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Pp. 5-32
The Royal Ancestors’ Cult in Northern Levant between
Early and Late Bronze Age:
Continuity and Problems from Ebla to Ugarit
Paolo MaTTHIaE
The tradition of the dead kings’ deiication and the faith in the basic protection they
offered to the community of the living, the ruling house, and the whole society date back
from the Early Syrian period, Early Bronze IVA, as documented by the archaeological and
epigraphic data of Ebla. In the Old Syrian period, Middle Bronze I-II, at Ebla the Sanctuary
B2 was the venue where the material cult for these protective entities were celebrated,
as well as the communal banquets, when the deiied ancestors’ aid was necessary in
critical moments of the urban life. The myths, and rituals of Ugarit of the Middle Syrian
period, Late Bronze II, perfectly illustrate the rites, and ceremonies for which at Ebla one
can ind the physical background in the architecture of the cultic places, and the visual
representations of the artistic works.
Among the most relevant results of the Italian characterized by the confrontations between Hittites,
excavations at Ebla we must acknowledge the and Mittanians, between Mittanians, and Egyptians,
contributions to the reconstruction of cultural aspects of between Mittanians, and Hittites again, between
continuity in the historical development of Syria, since Hittites, and Egyptians, and, lastly, between Hittites,
the inal phases of Early Bronze, in particular IVA (ca. and Assyrians, which brought to destructions, and
2400-2300 BC), until Iron Age II (ca. 900-720 BC), gaps in the physical continuity of urban settlements2.
whose end is marked by the accomplishment of the On the other hand, the sporadic, and unsystematic
Assyrian conquests of the last independent kingdoms nature of the archaeological exploration in Syria west
of the Syrian region. The archaeological evidence of of the Euphrates, when compared with the much
such continuity is even more important when we take more effective efforts, during the recent decades, of
into account the historical gaps in the archaeological archaeology east of the large river, contributed to a
evidence of the excavated sites, relatively frequent feeling of discontinuity, and fragmentation of the
specially for the disorders taking place in Syria during cultural traditions of Syria during the whole IInd
Late Bronze I-II (ca. 1600-1200 BC), and the nature of millennium BC.
the archaeological exploration of the Syrian territory, The aspects of continuity in the Syrian traditions,
particularly in inner Syria, west of the Euphrates, which to which the Ebla excavations offered important
was by no means systematic1.So, on the one hand, contributions, concern mainly architectural traditions,
historical events, during the whole Late Bronze, are and artistic expressions3. As regards ideology, also
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The Royal Ancestors’ Cult in Northern Levant between Early and Late Bronze Age
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the comparison between archaeological indings, and
textual evidence, between Ebla, and Ugarit, allows to
follow a long cultural itinerary since the last centuries
of the IIIrd millennium BC, until the irst years of the
XIIth century BC, at the end of the Bronze Age4. In
particular, an astonishing continuity can be observed
in the basic religious institution, and cult practice
represented by the cult for the deiied royal ancestors,
the Rapi’uma/Repha’im of the Ugaritic texts5. In my
paper I wish now to present the main evidence for this
continuity, and to try and show the way in which some
Eblaic monument, and work of art may be interpreted,
in the light of the Eblaite, and mostly Ugaritic texts,
for the largest part rituals, keeping the memory of the
cult practices of which the deiied dead kings were the
object during more than one millennium.
Royal Ancestors’ Cult in the Ebla
Royal Archives (BA IVA)
The texts of the Ebla Royal Archives (Fig. 1) prove
for sure that in Early Bronze IVA, dead sovereigns were
deiied, that deiied royal ancestors were object of cult,
and, moreover, they mention where such practices
took place6. Two, quite different, texts are a basic
evidence in this sense. In the irst place, the “Ritual
of Kingship” (Fig. 2), preserved in three copies in
the Archives, and interpreted at irst as a ritual for the
king’s ascent to the throne, or for the royal couple’s
marriage, quite likely is for a long solemn ceremony
for the renovation of kingship, not too different from
Fig. 1- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Royal Palace G, plan of the Administrative
the Sed Festival in Egypt7; it shows that the king,
Quarter, with the indication of the main archive rooms (L.2769,
L.2712, L.2764). Early Bronze IVA, ca. 2400-2300 BC.
and queen, accompanied by cult statues of the town
god Kura, and of his companion goddess Barama,
during a three weeks long festival, made a pilgrimage
in the site of Binash, where they presented offerings
to deiied dead kings, mentioned by name8. The rite
Darib, adding that the rite took place in Darib itself.
From these two pieces of evidence, one may infer
was repeated when the two couples, the royal, and that, quite likely, the oldest Eblaic kings mentioned in
the divine one, entered Ebla. In the second place, a the “Ritual of Kingship” were buried in Binash, while
much shorter text registers the offering of ten muttons
to the ten last deiied kings, from Abur-Lim to Irkab-
the ten latest had their tombs in Darib, and one must
also observe that Binash, not far from Idlib, as well as
Damu, who had ruled before the last king Ishar-Damu, Darib, certainly to be identiied with modern Atareb,
belonging to a group of 25 predecessors known from was between 20 and 30 km north-west of Ebla10.
another kings’ list, always mentioned by name9; other Apparently, all cult acts for deiied dead kings,
muttons were offered to gods dwelling in the site of historical as well as legendary ones, took place out of
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Fig. 2- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: the tablet of the “Ritual of the Kingship”, from Archive Room L.2769. Early Bronze IVA, ca. 2400-2300
BC.
Ebla, in Binash, or Darib, where the tombs of the last Deliveries of offerings are not too seldom
king Ishar-Damu’s oldest, or most recent ancestors mentioned in economic texts, made in the palace, and
in the palace “treasure” for the “king’s deity” (dingir
were; the only exceptions were the offerings made in
Kura’s Temple (Fig. 3), the head of Eblaic pantheon,
when, according the “Ritual of Kingship”, at the end en), the “queen’s deity” (dingir maliktum), and for the
of the ceremonies, the two couples, human and divine “father’s deity” (dingir a-mu). This is evidence of a
- king, and queen, Kura, and Barama - went back
to their town as “new rulers”, as the text explicitly very peculiar palace cult, which cannot be related with
maintains11. the cult for deiied dead kings12.
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Fig. 3- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Temple of Ishtar with the soundings revealing the Red Temple of Early Bronze IVA, from East. Middle Bronze I-II,
ca. 1900-1600 BC.
door (P.6752) with a socket opened through the south
wall (M.6754) of the east room (L.6402)14. The door
A Royal Hypogeum (?) below the
Royal Palace G (BA IVA) could not be cleared for static reasons, and it probably
was the entrance to the hypogeum (Fig. 6); it was
During the exploration of the peripheral west
quite likely preceded by a staircase or a ramp. The
quarters of the extended Royal Palace G of the
Archives of Early Bronze IVA, the excavations made
structures of the two rooms were made with well cut
in 1993, in order to bring to light the structures of
stones, worked with great care, of a beautiful tender
the West Unit of the Central Complex (Fig. 4), built
whitish limestone, whose foundation were still in place
everywhere, but whose highest preserved elevation is
on the west edge of the Acropolis, allowed to reach, in the east wall (M.6751) of the east room (L.5762),
after emptying a large late pit, below the loors of with three courses of stones. So, in the north-west
Palace G, at a depth of nearly 5.85 m, the remains of corner of the west room (L.5762) the block of three
a monumental tomb of the same age as Palace G13.
This tomb, called Hypogeum G4, includes two rooms
courses still in place, were clearly arranged with the
(Fig. 5), oriented east-west, and nearly identical in size,
stones of the upper courses progressively advancing
towards the inner space (Fig. 7): undoubtedly this
ca. 5.20 x 4.00 m, separated by a central wall, 1.20 element of the masonry, saved from the pillage of the
m thick, with quite a large passage; while all the other blocks, points to the fact that the room was originally
walls of the two rooms did not feature interruptions a covered by a corbelled vault15.
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Fig. 4- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Royal Palace G, plan of the West Unit of the Central Complex with the place of Hypogeum G4 (L.5762, L.6402),
Early Bronze IVA, ca. 2400-2300 BC.
Hypogeum G4 was completely empty, when before the death of the personage for whom the tomb
found. Two possible hypotheses might explain this had been built16. It is dificult to chose one or the other
complete absence of furniture: the tomb was violated, solution: in favour of a pillage so complete that not
and quite thoroughly pillaged after some collapse of even one sherd of the funerary furniture was left, there
its rooing, or it had never been used, because the is also the fact that even the blocks of the walls were
destruction of the Early Syrian town came abruptly the object of this savage pillage. Anyhow, it seems
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The Royal Ancestors’ Cult in Northern Levant between Early and Late Bronze Age
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more likely that the hypogeum was never employed:
it is possible that it were built during the time of Ishar-
Damu, last king of the Archives age, and prepared for
this sovereign, who could never use it, and possibly for
his successors17.
If the interpretation of the logographic writing
ÉxPAP of the Eblaic texts as “tomb” is correct, one of
the economic texts of the Archives, from vizier Ibrium’s
time, and therefore of the beginning of Ishar-Damu’s
reign, apparently registers the delivery by Ibrium
himself of more than four minas gold, namely 2.136
kg, “for the tomb of the kings”18. It seems quite likely
that this text was written at the time of the construction
of Hypogeum G4, which, for the plural form of the
term “king”, was evidently planned as a communal
grave for some future king, starting with Ishar-Damu.
It cannot be ruled out that the new tomb had been
built not only for the kings, but also for the queens, as
might be inferred by the precious royal standard, with
the igure of a young queen mourning (Fig. 8) in front
of the statue of an aged queen (Fig. 9)19.The standard
was found nearly intact in a store of the Palace: the
young living queen should be Tabur-Damu, Ishar-
Damu’s wife, and the old lady, represented as a
Fig. 5- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Hypogeum G4: the two rooms L.5762
and L.6402, from West. Early Bronze IVA, ca. 2400-2300 BC.
funerary statue must be Dusigu, the queen mother of
the same king20.
The ritual texts show that Ishar-Damu’s
predecessors, after Samium, third king of the dynasty,
for reasons possibly related with the clan origins of
the Eblaic kingship, as was also supposed for the
probably royal hypogea of Tell Ahmar, and Tell Banat
(Fig. 10) in the Euphrates valley21, were buried at
Binash, and later on, after the sixteenth king, Abur-
Lim, and probably until Ishar-Damu’s predecessor,
Irkab-Damu (twenty-ifth in the dynasty), at Darib22.
The building by Ishar-Damu of Hypogeum G4,
meaningfully located in the west region of the Royal
Palace, reveals an ideological revolution in the
concept of kingship, which can possibly be related
with the proto-imperial ambitions of the last kings of
the Archives period, and which probably led to quit
the local funerary tradition, linked with the origins of
Fig. 6- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Hypogeum G4: the room L.6402 and
the dynasty and with the territory, and to adhere to the
the door on the southern wall, from North. Early Bronze IVA, ca tradition of the great urban powers of Mesopotamia to
2400-2300 BC. bury the kings below the loors of the royal palace23.
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The Royal Tombs below the
Western Palace (BM I-II)
One of the most peculiar characteristics of the
urban pattern of the great Old Syrian town of Middle
Bronze I-II is the fact that around the Citadel, now
surrounded by the inner fortiication (Fig. 11), as is
also mentioned in the Hurrian-Hittite bilingual “Song
of Release” from Khattusha24, they built a real belt of
important cult, and public buildings. Three palaces
Fig. 7- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Hypogeum G4: the north-west corner
have been thus far brought to light at the feet of the
of the room L.5762, from South-East. Early Bronze IVA, ca. 2400- Citadel: the largest, and certainly most important
2300 BC. was the Western Palace (Area Q), stretching from
south to north along the west side of the Acropolis
(Fig. 12)25. Behind the central quarter of the throne
room, featuring the peculiar Old Syrian pattern,
with a central core, and two wings, immediately
to the north, three hypogeum tombs were found in
1978, and 1979 (Fig. 13), each with an individual
entrance shaft (Fig. 14)26. When the third tomb -
the “Tomb of the Cisterns” - was opened, the three
tombs communicated with one another, even though
between the oldest one - the “Tomb of the Princess”
- and the second one - the “Tomb of the Lord of
the Goats” - a mud bricks wall had originally been
built. The oldest tomb, protected by this poor wall,
was found intact, while the most important one - the
“Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”, certainly belonging
to a king, probably called Immeya27, had been hastily
pillaged, luckily not with great care, at the time of the
destruction of the town at the end of Middle Bronze II.
Another hypogeum, further to the west, always north
of the throne room, featuring an entrance staircase,
was thoroughly sacked in the late Roman/Byzantine
period: it certainly belonged to the royal necropolis,
located below the Western palace.
The tombs date from a period between Middle
Bronze IB and Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1850-1700
BC. The “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”, taking
its name from the presence of bronze decorations in
the shape of goats foreparts, or of crouching goats
(Fig. 15), probably from the back and arm-rests of a
Fig. 8- Damascus, National Museum: the igure of the queen Tabur-
throne, is certainly the only one belonging to a king.
Damu in the standard of the maliktum of Ebla, from the Royal Palace In fact, on the one hand, a silver bowl was found in
G, Northern Quarter, silver, timber and steatite. Early Bronze IVA, this hypogeum, bearing a short cuneiform inscription
ca 2400-2300 BC. (Fig. 16), mentioning Immeya as owner of the
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Fig. 9- Damascus, National Museum: reconstruction of the standard of the maliktum of Ebla, from the Royal Palace G, Northern Quarter. Early
Bronze IVA, 2400-2300 BC.
Fig. 10- Tell Banat-Armi (?), Tomb 7: masonry in dressed stone Fig. 11- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Royal Citadel E: the inner fortiication
carefully cut blocks, Early Bronze III-IV, ca. 2600-2300 BC. wall in the Area FF, from South. Middle Bronze I, ca 2000-1800 BC.
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Fig. 12- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Western Palace Q: plan of the building with indication of the place of the royal hypogea. Middle Bronze I-II, ca.
2000-1600 BC.
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Fig. 13- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Royal Tombs Q: plan of the three hypogea of the “Princess”, of the “Lord of the Goats” and of the “Cisterns”.
Middle Bronze IB-IIA, ca. 1825-1700 BC.
object, and an Old Syrian letter from Ebla mentions ancient Near Eastern artistic traditions. According our
a personage bearing the same name, who quite interpretation, the talisman depicts two basic scenes,
likely is a king of the town28. On the other hand, an a synthesis of the main moments in the assumption of
extraordinary Egyptian mace of ivory, silver, and gold the dead, and deiied king among the royal ancestors,
was found in the tomb: on it Pharaoh Hotepibre’s who had become gods, the rapi’uma of Ugaritic
name is written in beautiful Egyptian hieroglyphs, rituals: on one side the funerary banquet for the dead
and it seems quite evident that only the king of the king (Fig. 19), assisted by the eldest prince, and by
town was entitled to receive from the Nile valley a the youngest princess, who, according the middle
distinctive royal Egyptian insignia as a gift29. Syrian Keret/Kirta’s Poem of Ugarit, were considered
In the “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats” a unique responsible for the happy accomplishment of the
bone object was found, at a funerary talisman, royal funeral31, and, on the other side, the ascent
bearing igures on both faces (Fig. 17): on one to heaven of the deiied king, who takes the shape
side, a funerary banquet, the only protagonist is a of a man-headed bull (Fig. 20), and is adored as a
sitting personage, bare-headed, holding a pastoral god by the monkeys, according a typical Egyptian
staff, and, on the other side, two cynocephaluses are iconography probably familiar to the Ebla court, after
adoring a man-headed bull (Fig. 18)30. Two front Pharaoh Hotepibre’s gift; also this scene takes place
facing naked igures take part in the scenes, a male, in the presence of the king’s eldest son, and youngest
and a female: the male igure is unique for all the daughter.
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Fig. 14- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”: the base of the funerary shaft of the hypogeum B. Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-
1700 BC.
Thus, the tombs of the royal necropolis of Old point to the fact that all these men were of a very high
Syrian Ebla were located in the western region of the rank: if this interpretation is correct, the banquet might
Lower Town, because the West, the place of sunset, is be a representation of the rite known as kispum, the
the deceased region; they had been excavated below banquet in which the living king took part with the
the Western Palace, because that building was the deiied dead kings, in a basic rite for the life of urban
Crown Prince’s residence, and he was responsible for communities of Mesopotamia and Syria in Middle
royal funerals; they were in the town quarter to which Bronze I-II34.
belonged the Cult Area of the god Rashap, lord of the
Netherworld, who had there his temple (Fig. 21)32.
If in the “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats” a reined
bone talisman celebrated the ascent of the deieid
The Cult of Royal Ancestors in
king among the rapi’uma of heaven, the deiied royal the Mythical, and Ritual Texts of
ancestors, in Rashap’s Temple a ritual carved basin, Ugarit (LB II)
of the double type usual at Ebla, bears a banquet
scene (Fig. 22), whose only protagonist is the king of A few, very important texts from Ugarit, of mythical,
Ebla, identiied by the peculiar peaked cap he wears, and ritual content, have as protagonists a community of
surrounded by a large number of standing men, who divine beings – the rapi’uma, certainly corresponding
hold spears, and curved weapons33.The latter might to the Repha’im of the biblical, and west Semitic texts
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Fig. 16- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: detail of the cuneiform
inscription of Immeya on the silver bowl, from the “Tomb of the
Lord of the Goats”. Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC.
living human beings -, yet it is by now quite clear that
the rapi’uma, probably meaning “healers, saviours”,
were the deiied ancestors, who from heaven could
help men, ensuring their fecundity, and fertility,
offering them protection, and healing, and giving
Fig. 15- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: decoration of a throne with a them answer by means of oracles35.
crouching goat, bronze, from the “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”. Among the mythical texts of Ugarit, three very
Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC. fragmentary documents (KTU 1.20-22) belong
to a poem, apparently having as protagonists the
rapi’uma, which some scholar, not without reason,
of the Ist millennium BC -; the texts were the object of considers a complement of the famous “Poem of
several studies and discussions, but nowadays there is Aqhat”36: in the fragments of this text called “Poem
a general consensus about their nature, and function. of the rapi’uma” the main subject is a rich, and long
Debate was lively about the interpretation of these banquet for which these personages are collected in
personages – divine beings, shadows of dead men, the palace of one deity, probably Ilu. They arrive after
Fig. 17- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: ivory funerary talisman, front face, with funerary banquet, from the “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”.
Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC.
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Fig. 18- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: ivory funerary talisman, rear face, with adoration of the man-headed bull, from the “Tomb of the Lord
of the Goats”. Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC.
a three days long trip coming from the “town”, quite These mythical fragments clearly reveal the divine
likely a name for the Netherworld, their customary nature of the rapi’uma, their possible residence in the
seat, and they, during six days, “eat and drink, in the Netherworld, their relation with some great deity, their
lofty banqueting-house, on the peak, in the heart of connection with kingship and fertility, their inclination
the Lebanon”37. A close relation among the rapi’uma, to take part in ceremonial banquets. On the other
and the gods Hadad/Ba‘l and ‘Anat, who apparently hand, a short almost complete ritual text (KTU 1.161),
were their protectors, seems to exist. bore the meaningful title “Booklet for the Shadows’
Fig. 19- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: ivory funerary talisman, front face, detail of the banqueting king, from the “Tomb of the Lord of the
Goats”. Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC.
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Fig. 20- Idlib, Archaeological Museum: ivory funerary talisman, rear face, detail of the man-headed bull, from the “Tomb of the Lord of the
Goats”. Middle Bronze IIA, ca. 1750-1700 BC.
Banquet”, which makes us understand for sure, that 1.124)40, the main character is Ditanu, possibly the
the rapi’uma were deiied dead kings, because some irst among the rapi’uma, who is also mentioned in
of them is invoked by name (and the names are the so-called “Hammurabi’s Genealogy”41; he clearly
of known kings), that they took part in a funerary is a legendary hero, considered a founder by more
banquet, for which the funeral lamentation and the than one Amorite dynasty in Syria, as well as in
Mesopotamia, who is apparently engaged with the
father of gods in ighting sterility among humans, and,
offerings are mentioned, that a prayer was addressed
to the Sun Goddess Shapash, asking her to lead to the
residence of the dead the king for which the ritual was thus, in ensuring a long descent to the ruling dynasty.
celebrated, namely Niqmad III, with a inal blessing for
‘Ammurapi, last king of Ugarit38.
Other Ugaritic rituals concerning the rapi’uma offer The Sanctuary of the Deiied
important elements of evidence about the functions
of these deiied human beings. In one of them (KTU
Ancestors “Sanctuary B2: BM”
1.108) a lavish banquet is once again mentioned, in With the excavations of Rashap’s Temple (Area
which the rapi’uma take part with the goddess ‘Anat, B) in 1964-1965, and of the Sanctuary of the deiied
and which ends with a fragmentary blessing whose royal ancestors (Sanctuary B2) (Fig. 23) in 1971-
object is the town of Ugarit39; this leads to understand 1972 the south Cult Area of the Lower Town was
that the sphere in which the deiied dead kings act brought to light42. It had a special importance in the
is a public, not a private one. In another tablet (KTU religious life of the Old Syrian town, but not a primary
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Fig. 21- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Temple of Rashap, plan of the sanctuary. Middle Bronze I-II, ca. 2000-1600 BC.
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Fig. 22- Damascus, National Museum: ritual basalt basin with a banquet scene, from Temple of Rashap. Middle Bronze IB, ca. 1900-1800 BC.
role, which rather belonged to the north Cult Area, The identiication of the very peculiar function of
in Area P, including the great Ishtar’s Temple (Area the Sanctuary of the deiied royal ancestors is based
P), and the Lions Terrace (Monument P3), quite likely on its pattern, unique in Syrian archaeology, and on
the most relevant cult buildings, dedicated to the cult its very peculiar ittings. Summing up, in this sanctuary
for Ishtar Eblaitu, patron goddess of the town43. This there is proof, on the one hand, of a special cult for
architectural complex, dedicated to the public cult for several divine, or deiied beings, and, on the other
Ishtar, who owned another temple on the Citadel – a hand, of the presence of a hall clearly devoted to
kind of private palatine chapel, or dynastic sanctuary meals with several participants.
– was clearly closely related with the Northern Palace, In fact, in the irst place, in this cult building,
with ceremonial functions; on the other hand, Rashaps’ meaningfully oriented to the west, against the Eblaic
Cult Area to the south, was related with another palace rule of temples oriented to the south, in two cellas,
in the Lower Town, namely the Western Palace. of different structure and orientation, there were
Therefore, Rashap’s Cult Area (Fig. 24), in Old two stone altars with antae on both sides of a brick,
Syrian Ebla of Middle Bronze I-II, included the temple, clearly the base for an idol (Fig. 25)45. One may
as the god’s residence, a cult building with a traditional possibly propose that this kind of altar hosted the
plan, and the Sanctuary for the deiied royal ancestors, small bronze cult statues, sometimes plated in gold,
which, on the contrary, has a deinitely peculiar usually representing enthroned personages, wearing a
structure; it was quite meaningfully located very close cloak and a horned royal tiara46: these bronzes, of the
to the Western Palace in the Lower Town, which was kind of the beautiful statue from Qatna in the Louvre
the Crown Prince’s residence, and the building below (Fig. 26), or of the specimen recently found in the
which the tombs of the kings, and members of the monumental complex on the Acropolis of Hazor, were
royal family were placed44. the cult images of the rapi’uma47.
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Fig. 23- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Sanctuary B2: isometric view. Middle Bronze II, ca. 1800-1600 BC.
In the second place, in the middle of the Sanctuary preparation: in fact, in one room, the loor still kept
a large hall (Fig. 27) is characterized by the presence, at the time of their discovery, the impression of
almost in the middle, of quite a large rectangular dais, several big storage jars, and, in one corner of the
and of an uninterrupted low bench along three of other piece, there was a high bench with two mortars
the four sides48.These ittings can be explained only and two pestles to grind cereals (Fig. 29)49. It seems,
supposing that this central hall were reserved for a therefore, that the two pieces were services for the
very peculiar cult act, in which several protagonists preparation of the meals served in the central hall for
took part, who could sit on the bench (Fig. 28): a communal banquets of the kind of the marzeah of the
solemn communal banquet seems the most likely act north-west Semitic milieus, and of the kispum of the
for this arrangement of the space. Mesopotamian world50.
In the third place, in the north sector of the According this interpretation, the Sanctuary of the
Sanctuary, two rooms were clearly devoted to food deiied royal ancestors, purposedly built very close to
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Fig. 25- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Sanctuary B2: stone altar with antae in
L.2113, from West. Middle Bronze II, ca. 1800-1600 BC.
king died, in order to ensure his ascent among the
rapi’uma, as is proven by the bone talisman from
the “Tomb of the Lord of the Goats”, and they were
also probably celebrated in other ixed moments, or
in occasions like crises of the community, or of the
king. Recently we recognised in an Old Syrian cylinder
seal of unknown provenance (Fig. 30), and featuring
exceptional style and iconography, three scenes,
most likely referring to the death of a king, probably
Fig. 24- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Lower Town South-West: plan with belonging to the Yamkhad milieu, and his succession
the Western Palace, the Temple of Rashap and the Sanctuary B2. by the Crown Prince51. In the upper register the town
Middle Bronze II, ca. 1800-1600 BC. pantheon is evoked, with Hadad of Aleppo, and his
companion goddess Khebat in pre-eminent position;
in the middle register they represented the rapi’uma
the Temple of Rashap, the god of the Netherworld,
summoned for the funerary ceremony, and in the
and south-east of the Western Palace, below which
the tombs of the Royal Necropolis of the Amorite
third register the new king is enthroned, with the high
oficials of the kingdom paying homage to him.
period stood, was the cult place where they adored
the deiied dead kings represented by bronze statues,
Summing up, in Syria the tradition of the dead
kings’ deiication and the faith in the basic protection
quite likely plated in gold, and, at the same time, they they offer to the community of the living, the ruling
celebrated communal banquets, in which the shadows house, and the whole society date back from the
of the dead kings, who had become “rapi’uma of beginning of urban life, from the Early Syrian period,
heaven” were invited to take part. and the great lourishing of Ebla, at the apogee of the
These banquets, where the presence of the deiied “second urbanization”, shortly after the half of the IIIrd
ancestors was invoked, certainly took place when a millennium BC. The rituals of the Royal Archives are
22
Paolo Matthiae
BAAL Hors-Série X
the evidence of the deiied kings’ role in the renewal
of ruling sovereigns. At the beginning of the IInd
millennium BC, when probably an Amorite dynasty
brought a new political, and cultural lourishing in
Old Syrian Ebla, in Rashap’s Cult Area, near the
Fig. 27- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Sanctuary B2: central hall with
rectangular mud-brick dais L.2124, from North. Middle Bronze II.
1800-1600 BC.
Fig. 28- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Sanctuary B2: central hall with
rectangular mud-brick dais L.2124, from West. Middle Bronze II,
ca. 1800-1600 BC
Fig. 26- Paris, Musée du Louvre: bronze statuette of a sitting deiied Fig. 29- Tell Mardikh-Ebla, Sanctuary B2: angular bench with
king, from Mishrifeh-Qatna. Middle Bronze II or Late Bronze IA, ca. mortars and petles in L.2137, form South-West. Middle Bronze II,
1800-1500 BC. ca. 1800-1600 BC.
23
The Royal Ancestors’ Cult in Northern Levant between Early and Late Bronze Age
BAAL Hors-Série X
Western Palace related with the Royal Necropolis, in myths, and rituals of Ugarit, though written three, or
the Sanctuary of the deiied royal ancestors there are four centuries later, perfectly illustrate the rites, and
ceremonies for which at Ebla one can ind the physical
the architectural structures, where the material cult for
these protecting entities were celebrated, as well as the
background in the architecture of cult places, and the
igurative representation in artistic works placed near
communal banquets, during the royal funerals, and in
other occasions, when the deiied ancestors’ aid was
necessary in critical moments of the urban life. The the kings’ bodies in their eternal abodes.
Fig. 30- Impression of an Old Syrian cylinder seal with the deities of the pantheon and the Rapi’uma of Yamkhad, already Erlenmeyer
Collection. Middle Bronze II, ca. 1750-1600 BC
24
Paolo Matthiae
BAAL Hors-Série X
8- The town read in Fronzaroli, op. cit. (fn 6) Nenash, may
Notes
be read also Binash/Benash: this reading has to be adopted
1- P.M.M.G. Akkermans, G.M. Schwartz, 2003, The
as in the neighbourhood of Idlib a town of this name exists
Archaeology of Syria. From Complex Hunter-Gatherers
till now.
to Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000-300 BC), Cambridge 9- A. Archi, 1988, Archivi Reali di Ebla. Testi, VII, Testi
University Press, Cambridge, p. 327-359. asmministrativi: Registrazioni di metalli e tessuti (L.2769),
Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria, Roma, n. 150, p.
2- M. Liverani, 1998, Antico Oriente. Storia, società,
165; A. Archi, 2001, “The King-Lists from Ebla”, in I.T.
economia, Laterza, Roma, Bari, p. 449-601; P. Matthiae,
Abusch, P.-A. Beaulieu, J. Huehnergard, P. Machinist, P.
1997, La storia dell’arte dell’Oriente antico, III, I primi Steinkeller (eds), Historiography in the Cuneiform World,
imperi e i principati del Ferro, 1600-700, Electa, Milano, I, Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique
p. 109-133. Internationale, CDL Press, Bethesda, Ma., p. 1-13; Archi,
3- P. Matthiae, 2010, Ebla, la città del trono. Archeologia e art. cit. (fn 6), § 1.5.
storia, Einaudi, Torino, p. 226-326. 10- M. Bonechi, 1993, Répertoire Géographique des Textes
Cunéiformes, Band 12/1, I nomi geograici dei testi di Ebla
(BTAVO B, n. 7/12), Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, p. 96-97.
4- I wish to recall that one of the main perspectives that was
at the origin of the systematic archaeological exploration of
Tell Mardikh was the purpose of inding the roots in IIIrd From Atareb comes a heavily damaged limestone head,
millennium BC of the Old Syrian culture revealed at Alalakh
wearing a war helmet, similar to the Akkadian ones, perhaps
belonging to a funerary statue of a dead king: P. Matthiae,
1980, “Appunti di iconograia eblaita II, La testa di Atareb”,
and of proving the continuity of Syrian culture between the
late IIIrd and the early Ist millennium BC: Matthiae, Ebla (fn
Studi Eblaiti 2, p. 41-47.
3), p. 12-32.
11- Fronzaroli, op. cit. (fn 6), p. 14, 19, 63, 69.
5- G. del Olmo Lete, 2008, “Mythologie et religion de
la Syrie au IIe millénaire av. J.C. (1500-1200)”, in Id., 12- Archi, art. cit. (fn 6), § 1.7, 2.1-3.
Mythologie et religion des Sémites Occidentaux, II, Emar, 13- P. Matthiae, 1995, “Fouilles à Ébla en 1993-1994:
Ougarit, Israël, Phénicie, Aram, Arabie (OLA 162), Peeters, Les Palais de la Ville Basse Nord”, Comptes Rendus de
Leuven, Paris, Dudley, p. 123-132. l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, p. 655-659,
6- P. Fronzaroli, 1993, Archivi Reali di Ebla. Testi, XI, Testi ig. 3-5; Id., 1998, “Les fortiications d’Ébla paléo-syrienne:
rituali della regalità (Archivio L.2769), Missione Archeologica Fouilles à Tell Mardikh (1995-1997)”, Comptes Rendus de
Italiana in Siria, Roma; M.G. Biga, 2007-200,, “Buried l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, p. 561-563,
among the Living at Ebla? Funerary Practices and Rites in ig. 3-4.
a XXIV cent B.C. Syrian Kingdom”, Scienze dell’Antichità 14- P. Matthiae, 1997, “Where were the Early Syrian
14, p. 249-275; A. Archi, in press, “Cult of the Ancestors Kings of Ebla Buried?”, in Altorientalische Forschungen (=
and Funerary Practices at Ebla”, in H. Niehr, E. Pernicka, Festschrift für Horst Klengel), 24, p. 268-276.
P. Pfälzner (eds), (Re-)Constructing Funerary Rituals in nthe
15- Matthiae, 1995, art. cit., Comptes Rendus de l’Académie
Ancient Near East. Akten eines Internationalen Symposiums
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, p. 657-658, ig. 5.
auf Scloss Hehentüingen vom 21. bis 23. Mai 2009 (Qatna
Studien 4), Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. 16- Matthiae, 1998, art. cit., Comptes Rendus de l’Académie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, p. 563, ig. 4.
17- Matthiae, art. cit. (fn 14), p. 274-276.
7- The interpretation that the great ritual published by
Fronzaroli, op. cit. (fn 6), was a ritual for a solemnity related
with the renewal of kingship and not with royal weddings, 18- This document (TM.75.G.2596) and another one
and with the ascent to the throne of the king and queen (TM.75.G.1739) mentioning 11.75 kg of gold and 5.17
(Archi, art cit. [fn 6]) has been proposed by Biga, art cit. (fn kg. of silver “(for) the grave of the king” are published by
6), p. 256-258. Archi, art. cit. (fn 6), § 1.10, who proposes that this grave
25
The Royal Ancestors’ Cult in Northern Levant between Early and Late Bronze Age
BAAL Hors-Série X
mentioned in the administrative texts is Hypogeum G4. For of Old Syrian Ebla”, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 53, p.
the value of ÉxPAP see also Biga, art. cit. (fn 6), p. 126-132, 13-34.
25- P. Matthiae, 1991, “Architettura e urbanistica di Ebla
while for the translation “hypogeum” of another Eblaic term
see J. Pasquali, P. Mangiarotti, 2005, “Il rito dell’‘ipogeo’
paleosiriana”, La Parola del Passato 46, p. 304-371; Id., op.
(a-ba-i) ad Ebla”. N.A.B.U. 2005/20.
cit. (fn 3), p. 228-232, 247-262.
19- P. Matthiae, 2009, “Temples and Queens at Ebla. 26- Ibidem, p. 452-457.
27- Ibidem, p. 301-304.
Recent Discoveries in a Syrian Metropolis between
Mesopotamia, Egypt and Levant”, in Interconnections in
the Eastern Mediterranean. Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron 28- A. Archi, P. Matthiae, 1979, “Una coppa d’argento
Age. Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut con iscrizione cuneiforme dalla ‘Tomba del Signore dei
2008 = «B.A.A.L.», Hors-Série VI, p. 117-139. Capridi’”, Studi Eblaiti 1, p. 191-193; P. Matthiae, op. cit.
(fn 3), p. 217-218.
20- P. Matthiae, 2009, “The Standard of the maliktum
of Ebla in the Royal Archives Period”, in Zeitschrift für 29- G. Scandone Matthiae, 1979, “Un oggetto faraonico
Assyriologie 99, p. 270-312. della XIII Dinastia dalla ‘Tomba del Signore dei Capridi’”,
Studi Eblaiti 1, p. 110-128; Ead., 1997 “The Relations
21- E. Peltenburg, 2007-2008, “Enclosing the Ancestors
between Ebla and Egypt”, in E.D. Oren (ed.), The Hyksos:
and the Growth of Socio-Political Complexity in Early
New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives, (University
Bronze Age Syria”, Scienze dell’Antichità 14, p. 215-247.
Museum Monographs, 96 = University Museum Symposium
22- According the “Ritual of Kingship”, only the deiied Series, 8), University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, p. 420-
Shagishu (eighth king of the dynasty), Ibbini-Lim (tenth 427; Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 218, pls XXX.XXXI 1-4:
king) and Ishrut-Damu (eleventh king) received offerings
30- Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 301-304, ig. 158, 245, pl.
at Binash (Fronzaroli, op. cit. [fn 6], p. 62-63), while the XXVII.
administrative text published by Archi, op. cit. (fn 9), p.
165 registers the offerings to all the deiied kings, from 31- A. Caquot, M. Sznycer, A. Herdner, 1974, Textes
the ifteenth to the twenty-ifth (Abur-Lim, Agur-Lim, Ibbi- Ougaritiques, I, Mythes et légendes. Introduction, traduction,
commentaire (LAPO 7), Les Editions du Cerf, Paris, p.
Damu, Baga-Damu, Enar-Damu, Ishar-Malik, Kun-Damu,
548-559; N. Wyatt,1998, Religious Texts from Ugarit, The
Adub-Damu, Igrish-Khalab, Irkab-Damu) at Darib: Archi,
Words of Ilimilkum and His Colleagues (Biblical Seminar
art. cit. (fn 6), § 7.
53), Shefield Academic Press, Shefield, p. 223-230.
32- P. Matthiae, 1986, “Sull’identità degli dèi titolari
23- For the Mesopotamian tradition to bury the kings below
the loors of palatial buildings in the royal cities see P.R.S.
dei templi paleosiriani di Ebla”, Contributi e Materiali di
Moorey, 1984, “Where Did they Bury the Kings of the IIIrd
Archeologia Orientale 1, p. 335-362.
Dynasty of Ur?”, Iraq 46, p. 1-18; for some interesting
speculations about the possible reasons of different royal 33- P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock, G. Scandone Matthiae (eds),
funerary customs in Syria and of the probable change of 1995, Ebla. Alle origini della civiltà urbana. Trenta anni di
scavi in Siria dell’Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Electa,
Milano, p. 505. n. 470.
strategies in the burying the dead kings at the end of the
Eblaic dynasty see Peltenburg, art. cit. (fn 21) and Archi, art.
cit. (fn 6), § 1.10-11. 34- See recently J.-M. Durand, 2012, “Le kispum dans les
24- E. Neu, 1996, Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung, traditions amorrites”, in J.-M. Durand, Th. Römer, J. Hutzli
I. Untersuchungen zu einem hurritisch-hethitischen (eds), Les vivants et leurs morts. Actes du colloque organisé
Textensemble aus Hattuša (Studien zu Boghazköy XXXI), par le Collège de France, Paris, les 14-15 avril 2010 (OBO
257), Academic Press, Fribourg, Göttingen, p. 33-52.
Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden; P. Matthiae, 2001, “A Preliminary
Note on the MB I-II Fortiications System at Ebla”, 35- W.T. Pitard, 1992, “A New Edition of the ‘Rapi’uma’
Damaszener Mitteilungen 13 = (Festschrift für Ali Abu Texts: KTU 1.20-22”, Bulletin of the American Schools of
Assaf), p. 29-51; F. Pinnock, 2002, “The Urban Landscape Oriental Research 285, p. 33-77.
26
Paolo Matthiae
BAAL Hors-Série X
36- J.C. de Moor, 1987, An Anthology of Religious Texts the Acropolis: P. Matthiae, 2011, “Fouilles à Tell Mardikh-
from Ugarit (Nisaba 16), Brill, Leiden, p. 267-273. Ebla en 2009-2010: Les débuts de l’exploration de la
Citadelle paléosyrienne”, Comptes Rendus de l’Académie
37- Caquot et al., op. cit. (fn 31), p. 476-477; Wyatt, op. cit
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, p. 735-773.
(fn 31), p. 322-323.
45- Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 435-438.
38- A. Caquot, J.-M. de Tarragon, J.-L. Cunchillos,
1989, Textes Ougaritiques, II, Textes religieux et rituels. 46- P. Matthiae, 1990, “A Class of Old Syrian Bronze
Correspondance (LAPO 14), Les Editions du Cerf, Paris, Statuettes and the Sanctuary B2 at Ebla”, in P. Matthiae,
p. 103-110; voir aussi D. Pardee, 2002, Ritual and Cult M. van Loon, H. Weiss (eds), Resurrecting the Past. A Joint
at Ugarit (Writings from the Ancient World 10), Society of Tribute to Adnan Bounni, Brill, Leiden, p. 345-62.
Biblical Literature, Atlanta, p. 85-88. 47- O. Negbi, 1976, Canaanite Gods in Metal. An
39- Caquot et al. (fn 38), p.111-118; Archaeological Study of Ancient Syro-Palestinian Figurines,
Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv; p. 170-172, pls. 31-35; P.
40- Pardee, op. cit. (fn 38), p. 170-172; del Olmo Lete, op. Matthiae, 1997, La storia dell’arte dell’Oriente antico, III, I
cit. (fn 5), p.151. primi imperi e i principati del Ferro, 1600-700 a.C., Electa,
41- I.J. Finkelstein, 1966, “The Genealogy of the Milano, p. 111, 126-129; T. Ornan, 2012, “A Bronze Statue
Hammurabi Dynasty”, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 20, p. from Hazor in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context”, Bulletin
95-118. of the American Schools of Oriental Research 366, p. 1-24.
42- Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 275-277, 429-438. 48- Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 256-257, 438, ig. 132.
43- P. Matthiae, 1990, “Nouvelles fouilles à Ebla en 1987- 49- Ibidem, p. 437.
1989”, Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et 50- Durand, art. cit. (fn 34).
Belles-Lettres, p. 410-414, igs 13-15: Id., 1993, “L’Aire
51- P. Matthiae, 2011, “The Gods and Rapi’uma of
Sacrée d’Ishtar à Ebla: Résultats des fouilles de 1990-1992”,
Yamkhad: An Interpretation of a Rare Old Syrian Cylinder
Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Seal”, in B.S. Düring, A. Wossink, P.M.M.A. Akkermans
Lettres, p. 640-662: Id. op. cit. (fn 3), p. 269-275, 422-429.
(eds), Correlates of Complexity. Essays in Archaeology and
The temple of the Lower Town North is the only one at Ebla,
Assyriology dedicated to Diederik J.W. Meijer in Honour
of His 65th Birthday (Netherlands Instituut voor het Nabije
with Temple D on the Acropolis, furnished with lion statuary
Oosten. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Instituut voor het
images as guardians at the door and both Temple P2 and
Temple D were dedicated to Ishtar: for the identiication
Nabije Oosten te Leiden 116), Brill, Leiden, p. 161-175.
of Ishtar as titular deity of the temple of Alalakh VII see N.
Na’aman, 1980, “The Ishtar Temple at Alalakh”, Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 39, p. 209-214 and J. Lauinger, 2008,
“The Temple of Ištarat at Old Babylonian Alalakh”, Journal
of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, p. 181-217 and for the
problem of the lion guardians at the doors of the temples in
Syria see recently B. Einwag, A. Otto, 2012, “Die Torlöwen
an Tempel I von Tell Bazi und ihre Stellung in der Reihe
steinerner Löwenorthostaten”, in H. Baker, K. Kaniuth, A.
Otto (eds), Stories of long ago. Festschrift für Michael D.
Roaf (AOAT 397), Ugarit-Verlag, Münster, p. 91-115.
44- Matthiae, op. cit. (fn 3), p. 442-448. This large palatial
building of the Lower Town was very probably built at the
beginning of Middle Bronze II on the base of the model
represented by the Royal Citadel (Palace E), that was the
kings’ residence and the centre of the state administration on
27
Paolo Matthiae
