operators to respond to changing human needs in a globalised world. This type of tourism is becoming more and more important in the tourism sector with the various tours it offers and is being preferred more and more every day. In Türkiye, battlefield tours are limited to certain regions and this situation results in a lack of detailed studies on the supply of battlefield tourism in the literature. This study is based on the TÜBİTAK 3005 supported project titled 'Creating a National Battle Route from İnönü to Sakarya and Monitoring Its Effects' and compares the content of the tour developed in this project with examples of World War II tours in Western European countries. Thus, it is aimed to enrich the content of a developing tour by using successful examples at an international level. For this purpose, battlefield tours from the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Belgium were analyzed through document analysis. This study, which is conducted with a pragmatic paradigm, is a multiple case study. The findings of the study emphasize that the content of battlefield tours varies according to the historical and cultural background of the countries. In this context, the areas that need to be improved in the İnönü to Sakarya National Struggle Tour in Türkiye were determined and a structure that complies with international standards was created.

In line with the so-called 'spatial turn' in modern scholarship, the project 'Spaces that Matter' explores the relationship between space and sanctity in Byzantium and beyond. Specifically, the project examines how places of confinement and seclusion, such as prisons, cells, and caves, are represented in hagiographic narratives, visual culture, and archaeology, and how the holy protagonists, often martyrs and monastics or ascetics, experience their sojourn and spiritual progress in such places on a literary-narrative level. These sessions will focus on the hagiography of the Byzantine periphery and the Christian Orient, particularly Armenian/Georgian, Ethiopic, Slavic, and Greek saints' Lives and Passions.

Bu makale, Peşte'de Osmanlı şehbenderliğinin kurulması ve Peşte şehbenderlerinin prosopografik analizine odaklanmaktadır. Osmanlı hariciyesinin yurtdışı teşkilatının genişlediği Tanzimat döneminde, 1855'te Peşte'te Osmanlı vatandaşlarının ve tüccarlarının hukukunu korumak için bir şehbender tayin edildiyse de Orta Avrupa'nın her bakımdan ama en çok da siyasî olarak önemli şehirlerden birisi olan Peşte'de Osmanlı şehbenderliğinin tesisi 1868'de Ali Nizamî Bey'in tayiniyle gerçeklemiştir. Bu tarihten İmparatorluğun yıkılışına kadar geçen süre zarfında on iki Osmanlı diplomatı başşehbender olarak görev yapmış ve Türk-Macar ilişkilerini geliştirmiştir. Peşte'deki Osmanlı şehbenderlerinin prosopografik analizi yapıldığında bunların sadece Osmanlı bürokrasisinin çeşitli kalemlerinde görev yapmış paşazadeler gibi köklü ailelerin çocukları olmayıp içlerinde sosyal statüleri itibariyle orta sınıf memur ailelere mensup olanların da bulundukları görülür. Hepsinin ortak noktası şüphesiz iyi bir eğitim almış olmalarıydı, ancak kimi modern eğitim kurumlarında kimi ise medreseler gibi klasik eğitim kurumlarında eğitim görmüşlerdir. Aldıkları eğitimi tamamlayacak şekilde Bâbıâli Tercüme Odası ve sair Hariciye Nezareti bürolarında mülazemetle kariyerlerine başlayan Peşte'nin müstakbel şehbenderleri, bu makama tayin olmadan önce de hatırı sayılır bir diplomasi tecrübesi edinmişlerdi. Birçoğunun Peşte başşehbenderliği sonrasındaki kariyeri de Osmanlı hariciyesinde devam etmiş, orta elçilik yahut büyük elçilik yapmışlar, hatta Mahmud Esad Paşa gibi vezir rütbesine kadar yükselmişlerdi. Osmanlı bürokrasisindeki uzmanlaşmaya karşın, kariyerlerine mülkiyede devam edenler de mevcuttu. Ancak Peşte şehbenderliği, Ahmed Muhtar (Mollaoğlu) Bey'in kariyerinin gösterdiği üzere, Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet dönemi hariciyesine diplomat yetiştiren bir makam olarak görülmelidir.

The study of mourning within collective memory is instrumental in understanding how communities respond to loss. It delves into the intricate interplay of culture, memory, and grief, shedding light on the complexities of mourning practices. Cultural memory, comprising remembering and forgetting, offers a lens through which to examine the cultural dimensions of mourning rituals. Among Anatolian Alevis, grief assumes a profound significance, serving as a means of constructing and perpetuating a tragic social identity. Through processes of remembering, interpreting, and enacting loss, Anatolian Alevism imbues grief with symbolic meaning, intertwining it with the fabric of collective consciousness. This unconscious process of interpretation separates losses from their historical contexts, transforming them into objects of belief that shape the community's identity. In this study, psychoanalytic interpretations are employed to uncover the underlying psychological mechanisms driving identity formation and the ritualization of loss within the Alevi community. Rooted in a psychoanalytic framework, this study endeavors to delineate the boundaries between mourning and melancholy, offering a comprehensive exploration of grief within the Anatolian Alevi context.

In this paper, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors. For this reason, while Almond (1968), Easton (1865), Luhmann (1981) analyze the ideology, they pay attention directly to the way of society structuring, and not as much to the political discourse. According to them, no partial aspect of social life and no isolated phenomenon can be understood unless it is linked with historical integrity and social structure conceived as a general unit. In this study, macro analysis focuses on the identification and treatm...

Përmbajtja e shkurtër: Në raport me territorin, strukturën shoqërore dhe njësitë e populluara të Plavës, për sa i takon kohës mesjetare dhe decenieve të para të sundimit osman, në shkencë duket se ka një deficit punimesh. Deri tani, krahina nuk i është nënshtruar një kërkimi të imët që për synim do të kishte eksplorimin e burimeve materiale dhe studimin e materialit arkivor, që do të krijonin terren adekuat për një interpretim më të avancuar në kontekstin historik. Megjithatë, sipas të dhënave ekzistuese, përfshirë kartat e shoqërisë feudale serbe, përmbledhjet administrative osmane, relacionet apo korrespodencën e kohës, rrëfimet nga kujtesa kolektive dhe shembujve nga disiplina e toponimisë, duket se edhe në këto rrethana mund të shtrohet një histori e shkurtër e zonës. Në këtë kontekst, si rezultat i këtij studimi, duket se krahina e Plavës nënkupton një territor, i cili, ndonëse përfiton rëndësi politike vetëm nga pjesa fundore e mesjetës, më pas karakterizohet me zhvillime mjaft dinamike, sikurse në rrafshin politik ashtu edhe kundrejt demografisë. Ndërkohë, për sa i takon konfiguracionit etnik, deri në shekullin XV, duket si mjedis mjaft divers ku shoqëria parasllave, konkretisht vllahe dhe shqiptare, shfaqet mjaft konkurruese, për më tepër mund ta ketë dominuar zonën. Mirëpo, me kalimin e kohës, në saje të presionit politik dhe fetar, kjo shtresë ka shans të jetë nisur drejt serbizimit, një proces i cili nuk dihet se deri në çfarë mase është kompletuar, pasiqë në pjesën e dytë të shekullit XVII gravitojnë kolektivisht drejt territoreve tjera, pa arritur të kuptohet habitati i ri i tyre.

Bu makale Balkan Savaşları'nın ardından Osmanlı Devleti ve Bulgaristan arasında meydana gelen yakınlaşmanın bir yansıması olarak Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa'nın İç Makedon Devrimci Örgütü ile Kuzey Makedonya'da Sırp yönetimine karşı giriştiği ortak harekâtın zeminini, amaçlarını, safhalarını ve neticelerini açıklığa kavuşturmayı hedeflemektedir. Araştırma neticesinde şu sonuçlara varılmıştır: 1-İlkin İttihat ve Terakki erkânı için Bulgarlarla iş birliğinin temel amacı Makedonya'nın muhtariyetini ve Batı Trakya'nın Türkiye'ye iadesini sağlamaktı. 2-Türk-Alman ittifakının ardından Harbiye Nazırı Enver Paşa harekâtın kontrolünü ele almış ve ona Bulgaristan'ı acilen Avusturya ile savaş hâlindeki Sırbistan'a karşı savaşa zorlama ve bölgeye yönelik müstakbel Türk-Bulgar işgaline zemin hazırlama işlevlerini yüklemiştir. 3-Harekâtın ilk safhasında Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa çetelerinin bölge Müslümanlarını Sırp yönetimine karşı kışkırtmaya yönelik propaganda faaliyetleri başarılı olmuş ama bu durum Sırpların Müslüman ahaliye yönelik şiddet kampanyasını beraberinde getirmiştir. Ayrıca politik tereddütler yaşayan Bulgarlardan beklenen desteği alamayan Türk çeteler Sırp kuvvetlerince kısa sürede etkisiz hâle getirilmiştir. 4-Ortaya çıkan tabloya rağmen Enver Paşa geri adım atmamış, sahaya yeni ve daha kalabalık çeteler sürmüş, Bulgarların daha yakın bir iş birliği tavrı geliştirmesiyle de İç Makedon Devrimci Örgütü ile birlikte son derece etkili operasyonlar yapılabilmiştir. 5-Bu operasyonlar İtilaf Devletleri'nin Bulgaristan'dan daha da uzaklaşmasında önemli rol oynasa da Enver Paşa'nın Bulgaristan'ı acilen savaşa sokma amacının gerçekleşmesine yetmemiştir.

Le «scie della rivoluzione» indicano le conseguenze e i modelli prodotti dalla sconfitta dei regimi liberali in Italia e nella penisola iberica negli anni Venti del secolo XIX. A partire dai caratteri transnazionali della Restaurazione, il volume analizza il modo in cui le comunità politiche ed istituzionali costruirono discorsi, identità e strategie, adattandoli alla pratica del conflitto e alla vita politica che i contesti post-rivoluzionari avevano determinato in Italia, ma anche nell'Europa meridionale, con particolare attenzione ai fenomeni del brigantaggio, della repressione e della violenza politica. Uno studio che illustra le molteplici traiettorie del liberalismo, e dei suoi avversari, dopo la fine del momento costituzionale.

Unlike the solid body of historiography mapping out political and diplomatic relations be- tween the United Kingdom and Serbia, cultural transfers between the two nations occupy minimal aca- demic spaces, primarily those concerned with literature, music, and sport. While seemingly apparent, representations and influences of Anglomania and English style in the fashion system of Serbia were sidelined in favor of dominant Austro-Hungarian and French influences, falling under the category of general “Western" influences rather than specifically “British" or “English." Hence, this paper aims to register and outline the particular influences of Anglomania and English style in the Serbian fashion system of the first half of the 20th century, focusing on the interwar elites of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's capital, Belgrade. Despite the initial timeframe, the paper will also provide an overview of the inception of Anglomania and British fashion influences in the Serbian culture of clothing, starting with the late l8th century and Dositej Obradović's English suit as an aesthetic, sociocultural, and political catalyst of Anglo- mania. By doing so, the study allows for a chronological and geographical differentiation of Anglomania, which, in the l8th and l9th centuries, was integral to the urban costume of Vojvodina's bourgeoisie and in the first half of the 20th century became exclusive to Belgrade's emerging fashion elite and the sartorial (self)representation of the Karadjordjević royal family. Focusing on the latter and juxtaposing it with the dominant Francophilia in interwar fashion, the paper outlines Anglomania as the dominant fashionable behavior and stylistic orientation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's fashion habitus. Finally, the paper pro- poses fashion history as a new form of cultural transfer between the United Kingdom and Serbia, moving beyond established approaches and common misconceptions.

The 19th century marked a period of significant alteration for Armenians in the Ottoman State, during which political reforms and social transformations had a profound impact on their economic and cultural lives. This article examines the multifaceted role of Armenians within the state, focusing on how the Reorganization Period (1839-1876), marked by the Tanzimat and other decrees, created both opportunities and challenges for Armenians. Specifically, the article explores the influence of Armenian merchants and the amira class, highlighting their economic ventures, involvement in government, and the socio-cultural dynamics within Ottoman society. The Armenian National Constitution of 1863 and evolving global trade networks are analyzed as pivotal developments that shaped Armenians’ roles within the state, facilitating urbanization, trade expansion, and cross-cultural exchange. The article also analyzes the daily life experiences of Armenians in a multi layered manner through elements such as tradesmen organizations, family-based commercial networks, and rural production practices. Through detailed examination, this study aims to provide a comprehensive view of how Armenians navigated modernization, contributed to the Ottoman economy, and maintained cultural distinctiveness amid broader imperial shifts.

Migration is part of the demographic evolution of the population and a decisive indicator of social changes, including urbanization. Migration and urbanization have a strong effect on the economy, such as changes in labor market opportunities, education, health, environment management, governance, etc. After 90's migration movements in Albania have been considered to be the main factor in drastic changes of the stock's size and structure of Albanian population. Compared to 1990, the current size of the resident population stock at the national level has been decreased by about 12% due to emigration, followed by a decrease in the birth rate for about 65% and an increase in the death rate for about 20%. Meanwhile, the internal migration is identified as a major factor in the demographic changes of the Albanian population at the regional level, bringing in extensive urbanization in a few areas and a drastic reduction of population in the majority of the others. Is there any correlation between the directionality of contemporary Albanian migrations and the urban development of Albania before 1990, as shaped by the policies for spatial and socioeconomic organization implemented under the communist regime? To date, the research activity dealing with urbanization in Albania after the 2000s seems to have paid limited attention to the study of the country's urban development before 1990. There seems to be a dominant perception which 'inaudibly' equates the fall of the regime with a rural exodus. The doctrine of the universal control of the movements of Albanian citizens, combined with other policies of spatial and economic development implemented by the regime, certainly, meant the control of the urbanization processes in socialist Albania; however, at the same time, it nourished a peculiar type of urban/territorial organization, which was not portrayed in statistics (Carrière & Sivignon 1982). The proposed presentation explores the above question/working hypothesis, which aspires to shed light on the urban/territorial development of Albania before 1990, and, under this perspective, to propose the study anew of contemporary Albanian migrations. From a methodological point of view, we are based on extensive literature review, including research conducted in the decades 1970 and 1980 in Albania..

8 Besides the other six: sieve-makers (Ciurari), jewel makers (Argintari), cauldron makers (Căldărari), blacksmiths, Lingurari and Lăieși. 9 Ion Budai-Deleanu was adept of the language purification from Slavic elements and usage of Latin-based words.

The gradual modernisation of Wallachia began through foreign political and intellectual influences in the eighteenth century. After wars with the Ottoman Empire, Oltenia, the western most part of Wallachia, had in 1718 been seized by Hapsburg Austria. This part included the Cozia Monastery and many of its Rudari who lived in the province. Slavery was not a legal institution in the Habsburg Empire. All of Wallachia was later occupied by Russia after another war with the Ottomans in the early nineteenth century. This chapter intends to examine how the experience of the Austrian and Russian occupations affected the status of the Rudari and if and how it contributed to strengthening their collective self-identification, predicated on their rejection of being called rob slaves. From the early eighteenth century until the mid-nineteenth century the Rudari of Wallachia experienced major changes in their juridical status. This was connected to reforms introduced during foreign occupations of Wallachia. Because Oltenia was inside the region occupied by Austria (1718-1739) many of Cozia's Rudari became the employees of the Austrian state. After Austrian withdrawal they returned for some decades to the status of slaves belonging to the Cozia Monastery. However, this was followed by a short-lived Russian administration (1770-1774) and a renewed short Austrian occupation (1789-1792). Finally, they were given the status of State Gypsies, which was perceived at the time as some form of liberation, and which was introduced by the second Russian occupation administration (1828)(1829)(1830)(1831)(1832)(1833)(1834). The history of the Wallachian Rudari during the turbulent years of repeated wars and foreign occupation is detailed in many of the documents copiedinto the Cozia Monastery's registers. The final transformation of the Rudari's legal status into slaves of the state was enacted by the Russian occupation governor P.D. Kiseleff, who was also behind the population and socio-economic registration of 1838. According to the accounts of travellers, gold-washing was at that time in decline.

The roots of what was to become Romania in the mid-nineteenth century goes back to Antiquity. From the Thracian peoples, known as Dacians and Getae, the Romans conquered a territory roughly bounded by the Danube, Tisza and Dniester Rivers. This conquest began in the reign of Emperor Trajan (reigned 98-117 CE) with victorious military campaigns in 101-102 and 105-106 CE. Trajan's administration created a new very large province known as Dacia (in the west and north) which later became the Medieval principality of Wallachia while the eastern part was joined to the existing Roman province Moesia, later turning into Moldavia. The Romans remained in place until 271 CE but were under constant attack from hostile tribes coming from the Eurasian steppes. The Romans eventually abandoned the provinces during the reign of Emperor Aurelian (reigned 270-276) because of an inability to defend the territory. The Romans left a legacy of Latin language, colonialism, a multi-ethnic society, and some important institutions. After the Romans departed, waves of migratory peoples settled and the economy degenerated into small scale agriculture and animal husbandry. Contacts with the Roman world dwindled. Romanian populated lands formed a porous frontier against nomadic raiders. It was in essence a no-man's land. The Huns, Goths, Avars, Pechenegs, and Cumans invaded one after the other, culminating in the Mongol invasions in the mid-thirteenth century with the establishment of a Tatar Golden Horde basecamp in what is now Moldavia. Even when there were no large invasions, bands of raiding warriors massacred, plundered and pillaged villages taking captives to be sold into slavery. Particularly in eastern regions of Wallachia openness to nomadic raids meant that permanent field agriculture and stable villages were dangerous undertakings save in more defendable hilly and forested regions. The inhabitants had to be prepared to flee at a moment's notice, so dwellings in the flatland were kept rudimentary and villagers in the foothills wandered down to the flatland only in the summer, building temporary settlements and digging up small fields. Particularly in its most eastern parts the Wallachian flatland was barren, due to the climate being subject to hot dry summers making it more suited for shepherding than cultivated fields (Stahl, H.H. 1980a).

This chapter offers an overview of the gold extraction in the Romanian territories from the earliest documentation to the nineteenth century. There is a continuity in gold-washing activity along the rivers using unsophisticated methods which hardly changed over the centuries. From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, observers noticed the existence of reserves of alluvial gold and the identified similarities with gold-panning methods and descriptions made in antiquity. Some tried to connect the Rudari with the gold-washers of ancient Dacia. Many such narratives were told by the Rudari themselves to modern-day ethnographers and historians1. While gold mining and panning was of little importance for Romanian economic history2, it employed hundreds of workers and their families, many of which belonged to the group known as the Rudari. 1 Marushiakova and Popov 2021 deconstructed such narratives as being contaminated by previous encounters of the Rudari with ethnographers.

This volume presents an editio princeps and examination of the Ottoman register D373 (20 ff.) housed in the National Library of Bulgaria ‘St St Cyril and Methodius’ in Sofia. Compiled by the Imperial Treasury Office, the register documents sums of money deposited at the Patriarchate by Greek Orthodox individuals accused of participating in the Greek War of Independence. The register reveals the Orthodox Church’s involvement in the formation of an expansive financial network, in which both clergy and affluent lay members of the Greek Orthodox community were engaged. It also provides insights into the financial dynamics of the Greek Orthodox élite of the era –primarily in the capital but also in the provinces– and the role of lending networks, while recording a notable female participation in economic activity.

What if the unraveling of a multiethnic rural society in Ottoman Kurdistan had as much to do with distant ocean currents in the Pacific as with imperial reforms or communal tensions? Could the breakdown of coexistence between Armenian peasants and Kurdish pastoralists be traced not only to sectarianism or nationalism, but also to the timing and intensity of El Niño and La Niña events? In The Political Ecology of Violence, Zozan Pehlivan opens new historiographical terrain by treating global climate as a key actor in the region's history. Focusing on the environmental fallout of ENSO-linked weather anomalies, especially the droughts and cold spells of the late nineteenth century, she demonstrates how ecological disturbances reshaped the region's diverse landscapes and destabilized both human and nonhuman life. These disruptions, she argues, were central to the erosion of intercommunal relations and the eventual escalation into violence. In this way, at its core, the book offers a radical rethinking of violence: not as episodic, irrational, or solely rooted in ethnic antagonism, but as the cumulative result of structural transformations that unfolded over decades. Pehlivan centers her study on the region known as Ottoman Kurdistan, stretching across present-day eastern Turkey, northern Iraq, western Iran, and parts of Syria. This was a fragile and interdependent frontier zone inhabited by Armenians, Kurds, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Yezidis, and others. By focusing on the period from 1840 to 1914, she moves beyond the conventional focus on the 1915 genocide, instead tracing the longue dur� ee processes that unraveled a once-coexistent rural world. With impressive archival depth and analytical sophistication, she repositions ecology, climate, and rural political economy at the heart of Ottoman state formation and intercommunal violence. Drawing from political ecology, Pehlivan shows how slow, cumulative processes-environmental degradation, climatic volatility, economic dislocation, and unequal state interventiongradually frayed the region's social fabric. Central to this story is what she terms "ecological

By Sokrat K
Independent Researcher in Linguistics and Mythological Substrates


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Abstract
The name “Aphrodite” (Ἀφροδίτη) has long been etymologically opaque in classical studies, often linked uncertainly to Greek aphros ("foam") or Near Eastern deities. However, the Linear B form of the word — a-pu-ro-di-ta (𐬀𐭡𐭪𐭅𐭳) — has been preserved on Mycenaean tablets but rarely scrutinized beyond identification as a possible theonym. I propose that this form is not originally a name, but a descriptive pre-Greek phrase that captures the moment of transition between night and day — the dawn. This interpretation is strengthened by the Albanian word Afërdita (literally “near the day”), still used today to refer to the morning star (Venus). I argue that this is not coincidence, but continuity.


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1. Linear B as Sentence, Not Name
In Linear B, a-pu-ro-di-ta is composed of the syllables:

a – exclamatory or divine invocation

pu – possibly from puro (pure) or puqem (to come together)

ro – related to light, movement (cf. rrezë, rotë)

di – “to know,” or diell (sun)

ta – feminine demonstrative (“she, that one”)


This yields a poetic phrase:

> “Ah, the pure rising that knows the day — she!”



Rather than being a personal name, this suggests a ritual expression, a personified force of dawn, later solidified into the deity Aphrodite.


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2. Albanian Afërdita: A Living Fossil
In modern Albanian:

Afër = near

dita = the day


Afërdita is not just a name — it’s a description of the morning star, the Venus figure that appears before sunrise. The semantic match with a-pu-ro-di-ta is striking, as is the mythological continuity.


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3. Implications for Etymology and Pre-Greek Substrate
This challenges the idea that “Aphrodite” is a purely Greek invention or a loan from the East. Instead:

It may derive from a poetic pre-Greek formula, possibly Pelasgian or proto-Albanian.

The transition from phrase → title → deity reflects a common pattern in ancient religious language.


If true, this would mean Albanian preserves an older Indo-European religious concept that Greek myth later personified and decontextualized.


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Conclusion
The convergence of phonetic structure, mythological function, and semantic meaning between a-pu-ro-di-ta and Afërdita is too strong to dismiss as coincidence. It demands serious re-evaluation of the substrate languages behind Greek mythology, and the possibility that Albanian holds the key to decoding them.


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Keywords:
Aphrodite, Afërdita, Linear B, Albanian, Pre-Greek substrate, Venus, Mycenaean religion, a-pu-ro-di-ta, Indo-European linguistics, Pelasgian hypothesis

Apstrakt: Cilj ovoga rada je analiza nivoa snage pojednih mišićnih grupa, odnosno utvrđivanje razlika u varijablama : repititivna snaga trupa, eksplozivna snag a nogu i statička snaga ruku i ramenog pojasa kod dece narušene posture. Istraživanjem je bilo obuhvaćeno ukupno 67 ispitanika sa područja opštine Subotica, od čega je merenjima bilo podvrgnuto 22 ispitanika sa kifotičnim narušenim držanjem tela, 18 ispitanika sa lordotičnim lošim držanjem tela , dok je ispitanika sa ravnim stopalima bilo 27. Za merenje odnosno procenu nivoa snage pojedinih mišićnih grupa je primenjena baterija standardizovanih testova: izdržaj u zgibu, skok u dalj iz mesta i podizanje trupa za 60 sekundi. Rezultati do kojih se došlo ukazuju da postoje statistički značajne razlike u manifestaciji snage u sve tri varijable: kifotično loše držanje tela, lordotično loše držanje tela i ravna stopala.

Apstrakt: Cilj ovoga rada je analiza nivoa snage pojednih mišićnih grupa, odnosno utvrđivanje razlika u varijablama : repititivna snaga trupa, eksplozivna snag a nogu i statička snaga ruku i ramenog pojasa kod dece narušene posture. Istraživanjem je bilo obuhvaćeno ukupno 67 ispitanika sa područja opštine Subotica, od čega je merenjima bilo podvrgnuto 22 ispitanika sa kifotičnim narušenim držanjem tela, 18 ispitanika sa lordotičnim lošim držanjem tela , dok je ispitanika sa ravnim stopalima bilo 27. Za merenje odnosno procenu nivoa snage pojedinih mišićnih grupa je primenjena baterija standardizovanih testova: izdržaj u zgibu, skok u dalj iz mesta i podizanje trupa za 60 sekundi. Rezultati do kojih se došlo ukazuju da postoje statistički značajne razlike u manifestaciji snage u sve tri varijable: kifotično loše držanje tela, lordotično loše držanje tela i ravna stopala.

The article shows the attitude of the Great Britain towards controversies connected with the so -called Macedonian issue during the inter -war period, using British archival and published sources. From the point of view of Great Britain the Macedonian issue should be eliminated from the international politics of those times. Its instrumentalization through individual revisionist countries of the region and powers could lead to destruction of the interwar political order in the region. The Macedonian case was treated by British diplomats as a result of political manipulation and unfulfilled aspirations of circles, dissatisfied with the political status quo of those days. The demands to recognize the Macedonian population as an ethnic minority were ignored by the British diplomacy, treating them as an expression of revisionism. The British hope was in the long--term assimilation of the population within Yugoslavia and Greece. British diplomacy insisted that Bulgarian authorities restrict the influence of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) on relations with Yugoslavia. On the other hand, Yugoslavia should give up supporting Bulgarian emigrants who found refuge there after the coup in September 1923. Moreover, British diplomacy cared about no influence, in any form of the controversy related to the Macedonian issue, on the League of Nations.

A Hypothesis on the Etymology of the Toponym Tanagra: A Pre-Greek and Possibly Proto-Albanian Substrate Element?

Author: Sokrat K.
Affiliation: Independent Researcher
Contact: [email protected]


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Abstract

This note proposes a speculative but structured hypothesis regarding the etymology of the ancient Boeotian toponym Tanagra. I suggest that the name may derive from a non-Greek (pre-Hellenic) linguistic substrate, with a possible connection to early Balkan or proto-Albanian lexical elements. In particular, I explore the parallel between Tanagra and the Gheg Albanian phrase “Tana gra” (“all women”), noting the name's use in mythology and its feminine personification. While this etymology is not aligned with conventional Greek linguistic rules, it may reflect a deeper substratal influence on regional toponymy prior to full Hellenization.


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1. Introduction: The Problem of Pre-Greek Toponyms

The toponym Tanagra (Τανάγρα), known as a city in ancient Boeotia and as the name of a mythological nymph, is difficult to explain using standard Greek etymological tools. Like many other Greek place-names—Larissa, Zakros, Knossos—Tanagra shows signs of a non-Greek origin. Scholars such as Robert Beekes (2010) have described these names as part of a wider pre-Greek substratum, possibly non-Indo-European, associated with earlier populations of the Aegean and Balkans.

The purpose of this paper is to explore an alternative hypothesis that includes a possible proto-Albanian or Illyrian lexical influence. While not claiming definitive proof, the aim is to stimulate discussion by integrating linguistic, mythological, and toponymic evidence around the enigmatic name Tanagra.


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2. The Hypothesis: Tanagra as “Tana gra” ("All Women")

In the Gheg Albanian dialect, the phrase “Tana gra” means “all women”, with:

tana = all (from IE root ten-, “to stretch, extend, totality”)

gra = women (from IE gʷen-, “woman,” cf. Greek gunē, Latin femina, Albanian grua)


The hypothesis suggests that Tanagra may encode a phrase or term from a substratal language that was ancestral or parallel to Albanian. The mythological tradition surrounding Tanagra—a daughter of the river Asopos and a female nymph figure—aligns with the gendered meaning of the Albanian phrase and may reflect a local cult or feminine-place association in Bronze Age or pre-Classical Boeotia.

While this cannot be accepted as a direct linguistic derivation without stronger historical data, the parallel between meaning, mythology, and phonetic structure invites further investigation.


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3. Context: Non-Greek Features in Greek Toponymy

The case of Tanagra is not unique. A significant number of Greek place-names:

End in unusual suffixes like -ssos, -nthos, -ttos, or in this case -agra

Lack clear Indo-European roots

Are associated with mythological figures or natural features, suggesting cultic or pre-Hellenic origins


Scholars such as Alfred Heubeck and Vladimir Georgiev have long argued that such names represent a non-Greek substrate, especially prominent in regions like Boeotia, Crete, and Thessaly.

The element -agra in Tanagra is rare or unattested in native Greek toponymy. Its presence could reflect either a borrowed suffix or a foreign linguistic layer, later assimilated into the Greek lexicon through local myths and cults.


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4. Albanian Toponymy: Compatibility or Coincidence?

Although Tanagra does not follow modern Albanian toponymic suffixation patterns (such as -isht, -an, or -at), the internal structure of the phrase (Tana gra, “all women”) is consistent with Albanian vocabulary and Indo-European word roots. This suggests that, even if the toponym does not originate within the formal Albanian place-naming system, it may preserve a substratal linguistic structure from a proto-Albanian or Balkan source, later incorporated into Greek myth and local naming traditions.

In broader Balkan historical linguistics, many scholars accept the possibility of shared vocabulary and naming structures across regions long before national languages were codified. The idea that early Balkan speech communities influenced local names—even far into the Aegean—is supported by comparative studies and archaeological migrations in the Late Bronze Age.


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5. Academic Skepticism and Substratal Possibility

Recent feedback from an Oxford professor expressed reasonable skepticism about this hypothesis. He observed that the proposal does not conform to standard toponomastic methods and doubted the historical plausibility of Albanian influence at such a time-depth in Boeotia. These objections are valid within the framework of established Indo-European methodology.

In addition, Professor A. L. K, a linguist specializing in Balkan prehistory, raised another important critique. He argued that while phonetic similarities can appear compelling, the hypothesis may suffer from retrospective projection—where modern linguistic forms (such as Gheg Albanian) are used to interpret names from vastly earlier periods, without intermediate stages of documentation or secure historical continuity. In his view, any claim about a Paleo-Balkan substratum needs to demonstrate not only structural and semantic parallels, but also a traceable evolutionary pathway that connects ancient and modern forms through intermediate linguistic data—currently lacking in this case.

These critiques are important and not lightly dismissed. However, my intention is not to replace the standard etymology, but to suggest that Tanagra may be better understood when we broaden our lens to include substrate influence, myth, and regional linguistic comparison—especially in a region already acknowledged as rich in non-Greek naming elements.

The critique that the etymology lacks “usual toponomastic elements” presupposes that place-names must derive from geographic descriptors (e.g., rivers, mountains). Yet, many ancient toponyms—such as Dodona, one of Greece’s oldest religious sites—lack any such geographical root and are instead believed to originate from pre-Greek cultic or mythological names, possibly referring to a deity, nymph, or sacred function. In this light, Tanagra may similarly preserve the memory of a feminine cultic place or figure. The phrase Tana gra (“all women”) might echo a site associated with women, a local deity, or matriarchal tradition, rather than a landscape feature—consistent with known toponymic traditions in Bronze Age sacred geography.

I am aware of the chronological gap — the earliest attestations of Tanagra are from the Archaic and Classical Greek periods, whereas Albanian is not attested in writing until the 15th century CE. However, I argue that oral continuity, substrate survivals, and toponymic conservatism may help bridge this gap. The hypothesis is not that the toponym was "Albanian" per se, but rather that both the name Tanagra and the Albanian phrase Tana gra ("all women" in Gheg Albanian) may derive from a shared Paleo-Balkan layer — perhaps Illyrian or a closely related substrate.

I believe that the tribes who lived during that ancient period and contributed to the formation of the Tanagra toponym were not known as "Albanians" in the modern national sense, but were speakers of the same language that modern Albanians speak today — a language whose oral form has likely persisted beneath later overlays.
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6. Conclusion

The case of Tanagra may reflect more than just a Greek myth or an unexplained name. It may preserve a linguistic echo of older regional speech—possibly Illyrian, proto-Albanian, or another pre-Greek substrate—especially given its phonetic construction, mythological femininity, and cultural context.

Rather than proposing a definitive Albanian origin, this hypothesis invites interdisciplinary re-examination of how ancient names carry traces of forgotten peoples and languages.


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Bibliography (Selected)

Beekes, Robert S.P. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Brill, 2010.

Demiraj, Bardhyl. Albanische Etymologien. Wiesbaden: Winter, 1997.

Georgiev, Vladimir. “Les anciens parlers balkaniques.” Balkan Studies 6 (1965): 15–30.

Heubeck, Alfred. Pre-Greek Speech on Crete. Inaugural Lecture, Göttingen, 1967.

Hamp, Eric P. “The Position of Albanian.” In Indo-European and Indo-Europeans, 1984.

Huld, Martin E. “Illyrian Place-Names.” The Ancient Languages of Europe. Ed. R.D. Woodard. Cambridge, 2008.

West, M.L. The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

This study explores the formal and thematic diversity of self-narratives within classical Ottoman manuscript culture, focusing on how such materials can emerge in texts not explicitly autobiographical, through the example of Mahmûd Âgâh/Nâsıh, a 19th-century figure. In addition to autonomous self-narratives, the Ottoman literary tradition contains fragmented autobiographical traces within scholarly genres such as commentaries, glosses, and textual corrections. These materials serve as valuable sources for reconstructing individual biographies, though their detection and interpretation require heightened attention.
Mahmûd Nâsıh’s largely overlooked correction work, and the autobiographical elements embedded within, offer insight into his personal history, social environment, and critical stance toward the ruling class. Orphaned early in life, unmarried, and living under difficult conditions, Nâsıh used correction not only for philological correction but also to indirectly narrate his life story.
A key question this study addresses is why such self-representations were embedded in indirect or covert forms. Possible explanations include the desire for narrative safety or influence from his spiritual guide, Ismâʿil Hakkı al-Bursawî, whose works also contain autobiographical fragments. These findings demonstrate that fragmented self-narratives can illuminate the lives of not only prominent figures but also more “ordinary” individuals.
The study further argues that these materials reveal a greater degree of agency exercised by copyists in the Ottoman manuscript tradition. Contrary to common assumptions, copyists were often active participants in the transmission and transformation of texts, sometimes subtly altering or expanding the material to reflect their own voices and experiences. Mahmûd Nâsıh’s case provides a compelling example of how autobiographical expression and textual intervention could intersect, offering new perspectives on both the personal and textual dynamics of Ottoman literary culture.
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Bu çalışma, Osmanlı yazma kültüründe ben-anlatılarının hem biçim hem de muhteva açısından çeşitliliğini ortaya koymayı amaçlamakta ve özellikle doğrudan otobiyografik anlatı niteliği taşımayan metinlerde bu tür malzemenin nasıl ortaya çıkabildiğini 19. yüzyılda yaşamış olan Mahmûd Âgâh/Nâsıh’ın kaleminden çıkan tashih örnekleri üzerinden incelemektedir. Osmanlı edebiyatında müstakil bir ben-anlatısı şeklinde kaleme alınmış metinlerin yanı sıra, daha çok tashih, şerh, haşiye gibi bilimsel ve metin merkezli türlerde dağınık biçimde karşımıza çıkan parçalı otobiyografik unsurlar da, kişinin biyografisinin inşasında önemli bir kaynak teşkil etmektedir. Bu tür anlatıların tespiti ise doğrudan ben-anlatılarına göre çok daha dikkat ve hassasiyet gerektirmektedir.
Mahmûd’un literatürde pek bilinmeyen tashih çalışmaları ve bu tashihler içine gömdüğü veya serpiştirdiği otobiyografik unsurlar, onun hayatı, sosyal ve ekonomik çevresi, dönemin yönetici sınıfına yönelik eleştirileri hakkında değerli bilgiler sunmaktadır. Doğumundan itibaren yetim ve öksüz kalan, hayatı boyunca evlenmemiş ve çeşitli zorluklar içerisinde yaşamış bir müstensih olan Nâsıh, metinlere yönelik müdahalelerinde sadece filolojik bir düzeltme yapmakla kalmayıp aynı zamanda kendi bireysel hikâyesini de bu metinler vasıtasıyla aktarma imkânı bulmuştur.
Özellikle tashih metinlerine gömülü bu anlatıların neden böyle gizli/örtülü/dolaylı olarak sunulduğu sorusu da çalışmanın önemli çıkış noktalarından biridir. Yazarın kendisini güvende hissedebileceği, dikkat çekmeyen bir anlatı alanı tercih etmesi veya manevi rehberi saydığı İsmâil Hakkı Bursevî gibi bir otoritenin yazım tarzından etkilenmiş olması durumu açıklamada kullanılabilecek başlıca yaklaşımlardandır. Ayrıca, bu tür ben-anlatıları sayesinde, yalnızca merkezde yer alan değil, daha “sıradan” addedilen bireylerin de biyografik olarak görünür kılınabileceği savunulmaktadır. Bu çalışma aynı zamanda Osmanlı yazma kültüründe müstensihlerin metinlere doğrudan müdahale etme ve onları dönüştürme yönündeki tasarruflarının sanılandan çok daha geniş bir çerçevede gerçekleştiğine yönelik karinelere de işaret etmektedir

The article explores the concert life of Sarajevo during the Austro-Hungarian administration (1878-1918), using the works of Ludwig van Beethoven as a case study. In addition to a series of concert events featuring a diverse repertoire-ranging from cabaret and operetta evenings to public performances by choral societies and concerts of serious music-the presence of Ludwig van Beethoven's oeuvre can also be observed, with his works appearing in programs as early as 1881. Still, a culmination of Beethoven's presence on the concert stage included Sarajevo premieres of Eroica and Pastoral Symphony, which were historic moments in the context of musical life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Respecting the historiographical facts about historical premieres, the aim of the article is to question sociopolitical discourses in the background of the mentioned Beethoven's compositions. For this purpose, among other things, news from daily and

Autor je obradio političke koncepcije đakovačkog biskupa Josipa Juraja Strossmayera, odnosno njegovu političku aktivnost do Velike istočne krize, zatim politiku Narodne stranke i sporazum s Garašaninom. Također, predstavio je Strossmayerov odnos prema bosanskim franjevcima, njegovu saradnju s Pravoslavnom crkvom, odnos prema bosanskom ustanku 1875. godine, ali i bosansko pitanje prema korespondenciji s britanskim diplomatom Williamom E. Gladstonom. Tako je autor iz više aspekata sagledao Strossmayerovo političko djelovanje s ciljem objašnjavanja njegovog odnosa prema Bosni i Hercegovini i bosanskohercegovačkim muslimanima.