O C C A S I O N A L PAPERS O N A N T I Q U I T I E S , 1 0

Studia Varia
from the J. Paul Getty Museum Volume 2

LOS ANGELES, C A L I F O R N I A 2001

© 2001 The J. Paul Getty Trust

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Mark Greenberg, Editor in Chief

Project staff:
Editors: Marion True, Curator of Antiquities, and Mary Louise Hart,
Assistant Curator of Antiquities
Manuscript Editor: Bénédicte Gilman
Production Coordinator: Elizabeth Chapin Kahn
Design Coordinator: Kurt Hauser
Photographers, photographs provided by the Getty Museum:
Ellen Rosenbery and Lou Meluso.

Unless otherwise noted, photographs were provided by the owners

of the objects and are reproduced by permission of those owners.

Typography, photo scans, and layout by Integrated Composition

Systems, Inc.
Printed by Science Press, Div. of the Mack Printing Group

Cover: One o f a pair of terra-cotta arulae. Malibu, J. Paul Getty

Museum 86.AD.598.1. See article by Gina Salapata, pp. 25-50.

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Studia varia.
p. cm.—-(Occasional papers on antiquities : 10)
ISBN 0-89236-634-6:
English, German, and Italian.
i . A r t objects, Classical. 2. A r t objects:—California—Malibu.
3. J. Paul Getty Museum. I . J. Paul Getty Museum. I I . Series.
NK665.S78 1993
709'.3 8^7479493—dc20 93-16382
CIP
CONTENTS

Coppe ioniche i n argento i

Pier Giovanni Guzzo

Life and Death at the Hands o f a Siren 7

Despoina Tsiafakis

A n Exceptional Pair o f Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 25

Gina Salapata

Images o f Alexander the Great i n the Getty Museum 51

Janet Burnett Grossman

Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 79

Michael Pfrommer

Two Bronze Portrait Busts o f Slave Boys

from a Shrine o f Cobannus i n Gaul 115
John Pollini

Technical Investigation o f a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus

from the Fourth Century A . D . 153
Maya Elston and Jeffrey Maish
This page intentionally left blank
C O P P E I O N I C H E I N ARGENTO

Pier Giovanni Guzzo

A l J. Paul Getty Museum di Malibu sono pervenute due La ságoma documentata da questi due recipienti riporta
coppe i n argento: si tratta dei seguenti oggetti. alia diffusa classe delle "coppe ioniche", delle quali fi-
1
nora erano conosciuti pochi esemplari i n bronzo , oltre
1. Inv. 7 7. A M . 6 8 (figg. i a - b ) . Coppa a vasca pro fonda, ad uno i n argento, ma con decorazione figurata sbalzata
con ságoma arrotondata; labbro teso svasato all'esterno; aH'interno . 2

basso piede saldato a profilo concavo. Anse a sezione cir-

culare, sáldate orizzontalmente sulla massima espansione
Nonostante le differenze reciproche più sopra segna-
della vasca, con leggero rialzo alia curva. L'imposta delle
late, le due coppe Getty appartengono alia ságoma A
anse è mascherata da borchiette di lamina, a forma cir-
3

colare e a sezione sferica, decorate all'esterno da inci- distinta nello studio iniziale su questa classe ; fra gli
4

sioni radiali. esemplari metallici si accostano a quello da Cales , salva

II margine del piede non è perfettamente circolare; la forma del piede. Quest'ultima è costruita i n maniera
s
la saldatura alia vasca non sembra completamente antica. più angolosa nella coppa da Campovalano t. 84 . La vas-
I n rapporto ad un'ansa, sulla superficie interna del ca della coppa qui n. 1 è da confrontarsi con l'esemplare
6
labbro, è inciso un segno verticale rettilineo di cm 0,5. da Amatunte , priva del piede. Le borchiette i n lamina
Su una meta della superficie esterna della vasca sono che mascherano la saldatura delle anse nella stessa cop-
diffuse corrosioni. pa si riscontrano anche nella coppa, sempre in argento, a
Altezza cm 10,3; diámetro superiore cm 16,2; diá- 7
Baltimora , che ha tuttavia una ságoma complessiva più
metro inferiore cm 7,3; peso gr 362,71.
compressa.
2. Inv. 77.AM.69 (figg. 2a—b). Coppa a vasca notevolmen- I due nuovi esemplari, da un punto di vista tipoló-
te profonda, con ságoma arrotondata; labbro teso svasato gico, aumentano la conoscenza di coppe a vasca pro-
all'esterno; basso piede a profilo concavo. Anse a sezione fonda pertinenti alla ságoma più antica (A) delle "coppe
circolare, sáldate orizzontalmente sulla massima espan- ioniche". La ságoma è quella che è rappresentata nel
sione della vasca, irregolarmente rialzate. 8
frontone figurato da Phigareto di Corfú . Ne è perian-
II margine del piede presenta una piccola defor-
to proponibile una datazione entro l'inizio del v i secó-
mazione. I n rapporto ad un'ansa, sulla superficie interna
lo a. C.
del labbro, è incisa una serie di segni, tra i quali uno ret-
Da un punto di vista costruttivo, le due nuove cop-
tilineo. All'interno del piede è inciso un punto.
Nella parte bassa della vasca, all'interno, si osserva pe i n argento oífrono elementi non inaspettati. Già la
chiaramente un restauro antico, eseguito saldando alia pá- coppa a Baltimora documentava Tuso del métallo pre-
rete una laminetta d'argento di forma rettangolare (cm zioso, sia pure ulteriormente impreziosito dalle
o
2,7x0,91) e, su questa, divaricata di circa 15 , una secon- figurazioni a sbalzo. La diífusione e la familiarità della
da simile (cm 3 x o , 9 i ) . ságoma A delle "coppe ioniche" sono accertate dalla
Superficie ben conservata. grande frequenza con la quale se ne effettuano ritrova-
Altezza cm 7,5; diámetro superiore cm 10,8; diá- menti i n argüía: cosi che era solamente la casualità delle
metro inferiore cm 5,7; peso gr 192,12. conoscenze che ci permetteva, fmora, diretta esperienza
2 Guzzo

F i * ™ ™ Ta. Conna iónica i n argento. Fronte. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 77.AM.68.

Figura i b . Retro di figura ia.

 Coppe ioniche in argento 3

Figura 2a. Coppa iónica i n argento. Fronte. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 77.AM.69.

Figura 2b. Retro di figura 2a.

4 Guzzo

della parallela produzione i n métallo. A d oggi, se ne rie, fra la quale è un segno simile a quello della n. i .
9 10
conoscono sei esemplari i n bronzo e tre i n argento : i l Tali presenze indicano, ulteriormente, la durata d'uso
reciproco rapporto i : 2 per l'uso del métallo non si r i delle coppe: ma appaiono troppo poco indicativi per
tiene affatto corrispondente alla realtà antica, ma sem- supporne un único destino.
plice caso dovuto alla parzialità della conoscenza. Il peso delle due coppe le pone i n reciproco rap-
Anche se, ovviamente, i l métallo meno nobile sarà stato porto di circa 1 : 2 . Ma questo elemento sembra troppo
11
adoperato più di fréquente . approssimativo per dedurne la compresenza i n un unico
Le particolarità techniche delle due coppe Getty ci servizio da simposio: tanto più che, mancando cono-
presentano sagome dei piedi che appaiono differenti da scenza dell'area cultúrale di originaria utilizzazione,
quelle già note, mentre le anse sono da confrontare a diventa impossible ricostruire la composizione dell'in-
Perachora, Amatunte, e a Baltimora: per quest'ultima tero servizio, ed al suo interno i l reciproco rapporto dei
si ricorda la già segnalata presenza delle borchiette di singoli recipienti.
mascheratura della saldatura. Tale ripetizione potrebbe In quanto 1'elemento pondérale documentato dalle
sembrare caratteristica esclusiva delle coppe i n métallo due coppe non permette di rivolgerci, con qualche si-
prezioso: tuttavia, oltre alla mancanza dell'elemento nella curezza, verso nessuna area cultúrale arcaica. Infatti, se
coppa qui n. 2, fra la coppa qui n. i e quella a Balti- si divide i l peso attuale delle due coppe per i più abi-
mora si è osservata una differenza di ságoma genérale, tuali standards ricostruiti per i l periodo arcaico si otten-
che indurrebbe a ritenere le due coppe prodotte da due gono valori che non sembrano corrispondere a parametri
diverse officine ed i n due diversi momenti. Si ritiene, definid (cfr. tabella 1).
infatti, non discriminante sotto questo aspetto la pre-
senza, o meno, della decorazione figurata a sbalzo, dalla Tabella 1.
quale, per mancanza di confronti sugli altri esemplari
conosciuti, non si possono trarre elementi di giudizio a STANDARD COPPA N . I COPPA N . 2

proposito dell'unicità, oppure del rapporto, delle rela- Darico di gr 8,37 43,33 22,95
tive officine produttrici. Siclo di gr 5,58 65,00 34,43
Lo stato delle conoscenze a proposito di "coppe Siclo di gr 6,70 54,13 28,67
ioniche" i n métallo, di pregio oppure no, non sembra Dracma eginetica 58,88 31,18
avere ancora permesso di affermare la produzione co- di gr 6,16
mune di qualcuno degli esemplari ad oggi noti. Dracma attica di gr 4,36 83,19 44,06
Ambedue le coppe Getty presentano elementi di Statere euboico-attico 4i,59 22,03
conservazione che ne permettono di ricostruire alcune di gr 8,72
delle vicende attraversate. Peso da Mazzola di gr 8,79 41,26 21,81
La coppa n. i , di proporzioni maggiori, conserva Statere etrusco-calcidese 62,32 32,84
la meta della sua superficie esterna con notevoli segni di gr 5,85
di corrosione: non è di certo possibile sapere se questi Si sonó utilizzati: A . Segré, Metrología e circolazione monetale degli antichi
sono dovuti ad una lunga esposizione all'aperto, oppure (Bologna, 1928); D. Ridgway, L'alba della Magna Grecia (Milano,
1984), pp. 108-9.
ad una conservazione al chiuso i n presenza di agenti
corrosivi.
La coppa n. 2, di proporzioni minori, presenta un Una ricerca seguendo i l criterio del valore pondérale è,
rilevante restauro antico, resosi necessario per ovviare inoltre, resa assai diíficoltosa dalla genérale carenza di
ad una lacuna prodottasi nella vasca. La causa di essa è, dati al riguardo. Manca ampia base documentarla su
ovviamente, ignota. Sembra arduo intenderla come pro- corredi di recipienti i n argento che possano con sicu-
dottasi nella fase di costruzione, mentre è preferibile rezza essere considerad come componenti di un unico,
supporre che Tantico restauro indichi un periodo d'uso originario servizio.
della coppa abbastanza lungo e, inoltre, i l pregio che essa Presso i l Metropolitan Museum o f A r t di New
12
rivestiva, tale da indurre alia riparazione . York si conservano numerosi recipienti i n argento che
Sulla faccia interna del labbro di ambedue le coppe, si suppongono essere di provenienza greco-orientale.
nella stessa visibile posizione i n rapporto ad un'ansa, Fra di essi si distingue una coppia di phialai, identiche
13
sonó segni incisi. La coppa n. i ne presenta uno solo, fra loro anche per i l peso di gr 232.
chiaramente intenzionale; la coppa n. 2, invece, una se- Una valuatazione pondérale secondo lo standard
 Coppe ioniche in argento 5

del darico, corrispondente a gr 8,37, ne sembra legit- N o n sfuggirà che la coppa Getty n. 1 potrebbe corris-
tima: ne risulta che le due phialai corrispondono a pondere a circa 30 + 15 darici, mentre quella n. 2 a circa
27,71 darici. 25 darici: i n ambedue i casi per difetto. Ma non sfug-
Nella stessa collezione si conservano due ulteriori girà, altrettanto, la genérale incertezza dell'approccio.
gruppi, ognuno composto da cinque phialai, riferibili Altrettanto vago è l'aspetto dei segni incisi, dai qua-
14
alio stesso ambiente di produzione . Una análoga valu- li sarebbe illusorio attendersi precise informazioni al
tazione pondérale in darici ne fa risultare (cfr. tabella 2) riguardo dell'area di produzione e/o d'uso.
valori incerti per i l primo gruppo, anche se le prime Mancano, inoltre, informazioni per ricostruire la
tre phialai si dispongono intorno ai 30 darici, legger- situazione di ritrovamento délie due coppe. Degli esem-
mente superiore a quanto risulta per le due precedenti. plari fmora noti completi di informazioni sul rispettivo
Per i l secondo gruppo, invece, la valutazione fa risultare ritrovamento, solamente quella da Perachora proviene
15
tre casi rapportabili al peso di 25 darici, un quarto è di da un santuario : tutti gli altri sono stati ritrovati i n
valore doppio, mentre un ultimo è a sè. sepolture. Ma, ove anche si potesse definiré la finale fun-
zionalità délie nostre coppe, non se ne potrebbe de-
Tabella 2. durre l'area di produzione e provenienza.
Le due coppe, perianto, aumentano le nostre
MMBULL 4 2 . I (1984) PESO I N GR PESO I N D A R I C I conoscenze quantitative al riguardo délia produzione
n. 20 inv. 68.11.64 271 32,37 metallica di "coppe ioniche" atiéstate anche i n materi-
n. 21 inv. 1970.11.16 302,3 36,11 ale prezioso, ma non ci consentono passi i n avanti nel
n. 22 inv. 69.11.10 265 31,66 campo délia critica storica.
n. 23 inv. 67.11.17 161 19,23
n. 24 inv. 68.11.9 206,9 24,71 Soprintendenza Archeologica
n. 25 inv. 1980.11.13 210 25,08 di Pompei
n. 26 inv. 68.11.8 205 24,49
n. 27 inv. 1970.11.15 409 48,86
n. 28 inv. 66.11.19 210,5 25,14
n. 29 inv. 66.11.20 154 18,39

NOTES 9. Da Perachora, Alfedena, Amatunte, a Karlsruhe (Guzzo

1973 [supra, nota 1], da Campovalano e da Cales (Guzzo, 1984:
nn. 1-2).
Abbreviazione
10. A Baltimora (Guzzo, 1984: n. 3) e queste due coppe al
Guzzo, 1984 P. G. Guzzo, "Altre caoppe ioniche i n métallo", RM
Getty.
91 (1984): 417-23.
11. E da ricordare che da più di 20 anni è segnalata, ma non
ancora pubblicata, una coppa i n argento da S. Severino Marche, con
Ringrazio M a r i o n True, curatore délie antichità, per la córtese auto-
piede a profilo concavo e rosetta a sbalzo sul fondo interno: Guzzo
rizzazione alio studio; e John K . Papadopoulos, assistente, per gli
1973 (supra, nota 1): 58, da informazioni gentilmente comunicate da
aiuti prestatimi.
Giovanni Scichilone.
12. Sulla natura dell'incidente che ha prodotto i l danno
1. P. G. Guzzo, "Coppe ioniche in bronzo," MEFRA 85.1 sarebbe inutile dilungarsi: sappiamo di certo che i simposi non erano
(i973): 55-64; Guzzo, 1984. solamente destinati aile discussioni filosofiche.
2. Guzzo, 1984: 419-21 n. 3. 13. MMBull 42.1 (1984): nn. 16-17.
3. G. Vallet e F. Villard, in MEFRA 77 (1955): 14-34. 14. Ibid., nn. 20-24 e 25_29-
4. Guzzo, 1984: 418 n. 2, fig. 1. 15. N e i luoghi di culto, ma anche nelle sale per simposi, le
5. Guzzo, 1984: 417-18 n. 1, tav. 135.1. coppe i n argento erano consérvate negli appositi kylikeia: cfr.
6. Guzzo, 1973 (supra, nota 1): 55.4, fig. 4. Athenaios 4.148a; 5.199c, f; 5.20id; $.202£; n . 4 ó o d - f ; 11.480b. I l
7. Guzzo, 1984: 419 n. 3, tav. 136.1. termine è attestato almeno dal v secólo a. C. La documentazione
8. Guzzo, 1984: 421-22 n. 4. archaeologica del mobile è assicurata da pitture funerarie etrusche:
6 Guzzo

alla tomba tarquiniese Querciola i (G. M . A . Richter, The Furniture of 48, 168) e se ne puô seguiré uno sviluppo fórmale, dal tipo più sem-
the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans [Londra, 1966], pp. 81—84) occorre plice ad un piano (corne nelle documentazioni etrusche e nella
aggiungere quella dei Vasi D i p i n t i , u n po' p i u antica (Catalogo Tomba poseidoniate del Tuffatore: M . Napoli, La Tomba del Tuffatore
ragionato délia pittura etrusca, a cura di S. Steingràber [Tokyo e Milano, [Bari, 1970], tav. 33) a quelle, di época ellenistica, con alzata poste-
1984], n. 123, pp. 357-58). I l kylikeion è rappresentato i n contesti riore (cfr. Richter, Furniture, cit.). Ringrazio Emanuele Greco che ha
"laici" (cfr. S. Steingràber, Etruskische Mobel [Roma, 1979], pp. 4 7 - attirato la mia attenzione su questo argomento.
L I F E A N D D E A T H AT T H E H A N D S OF A S I R E N

Despoina Tsiafakis

The Siren published here, a bronze askos in the J. Paul According to the literary tradition, Sirens lived on
Getty Museum, Malibu (figs, ia—g), was presumably a mythical island called Anthemoessa, somewhere close
1 5
used to hold expensive scented oils. The name o f the to Italy, even though their actual home was Hades.
6
artist is unknown, though there is no doubt that the Their number varies from two to three, and they are
askos was made by a South Italian workshop. Features of usually known as daughters of a Muse and the river
7
the face and the head as well as the musculature o f the god Acheloos. Two different groups each o f three
figure of the male youth that serves as the handle date names are given i n the literary sources: Thelxiepeia,
the Siren to the second quarter of the fifth century B.c. Aglaope, and Peisinoë are the names of the Sirens o f
The piece is o f great importance both because it is an mainland Greece; the Sirens o f South Italy are known
8
early Classical bronze o f fine quality and because it pro- as Parthenope, Ligeia, and Leukosia. I n South Italy, in
vides valuable insight into bronze-casting techniques. the Sorrentine Peninsula, the three Italiote Sirens were
Metal vessels in the shape o f a Siren are extremely rare. worshiped i n a temple dedicated to them by the fifth
9
The few parallels related in type to the Getty Siren-askos century B . C . Each Siren had her own individual cult in
all belong to the Archaic period, predating the Getty the part o f South Italy where she was supposedly
vessel by as much as a century. The Getty bronze askos is buried. Thus Parthenope's grave was somewhere close
the only known example from the early Classical period. to Naples, that o f Leukosia i n the Chersonese o f Sor-
In his account o f Odysseus's adventures, Homer rento, and Ligeia's grave was in Terina i n Calabria.
provides the earliest extant reference to Sirens, without, Egyptian human-headed birds, the Ba birds, have
however, giving any description of them: they are crea- served as the models for the representation of the
tures "who beguile all men who come to them. W h o - 10
Greek Sirens. The earliest Greek Sirens appear i n the
ever i n ignorance draws near to them and hears the East Greek workshops, and from there they spread all
Sirens' voice, his wife and little children never stand over Greece. It is probably through Rhodes and via the
2
beside h i m and rejoice at his homecoming." As Péloponnèse that they arrive in South Italy and Sicily 11

human-headed birds, Sirens represent both chthonic The earliest surviving representations o f human-headed
and demonic powers closely related to music and the birds i n Greek art are dated near the end o f the Geo-
3
world o f the dead. Famous for their musical abilities, metric period, and they occur mostly on vase-painting
they used their skills to charm men and to keep them 12
or as attachments on bronze vessels. Sirens are often
away from home forever. W i t h the exception o f represented among other animals i n the very popular
Orpheus and Odysseus, no mortal heard the Sirens' animal friezes on sixth-century Greek vases. The 13

song and lived to tell about it. Orpheus overcame the inscription ZIPEN next to human-headed birds on
Sirens' voice w i t h the power o f his own music (fig. 2), two different Attic vases o f the sixth century B.c. veri-
and Odysseus did so by having himself strapped to the fies the identification o f these creatures. 14

mast of his ship, while his companions plugged their The earliest Greek Sirens could be either male or
4
ears w i t h wax so they could not hear the song. 15
female, as is also the case w i t h representations o f the
8 Tsiafakis

Figure ia. Bronze askos i n the shape o f a Siren. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 92.ac.5-
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 9

Figure i b . Front o f askos, figure ia.

Figure i c . Side o f askos, figure ia.

10 Tsiafakis

Figure i d . Front o f head o f askos, figure ia. Figure ie. Side o f head o f askos, figure ia.

Figure i f . Back o f askos, figure ia. Figure i g . Handle o f askos, figure ia.
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren ii

Figure 2. Orpheus and the Sirens. Terra-cotta w i t h polychromy. Height 104-140 cm. Malibu, J. Paul Getty
Museum 76.AD . 11.

Sphinx. The belief that every being needs both sexes, examples w i t h human feet, both o f the sixth century
male and female, to survive is possibly the reason behind 1 9
B . C . ; a third example, which dates to the early fifth
this double representation o f Mischwesen at the begin­ century B . C . , is the product of a West Greek workshop.20

ning. A n inscription from the sanctuary o f Hera on The presence o f human hands is a common feature on
16
Samos mentions a male Siren, but without giving any Sirens. The Ba birds i n Egypt, for instance, are some­
further details. Bearded Sirens are depicted by most 21
times depicted w i t h hands, and this appears to be
17
Greek workshops, even though the vast majority are adopted i n Greek representations o f Sirens. Sirens22

female. By the fifth century B.C. the bearded males have usually hold i n their hands a musical instrument or, less
disappeared, and only female Sirens are represented. A often, a wreath or a pomegranate, like the Getty Siren
limestone Siren from Cyprus, now i n the Louvre, is 23
(see figs, ia—b). Sometimes, however, they hold noth­
among the latest k n o w n bearded examples o f the ing as, for instance, on a so-called "Melian" amphora
18
species (figs. 3 a - b ) . Sirens usually have the feet o f a 24
from Rheneia and on a terra-cotta example i n the
bird, although there are at least two known Attic 25
British Museum. O n the latter example the hands o f
12 Tsiafakis

Figure 3 a. Limestone Siren. Louvre M N B 407. Figure 3b. Side o f Siren, figure 3 a.

the Siren are painted and lie on the front part o f the dem is surmounted by a plain polos, which serves as
body, one on top o f the other. The human part o f the the neck and the r i m o f the vessel (see fig. ie). The
Siren is strengthened through them. It is not until Siren wears a plain necklace, rendered w i t h two parallel
the fifth century B . C . that the human part o f the Siren incisions, but no pendant (see fig. i d ) .
dominates over the bird part. From the fourth century The human aspect o f the Siren extends to the
B.c. onward, Sirens look more human than birdlike chest, which is rendered w i t h female breasts beneath a
26
(fig. 4 ) . The almost life-size terra-cotta Sirens at the peplos w i t h overfall (see fig. i b ) . The cloth o f the gar­
Getty Museum are good representatives o f this new ment is thick and heavy, w i t h few folds. It is worth
2 7
type (see fig. 2 ) . They are rendered as women w i t h noting that the peplos ends just above the waist, and
only the legs, feet, and tails o f birds. that the lower part o f the body is covered w i t h feath­
The Siren askos discussed here has the head o f a ers. The lower edge o f the peplos signifies the end o f
woman, but body, legs, and feet o f a bird and folded the Siren's human part, below which the figure is a
wings w i t h incised feathers (see figs, ia—c). Her arms bird. Both the body and the wing feathers have been
are human; i n her outstretched right hand she holds a executed carefully and precisely (see figs, ia, c, f ) . They
syrinx and i n the left a pomegranate. She stands com­ are individually depicted w i t h a central rib from which
posed, calm, and still, without any indication o f move­ incised lines emanate i n herringbone fashion. The
ment. The heavy eyelids, straight nose, and tightly plumage of the lower part o f the body and the forward
closed lips w i t h no hint o f a smile further suggest the upper part consists of parabolas resembling ovules over­
lack o f any movement (see fig. i d ) . Her long hair is lapping one another. The feathers on the wings are
parted i n the center o f the forehead and pulled to the longer, though they are similar to those o f the rest o f
sides beneath two swags that fall over the ears, com­ the body. The tail, long and well distinguished from the
pletely hiding them (see fig. 1 e). Here the hair is wavy rest o f the body, is rendered w i t h carefully incised
and rendered w i t h incisions, i n contrast to the back, flight feathers.
where it is a solid, heavy mass (see fig. i c ) . A simple The handle o f the vessel is made i n the shape o f a
band-shaped diadem decorated w i t h a row o f incised nude male youth (see figs, ic, f, g). Most known exam­
upright spirals sits upon the head (see fig. id). The dia­ ples o f this type o f handle depict the youth w i t h his
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 13

Figure 4. Apulian red-figured loutrophoros by the Painter o f Louvre M N B

I 148. Detail. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 86.AE.68O.

hands on the r i m o f the vase as i f supporting it. Our preserves the more subtle aspects o f the decorative
kouros does not follow this rule. His hands are on his 28
elements o f the object. Because o f the corrosion it is
hips, while his head is attached directly to the r i m o f not possible to determine fully the manufacturing tech­
the vessel, and his feet are firmly placed on the back niques, but at least six or seven separate pieces attached
of the Siren. Because o f this pose the vessel looks 29
to one another can be distinguished. The main body
lighter than it otherwise might have. Around the left of the Siren is hollow cast, as is the head. The arms and
arm o f the kouros is a large bronze ring, once part o f the birdlike feet are separate solid-cast elements. There
the chain attached to the now-missing stopper o f the are no signs o f added decoration by way o f inlay i n
vessel. His hair is shown i n an elaborate style, shaped another metal or some other inorganic material. The
like a cap and detailed w i t h slight incisions; it is parted decoration o f the surface stems from the casting, which
in the center and drawn back on either side into thick was later engraved for sharpness. It is unclear whether
curls that hang over the ears. The upper part of the hair the handle is made separately or cast together w i t h the
is pulled down from the crown and rolled up around a head o f the Siren, but o f these two possibilities, the
band. The expression on his face is similar to that o f second seems more likely.
the Siren. The narrow almond-shaped eyes are framed The musculature o f the body o f the youth and his
by heavy lids, and there is no hint o f a smile on the 30
long thighs recall early Classical examples. The head
closed lips. of the kouros and the way his hair is rendered recall
The bronze vessel is virtually intact and i n excep­ South Italian bronzes o f the first half o f the fifth cen­
tionally good condition, without any indication o f tury, particularly the head o f a draped man i n the
modern repair or restoration. Even fragile parts o f the 31
museum at Reggio (figs. 5 a - b ) . They have similar
figure that might have broken off, such as the bird feet, hairstyles, w i t h the thick curls over the ears and the
are intact. The only area that has suffered some damage upper part pulled straight down from the crown and
is the lower half o f the right wing, which is dented. rolled up around a band. Their facial features also look
The dent is evidently ancient, for the cuprite oxide as alike, w i t h the straight nose and the closed lips w i t h no
well as some o f the carbonate patina continue into the hint o f a smile. The similarity suggests that the two
dent. The corrosion layer on the surface is stable and objects are contemporary, and since the draped male
14 Tsiafakis

Figure 5 a. M i r r o r handle i n the form o f a draped man, from Figure 5b. Detail o f bronze mirror, figure 5a.
Locri. Bronze. Reggio Calabria, Museo Nazionale 4490.
Photos: Soprintendente Archeologico di Calabria.

from Reggio is a well-known distinguished example o f was made at Locri i n the middle o f the fifth century
32
the Severe style, the youth on the Getty Siren should B.c. and was found i n a grave i n the same area. Here
be dated to the same period. the Siren is standing w i t h her wings open and her hair
The head o f the Siren (see fig. id) is also close to upright as i f blown by the wind, a representational
early Classical works from South Italy and Sicily. The 33
device that makes her look apotropaic. Although there
serious expression o f her face recalls the well-known are differences between the Getty and the Lokrian
34
terra-cotta reliefs from L o c r i . The heavy Doric peplos Siren, the style and execution o f the feathers on the
w i t h the few folds and the triangular-shaped opening latter provide a good parallel for the former. The
35
(see fig. i b ) , characteristic o f the Severe style, occurs expression on the faces is close, particularly the heavy
on the same reliefs, too. The way her hair is rendered eyelids, the straight nose, and the tightly closed mouth
w i t h the incisions i n the frontal part is also close to the (cf. figs, i a - b and 6).
reliefs from Locri and to other South Italian works o f Also close to the Getty Siren is a terra-cotta stat­
36
the early Classical period. uette i n Hanover, which is twice the size o f the Getty
3 8
Another piece that connects the Getty Siren w i t h example (fig. 7 ) . Although this Siren is made o f
South Italy and the Severe style is a bronze Siren that another material and the lower part o f her face is bro­
3 7
serves as the handle o f a mirror (fig. 6 ) . This mirror ken, there are nevertheless some similarities. B o t h
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 15

Figure 6. Bronze mirror w i t h a handle i n the form o f a Figure 7. Statuette o f a Siren. Terra-cotta. Hannover, Kest-
Siren. Reggio Calabria, Museo Nazionale 4496. Photo: ner Museum 1976.61.
Soprintendente Archeologico di Calabria.

Sirens have thickened eyelids and the same heavy style which is a close parallel to the Hannover Siren w i t h
of the hair on the forehead; their peploi are also simi­ regard to the style and the execution o f the folds o f
lar. The Hannover Siren is dated around 460 B.c., about the chiton.
the same time as the examples mentioned above. The The similarities between the Getty Siren and the
previously noted features o f the Getty Siren w i t h the comparanda mentioned above place i t w i t h i n the
figure o f the youth as handle all belong to the Severe Severe style and suggest a date around 4 7 0 - 4 6 0 B . c .
style and suggest a date contemporary w i t h the Siren Moreover there is little doubt that the Siren was made
in Hannover. Moreover the stylistic similarities may by a South Italian workshop, like the one at Locri or
indicate that both Sirens come from the same area. The somewhere close to this area, such as Medma.
Hannover Siren is said to have been found i n the
region o f Taras but looks closer to the Locrian w o r k ­ B R O N Z E A S K O I I N T H E F O R M OF SIRENS
shop. The folds of her peplos recall the garments on the Plastic terra-cotta Sirens and Siren vases appear already
39
reliefs from L o c r i , and her chiton is similar to some 4 1
in the seventh century B . C . , and although they are
bronze drapery from the same area. Close to this, for numerous, there are very few surviving metal vessels i n
example, is a bronze mirror handle, now in the British the same form. According to the literary sources,
40
Museum, i n the form o f a woman, the upper part o f Sirens made o f precious metals were used as votive
16 Tsiafakis

Figure 8a. Bronze askos i n the form o f a Siren, from the Figure 8b. Side o f bronze askos, figure 8a.
sanctuary o f Apollo Tyritas i n Kynouria. Athens, National
Archaeological Museum 18805.

offerings i n sanctuaries, such as the silver Siren offered cation o f what form the handle may have had, but it
by Perinthiers at Hera's sanctuary on Samos, as an seems possible that it was plain, i n keeping w i t h the
42
inscription o f 5 8 0 / 5 7 0 B.c. informs us; and Polemon rendering o f the body. Around her neck is a necklace
saw another silver example i n the Treasury o f the w i t h a small round pendant i n the middle, perhaps a
Byzantians at Olympia. 43
pomegranate.
The earliest extant Greek bronze vase i n the form A similar necklace w i t h a pomegranate pendant, a
o f a Siren, however, is much simpler than the Getty product o f a South Italian workshop, is found on a Siren
Siren. Dating to the first quarter o f the sixth century from the region o f Crotone (figs. 9a—b), now i n Reggio
46
B . c . , it served, together w i t h a bronze plastic vessel i n Calabria. The two Sirens have similar hair; i n both the
the form o f a horse, as a votive offering at the Sanc- hair i n the front is divided into cross-corrugated strands.
44
tuary o f Apollo Tyritas i n Kynouria i n the Pélopon- The only difference is that the Siren from the Pélopon-
nèse (figs. 8a—b). The form o f this early example is nèse has strands all around her head, whereas the Cro-
closer to a bird than to a human being, especially since tone Siren has just two locks that fall forward over her
there are no human features on it except for the female shoulders, while the rest o f the hair is rendered as a
head w i t h long hair and the necklace. There is, for solid mass.
example, no indication o f female breasts or o f a gar- In contrast to the Kynouria Siren, whose bird body
ment. Sirens w i t h garments occur i n the early exam- was completely stylized, the Siren from Crotone has
45
ples, though they are more common after the fourth incised feathers. The opening underneath the body
century B . C . Clothing is a human element through indicates that she has had feet, which are now broken
which the artist emphasizes the human part o f the off. A diadem w i t h a polos decorates her head. It is a
Siren. The Siren from Kynouria has the body of a bird, simple band-shaped crown like the one on the Getty
wide and strongly stylized without any rendering o f Siren, and the polos similarly forms the spout o f the
feathers or feet. The upper part o f the head, w i t h a tre- vessel. The human part o f the Crotone Siren is empha-
foil r i m , is the mouth o f the vessel; the now-missing sized by the peplos she wears, which is decorated w i t h
handle originally extended from the mouth o f the ves- two meander zones; her breasts are distinguishable
sel to the middle o f the Siren's back. There is no indi- under the peplos. The Getty Siren wears a peplos as
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 17

Figure 9a. Bronze askos i n the form o f a Siren, from the Figure 9b. Front o f bronze
region o f Crotone. Side view. Reggio Calabria, Museo askos, figure 9a.
Nazionale 6713.

well, but hers is plain and undecorated, not elaborate vases i n the form o f Sirens occur i n Etruria, they are
50
like the garment on the Siren i n Reggio. Another not common i n Greece. There is a bucchero vase i n
common element between the two Sirens is the human the shape o f a Siren i n the Metropolitan Museum i n
51
form o f the handle (see figs, i c and 9a). The handle on New York; it is likewise an oinochoe w i t h trefoil
the askos i n Reggio begins at the r i m o f the polos and mouth, and it is almost the same size as the bronze
52
ends almost at the end o f the body o f the bird; the example i n the British Museum. O n the former piece
handle has the form o f a kore clad i n chiton and the artist has attached two swans to the Siren, one on
47
himation. From the broken now-circular hole on her each side, w i t h the result that the Siren and the swans
right arm hung the chain attached to the now-missing have common wings. This combination recalls the
stopper o f the vessel. Both kouros and kore make nice Potnia Theron grasping an animal w i t h each hand and
53
decorative details standing on the backs o f similar could be an invention o f the artist that did not find
Sirens. imitators. A similar parallel is the case o f the Lasa
54
The style o f the Siren and the kore on the askos wings on the Clusium group duck-askoi. Two more
from Crotone belongs to the second half o f the sixth bucchero oinochoai are k n o w n i n the f o r m o f a
55
century B . C . , about half a century later than the Siren, both similar to the one i n N e w York, but
Peloponnesian example. A third vessel i n the form o f a without the attached swans. A l l three are contemporary
Siren dates to the period between the previous two w i t h the bronze Siren i n the British Museum, around
48
earlier examples (fig. 1 0 ) . Although it is o f Etruscan the middle o f the sixth century B.c.
manufacture, its presentation here is relevant because A n interesting aspect o f the Siren i n the British
of the limited number o f surviving metal Sirens. This Museum is her handle, which is made o f two separate
Siren has the body and legs o f a bird and a female parts (see fig. 10). The main part is undecorated, but
head; the latter is the only human element. There is no above it is a secondary, smaller handle i n the form o f a
indication o f breasts, nor o f a garment. The Etruscan female athlete who bends backward to touch two rams
Siren is, however, considerably larger than the Greek w i t h her head and hands. The reason for such a double
examples and was probably used as an oinochoe, as its handle is the size o f the vessel; the main part o f the
49
trefoil mouth indicates. Although large terra-cotta handle was used when the vessel was full o f liquid and
18 Tsiafakis

Figure i o . Etruscan bronze askos i n the form o f a Siren. London, B r i t -

ish Museum GR 1965.7—26.1. © Copyright The British Museum.

the smaller when the oinochoe was empty. The handle Persephone's kingdom, and Sirens were well-known as
of the human form is not unlike that on the Siren- Hades' musical birds. Plato relates that their home is
askos from Crotone, but the latter is i n the form o f a the underworld, and they often occur on graves or
kore and not o f a female athlete. 57
funerary scenes. They participate i n mourning for the
The Getty Siren can now be added to this short list dead, and they are frequently interpreted as omens o f
of extant metal vessels i n the form o f a Siren, although death. Their song, however, is melodic and consists o f a
it is later than the others. Indeed the Getty vessel is the hopeful message for life after death; it promises to tell
only known Greek bronze askos i n the shape o f a Siren people how they w i l l be remembered.
from the early Classical period. The red juice o f the pomegranate is suggestive o f
blood and the fruit itself is the symbol o f Plouton and
ICONOGRAPHY A N D SYMBOLISM Persephone. According to the myth, when Hades
The rendering o f the Getty Siren is i n keeping w i t h raped Kore, he gave her some seeds o f this fruit to eat,
the iconography o f Sirens i n the Archaic and Classical by which means he kept her one-third o f the year w i t h
periods. She holds a syrinx i n her right hand and a 58
him i n the underworld. Moreover the relation o f the
pomegranate i n her left (see fig. i b ) . As we have seen, pomegranate w i t h chthonic cult is indicated by its fre-
pomegranates occur i n association w i t h two o f the quent presence as a votive offering i n graves and its
Greek bronze Sirens o f the sixth century B.c., namely, 59
depiction on grave reliefs and i n vase-painting. It is at
the Siren from the Péloponnèse and the one from once a symbol o f death and o f rebirth; its numerous
56
Crotone, but i n both cases the fruit hangs around the seeds symbolize fertility and life. Pomegranates are
neck as a necklace. Whether i n the hand or around the very often represented i n art, especially i n South
neck, the pomegranate is a symbol closely related to 60
Italian tomb-painting, particularly i n Campania and
61
the world this human-headed bird represents. Both Lucania, together w i t h other fruits, such as apples, as
the Siren and the pomegranate are connected w i t h well as eggs—all symbols o f the cult o f the dead.
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 19

Despite their symbolic relation w i t h the world o f to mind Persephone's companions, even though the
the dead and its deities, Sirens w i t h pomegranates are bronze vessel is earlier than Euripides' drama. The
not often depicted i n Greek art. There are two known pomegranate i n the left hand o f the Getty Siren makes
examples from Magna Graecia: the Getty and the the connection w i t h Hades' wife even stronger.
Crotone Sirens; and two more from mainland Greece: Sirens holding musical instruments are common i n
the Peloponnesian Siren and a terra-cotta one from Greek art. Already by the seventh century B . C . there
02
Boeotia. The latter has a clearly rendered red painted are representations o f Sirens w i t h a kithara and kro-
fruit hanging from a necklace around the neck and a 75
tala. Sometimes they hold two musical instruments,
polos on the head. The provenance o f the terra-cotta, 76
mostly flutes and lyre. The literary sources, however,
combined w i t h the fruit and the polos, connect the rarely mention any specific musical instruments; Eurip­
63
Siren w i t h Hera, as a chthonic goddess. According to ides' Helen is the earliest source that gives such infor­
64
M i i l l e r , the goddesses who mostly wear poloi are 77
mation, especially the syrinx mentioned by Helen.
Kore and Demeter; Hera usually has a polos decorated Lyre, kithara, and aulos are the instruments the Sirens
w i t h palmettes and flowers, such as that on the Boeo­ 78
are usually depicted playing, but panpipes are not
tian Siren. In contrast, the Getty Siren has a plain polos, included among them. This fact makes the Euripidian
65
such as that worn by Demeter and Persephone. information even more interesting and important.
The polos on the Getty Siren further emphasizes Flutes and lyre are the most common musical
her relation with Hades. The polos has been considered instruments i n antiquity, and because of this popularity
a symbol o f fertility and rebirth, on the one hand, and their frequent presence i n the hands o f a Siren is quite
of death, deities o f the underworld, and demons, on easy to explain. There are no indications i n art or i n lit­
66
the other. I n this respect its symbolism is similar to erature that the instruments the Sirens hold have any
that of the pomegranate. Sirens and sphinxes often particular meaning, or that they are to be connected
67
have a polos on their heads because o f their relation 79
w i t h any specific deity. They merely emphasize the
w i t h chthonic goddesses such as Hera and Persephone. connection o f the Sirens w i t h music. O f the four
Hera's relationship to Sirens is hinted at by Pausanias, bronze vessels i n the form o f a Siren, the Getty exam­
who relates that the cult statue o f Hera i n Koroneia ple is the only one holding any musical instrument.
68
held a Siren. The Siren Polemon mentions i n the The syrinx she holds is not commonly rendered w i t h
69
Treasury o f the Byzantians at Olympia could also be these mythical creatures, and as far as I know this is the
connected w i t h Hera. It is unfortunate, however, that only Greek Siren w i t h a syrinx. The few other such
Pausanias does not elaborate on the reason for the depictions come from other regions, such as the sixth-
presence o f the Siren i n Koroneia. This is suggested by century-B.c. bearded Siren o f limestone from Cyprus
70
an inscription from the sanctuary o f Hera on Samos, 8
(see figs. 3a-b). °
where it is mentioned that a silver Siren was offered to The latter is the earliest known Siren holding pan­
the goddess there. pipes, and it is only some centuries later that this fea­
In contrast to Hera, Persephone's relation w i t h ture occurs w i t h other Sirens. A group of almost thirty
Sirens is easier to explain. The close relation the Siren Etruscan cinerary urns o f the Hellenistic period show
has w i t h the underworld connects her w i t h the queen Odysseus's adventure w i t h Sirens, exclusively female. 81

71
of Hades. According to later literary sources, Sirens The urns depict Odysseus tied to the mast o f the ship,
not only tended Demeter's daugther, but also sang for w i t h three Sirens, represented as totally human, sitting
72
her. It is stated that they wept over the loss o f Kore, at the left o f the scene playing their musical instru­
and they tried to find her when Hades took her away 82
ments (fig. 1 1 ) . It is worth noting that i n all these
73
from her mother. Their connection w i t h Kore is cases, the Siren i n the middle plays pipes, while her two
emphasized by earlier writers; i n Euripides, for exam­ sisters hold, respectively, a kithara and an aulos.
ple, Helen calls upon Sirens as the companions o f The syrinx is an instrument closely associated w i t h
Persephone to accompany her weeping for her sor­ 83
Pan and shepherds, but apart from the fact that both
74
rows. This last reference provides a further important Pan and Sirens are Mischwesen, there is no obvious
detail; Helen does not simply call the Sirens, she 84
connection between the t w o . One plausible connec­
specifically asks them to bring their musical instruments tion, however, is the seductive qualities and erotic
for the mourning, including flutes and panpipes. The character combined w i t h the funeral tone and m o u r n ­
syrinx held by the Getty Siren (see figs, i b , d) brings 85
ing that come from the sound o f the syrinx. Another
20 Tsiafakis

Figure i l . Etruscan cinerary urn. London, British Museum D 54. © Copyright The British Museum.

possible connection between the Siren and the syrinx is were considered only the unpleasant omens o f death.
through the Muse Calliope, who i n one version is the Their connection w i t h the underworld makes them a
86
mother o f the Sirens, and who seems to be related to hopeful aspect o f this horrible event, since through
the syrinx. O n the well-known François Vase i n Flor­ their charming music Sirens can accompany the dead
87
ence, Calliope is represented playing the pipes, and into their graves. They are the Muses o f life after
90
this musical instrument is considered her attribute. death, an interpretation supported by the presence o f
Because o f the Sirens' relation to Hades, their the pomegranate. Life and death are bound together i n
death was a welcome event for humans. Almost all the both of them, and this double meaning is carried by
extant stories concerning Sirens present them as the Getty Siren. Its symbolism makes it an appropriate
88
dying. Although famous for their song and music, the gift for the journey to Hades, w i t h the accompaniment
Sirens lost all the literary contests they took part i n . of the syrinx.
Pausanias states that Sirens competed w i t h the Muses i n The numerous examples o f South Italian terra­
89
singing; the Sirens lost, and the Muses plucked the cotta vases i n the form o f a Siren show how strong the
feathers out o f the Sirens and made crowns for them­ belief was that these human-headed birds were the
selves. Most humans were charmed by the Sirens, but escorts o f the mortals into Hades. Their music repre­
they were unable to beguile Odysseus and Orpheus. sented hope and promise for life after death. The
This human victory over Sirens could be symbolic o f South Italian terra-cotta Sirens date mainly from the
human victory over death. second half o f the sixth century through the end o f
Be that as it may, Sirens were very popular on the fifth century B . C . The majority belong to the early
91
human graves already i n the sixth century B.c. Further­ Classical p e r i o d , contemporary w i t h the bronze
more, numerous vases i n the form o f a Siren are found Siren-askos i n the Getty Museum. Many o f them
in graves. This popularity cannot be explained i f Sirens come from Locri Epizephyrii, and some were found i n
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 21

Manella, where there was a sanctuary of Persephone; Although it is unknown whether this vessel was a
others were found i n graves i n South Italy and Sicily. votive offering at a sanctuary or a grave, the Siren is
The exceptionally good condition o f the Getty Siren nevertheless connected w i t h Persephone's kingdom.
suggests a grave as the most likely source for her as an Life, death, fertility, and music are synchronically held
offering. together by a Muse des fenseits.

Malibu
The J. Paul Getty Museum

NOTES Religion (Munich, 1955), 1: 228—29; E. Peifer, Eidola und andere mit
dem Sterben verbundene Flilgelwesen in der attischen Vasenmalerei in
I w o u l d like to thank first o f all Dr. M a r i o n True w h o encouraged spatarchaischer und klassischer Zeit (Frankfurt a.M., 1989), pp. 267—80.
me to pursue my interest i n the bronze vessel discussed here, read 4. Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.905-9; Od. 12.39-46 and I58ff.; O.
the manuscript, and made several helpful remarks on the text. Dr. Touchefeu-Meynier, Thèmes Odysséens dans Vart antique (Paris, 1968),
John Papadopoulos literally watched this paper being w r i t t e n and pp. 145-90.
revised my English manuscript. Dr. E. Lattanzi and Dr. S. Luppino 5. Ps.-Arist. De mirab. ausc. 103; Strabo 6.252; Weicker,
gave me much information and help w i t h the bronze sirens from Seelenvogel, pp. 39—40.
Magna Graecia. Dr. Karol W i g h t and Dr. Kenneth Hamma provided 6. Od. 12.39—46, knows only two Sirens i n contrast to later
me w i t h some information and ideas. I w o u l d like to thank also authors, such as Apollod. Epit. 7.18, w h o gives, for example, three
Prof. Michalis Tiverios for reading the manuscript o f this article and names.
making helpful suggestions. 7. There is no disagreement i n the literary sources about
The manuscript for this text was submitted i n October 1995. their father, but there are several different names for their mother,
including the Muses Terpsichore, Melpomene, and Kalliope; another
is Sterope, the daughter o f Helios. See Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp.
Abbreviations 67-68; RE i n A , i (1927), pp. 294-95, s.v. "Sirenen" (Philipp);
Buschor, Musen E. Buschor, Die Musen des Jenseits (Munich, 2 2
Roscher (1965 ), 4: 604, s.v. "Seirenen" (Weicker).
1944)- 8. A p o l l o d . Epit. 7.18. For the names o f the Sirens, see
Hofstetter, Sirenen E. Hofstetter, Sirenen im archaischen una klas- Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 6 1 ; RE i n A , I (1927), pp. 291-92, s.v.
2
sischen Griechenland (Wiirzburg, 1990). "Sirenen" (Philipp); Roscher (1965), 4: 602—3, s.v. "Seirenen"
Kunze, "Sirenen" E. Kunze, "Sirenen," AM 57 (1932): 124-41. (Weicker).
Weicker, Seelenvogel G. Weicker, Der Seelenvogel in der alten Litte- 9. Strabo i.22ff. and 5.246fi\; Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 61—65;
ratur und Kunst: Line mythologisch-archaologische Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 16-17; RE i n A , I (1927), pp. 296, s.v.
2 s v
Untersuchung (Leipzig, 1902). "Sirenen" (Philipp); Roscher (1965), 4: 606—7, - - "Seirenen"
(Weicker); E. Pais, "The Temple o f the Sirens i n the Sorrentine
1. Inv. 92.AC.5. H . : 15.3 cm, L.: 18.7 cm, W : 8.5 cm, Weight: Peninsula," AJA 9 (1905): 1—6; G. Gianelli, Culti e miti della Magna
1155.24 g. The vessel is said to have been found i n M u r g i e di Grecia: Contributo alla storia più antica délie colonie greche in occidente
Strongoli i n the region o f Crotone i n South Italy: " M u s e u m (Florence, 1963), pp. 131-32, 173-74.
Acquisitions," GettyMus] 21 (1993): 104-5, n o
- 5i D- B u i t r o n - 10. Buschor, Musen, pp. i i f f . ; J. D. Cooney, "Siren and Ba,
Oliver and B. Cohen, "Between Skylla and Penelope: Female Birds o f a Feather," BClevMus 55 (1968): 265—67; Touchefeu-
Characters o f the Odyssey i n Archaic and Classical Greek A r t , " i n Meynier (supra, note 4), pp. 179—88. The Greek artists adapted the
The Distaff Side: Representing the Female in Homer's Odyssey, ed. B. general type for their o w n needs. The musical Sirens, such as the
Cohen (New York, 1995), pp. 32-33, figs. 5-6; L . Breglia Pulci ones i n Homer, do not occur i n Egypt; see G. Jacopi, " U n askos di
Doria, " I m m a g i n i di Sirene nella Crotoniatide," i n " I Greci in bronzo con figurato da Crotone," ArchCl 5 (1953): 10—22, esp. 17.
Occidente." Santuari della Magna Grecia in Calabria (s.l., 1996), pp. 11. Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 110; B. Heldring, Sicilian Plastic
239-40. R. Spadea, "Askos a forma di Sirena," i n ibid., p. 241, no. Vases (Utrecht, 1981), p. 12, no. 23; Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 251, 297.
4.3. LIMC 8 (1997), p. 1097, no. 38, s.v. "Seirenes" (E. Hofstetter). 12. Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 33, 42, 85if., 98ff., 130-34;
2. Od. 12.38-39. Sirens are mentioned i n Od. i2.i58fF., Kunze, "Sirenen," pp. 124—25, dates the earliest Sirens i n Greek art
12.197—200, and 23.326 (The Loeb Classical Library, transi. A . T. before the middle o f the eighth century B.C. The fragment from
Murray). The earliest extant literary sources that describe Sirens are Praisos, w h i c h Kunze dates to the eleventh century B . c . , is actually
much later than the representations o f Sirens i n art. Apollod. Epit. from the Oriental period: see D. Levi, "Gleanings from Crete," AJA
7.18-19; Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.893-99; Aelian, NA 17.23; Heraclitus 49 (1945): 280-93; Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 2 8 0 - 8 1 , no. v 1. O n
De incredibilibus 14; Tzetzes on Lykophron, 653, 720; Suidas s.v. Cycladic vases Sirens occur for the first time at the beginning o f the
"Seirenes." For the Sirens i n ancient literature, see RE i n A , 1 seventh century B.C.: see Ph. Zapheiropoulou, Provlemata tes Meliakis
2
(1927), pp. 29ofi\, s.v. "Sirenen" (Philipp); Roscher (1965), 4: Angeiographias (Athens, 1985), pp. 59-60. For human-headed birds as
602-17, s.v. "Seirenen" (Weicker); Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 37-84; attachments on bronze vessels, see R. D. Barnett, "Sirens and
Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 13-32; LIMC 8 (1997), pp. 1093-94, s.v. Rephaim," i n Ancient Anatolia: Aspects of Change and Cultural
"Seirenes" (E. Hofstetter). For the etymology o f the name Siren, see Development, ed. J. Vorys Canby et al., pp. 112—30 (Madison, 1986);
also O. Lagercrantz, "Sirene," Eranos 17 (1917): i o i f f . H . - V . Herrmann, Die Kessel der Orientalisierenden Zeit. Olympische
3. Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. i f f . ; Kunze, "Suenen," 130-33; Forschungen, vol. 6 (Berlin, 1966), pp. 27—113; M . Comstock and C.
Buschor, Musen, passim; M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Vermeule, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Museum of Fine
22 Tsiafakis

Arts, Boston (Greenwich, Conn., 1971), pp. 279-80, no. 402; W. lage 31; Gropengiesser (supra, note 19), p. 590, fig. 10; Hofstetter,
Gauer, Die Bronzegefàsse von Olympia, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1991), pp. 15, Sirenen, pp. 211—12, no. K y 3. This vase is one o f the earliest
168; R. Spadea, " I I Tesoro di Hera," BdA 88 (1994): 16-18, no. 2 1 , k n o w n examples i n Greek art o f Sirens w i t h hands; it dates to the
pl. v.e—g; R. Spadea, " I Greci i n Occidente," i n R. Spadea, éd., II third quarter o f the seventh century B.c. The hands are strongly styl-
Tesoro di Hera, exh. cat. (Milan, 1996), pp. 64—65. The latter function ized, w i t h o u t separate rendering o f the fingers, although the thumb
appears to be very popular during that period, since other Misch- is clearly indicated. The way the hands are depicted on this amphora
wesen, such as griffins and sphinxes, have the same decorative part. suggests that i t is a scene o f conversation; see G Neumann, Gesten
Sirens as supports o f handles i n vessels or mirrors are very common und Gebarden in dergriechischen Kunst (Berlin, 1965), p. 10.
i n the Archaic and Classical periods as well. For representations o f 25. British Museum GR 68.1—10.767. The vase, dated around
Sirens i n Greek art, see also LIMC 8 (1997), pp. 1097—1104, s.v. 600 B.C., was found i n Kythera and is probably made by a Laconian
"Seirenes" (E. Hofstetter). workshop. Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 122, fig. 47; R. A . Higgins,
13. H . Payne, Necrocorinthia: A Study of Corinthian Art in the Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman
Archaic Period (College Park, M d . , 1931); D. A . A m y x , Corinthian Antiquities, British Museum (London, 1959), 2: 44, no. 1677, p i . 30;
Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period (Berkeley, 1988); Hofstetter, Sirenen, Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 207, no. L 14.
pp. 81-84, 102-9. 26. The Siren on a red-figured Apulian loutrophoros by the
14. O n the Attic black-figured hydria o f the Archippe Group Painter o f Louvre M N B 1148 i n the Getty Museum, inv. 86.AE.68O,
(Louvre E 869) there is the inscription UIPEN EI MI next to a bird is a good example; see also Hofstetter, Sirenen, pis. 1—36.
w i t h female head. ABV 106.2; Paralipomena, p. 43; Beazley 27. Inv. 76.AD.11: A . B o t t i n i and P. G. Guzzo, "Orfeo e le
2
Addenda , p. 11; CVA Louvre 2, p i . 12.1 and 3, p i . 13; Buschor, Sirène al Getty Museum," Ostraka 2 (June 1993): 43—52; Hofstetter,
Musen, p. 44, fig. 34. An inscription EEPEN is next to a similar Sirenen, pp. 260—61, no. w 24. Attic statues o f Sirens from f o u r t h -
figure on a Attic black-figured band-cup by the potter Neandros century-B.c. graves also l o o k more like w o m e n than like birds; see,
(Boston, Museum o f Fine Arts 61.1073). Paralipomena, p. 69; MuM for example, Kerameikos Museum p 761: K . Gebauer, "Ausgra-
A u k t i o n 22 (1961), no. and fig. 125. bungen i m Kerameikos," AA 57 (1942): pp. 253, 256—57, figs. 31—
15. The earliest representations o f human-headed birds i n 33; U . Vedder, Untersuchungen zur plastischen Ausstattung attischer
Greek art could be bearded or unbearded: see Weicker, Seelenvogel, Grabanlagen des 4. fhs. v. Chr. (Frankfurt a.M., 1985), pp. 68f., 103,
p. 42; Buschor, Musen, pp. 19—23; Hofstetter, Sirenen, passim. 277, no. s 7a, figs. 43, 47, 51; cf. a marble statuette o f a weeping
Beardless Sirens are considered females, while bearded ones are Siren i n Boston, Museum o f Fine Arts 03.757, also from the fourth
males. As for the latter, they were interpreted as the souls o f men by century B.c.: L . D. Caskey, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: Catalogue
Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 36, an idea that has since been discarded. It is of Greek and Roman Sculpture (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), pp. 97-98,
more likely that the earlier Sirens and sphinxes had no specific gen- no. 44.
der; their representation both i n art and i n literature verify this. 28. The c o n d i t i o n report was prepared by Jerry Podany,
Particularly interesting is the presence o f a double-headed Siren i n Conservator o f Antiquities at the J. Paul Getty Museum. According
profile on a late Corinthian aryballos i n Athens, National Museum to his report, "there are no signs o f active corrosion occurring on
281: one head is female, the other bearded and hence male. This this object. The relatively voluminous corrosion product layer is
variation is probably an invention o f the artist, w h o had i n m i n d composed o f various copper carbonates and oxides. This layer pre-
b o t h male and female Sirens. See Payne (supra, note 13), 1: 242; serves many o f the finer details o f the object's surface."
Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 58, 62, no. K 89; D. R. West, Some Cults of 29. For bronze techniques, see P. C. B o l , Antike Bronzetechnik
Greek Goddesses and Female Daemons of Oriental Origin (Kevelaer, (Munich, 1985); C. C. Mattusch, Greek Bronze Statuary (Ithaca,
2 n o
!995)> P- ï ^ ? - 13- N.Y., 1988); eadem, Classical Bronzes: The Art and the Craft of Greek
16. Buschor, Musen, pp. 22, 4 1 . This inscription is published and Roman Statuary (Ithaca, N . Y . , 1996).
by G. Klaffenbach, "Archaische Weihinschrift aus Samos," Mdl 6 30. B. S. Ridgway, The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture (Prince-
(1953): 15—20, esp. pp. 18—19 for the Siren. See also M . Guarducci, ton, 1970), passim; R. Ross Holloway, Influences and Styles in the Late
Epigrafía Greca (Rome, 1967), 1: 26jf., no. 8, fig. 120; R. T o l l e - Archaic and Early Classical Greek Sculpture of Sicily and Magna Graecia
Kastenbein, Die antike Stadt Samos (Mainz, 1969), p. 89, fig. 49. (Louvain, 1975), passim.
17. Most Greek workshops represent Sirens w i t h a beard. I t is 3 i . Bronze hand-mirror w i t h a handle i n the form o f a draped
from Clazomenian, South Italian, and Sicilian workshops that we man, Reggio Calabria 4490, from Locri; see P. Orsi, " L o c r i Epize-
have no bearded Sirens; Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 114-15; Hofstetter, p h y r i i , " NSc, Suppl. (1913): 13-16, figs. 15-16; U . Jantzen, Bronze-
Sirenen, pp. 233—35, 249—80. werkstatten in Grofgriechenland und Sizilien (Berlin, 1937), pp. 4, 12—
18. See infra, note 80. 17,, no. 39, where i t is catalogued as a female figure; E. Langlotz,
19. The Siren under the kline o f the Attic black-figured pinax L'Arte della Magna Grecia (Rome, 1968), p. 285, no. 9 1 ; Ridgway
i n Boston (Museum o f Fine Arts 27.146) w i t h prothesis scene: see (supra, note 30), pp. 67-68, fig. n o ; F. Cameron, Greek Bronze
W. Zschietzchmann, " D i e Darstellung der Prothesis i n der griechi- Hand-Mirrors in South Italy (Oxford, 1979), pp. 5-6, no. 7, figs.
schen Kunst," AM 53 (1928): 39, no. 28, Beilage 10; J. Boardman, 22—23, w i t h earlier references.
"Painted Funerary Plaques and Some Remarks on Prothesis," BSA 32. Cameron (supra, note 31), pp. 13—14, examines the Reggio
n o
5 ° (i955)- 59. - 5; H . Gropengiesser, "Sanger und Sirenen," AA, 4490 mirror handle i n greatest detail and makes comparisons w i t h
I
977> 593 fig- 15 - The second Siren is likewise on an Attic black-
5
other works o f sculpture.
figured pinax (Berlin-Charlottenburg 31 332): Buschor, Musen, p. 33. Langlotz (supra, note 31), passim; Ross Holloway (supra,
30, fig. 19; Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 101, no. A 147. note 30), passim.
20. Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 250, 253, no. w 7. 34. H . Prückner, Die Lokrischen Tonreliefs (Mainz, 1968), w h i c h
2 1 . Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 119, fig. 43; Kunze, "Sirenen," are also assigned to the Severe style.
p. 127; Cooney (supra, note 10), p. 266, fig. 10. 35. For similar examples, see R. Tôlle-Kastenbein, Frühklas-
22. Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 95, 99—101, i i 9 f f . ; Buschor, sische Peplosfiguren, Originale (Mainz, 1980), passim.
Musen, p. 15, fig. 4. 36. Ross Holloway (supra, note 30) especially some o f the
23. Hofstetter, Sirenen, passim. heads from Medma. See also E. Lattanzi, 11 Museo Nazionale di
24. Mykonos Museum 1287: Kunze, "Sirenen," p. 127, B e i - Reggio Calabria (Rome, 1987), pp. 118—26.
 Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren 23

37. Reggio Calabria 4496; see Orsi (supra, note 31), pp. 17— 47. Vessels w i t h handles i n the shape o f a kouros or a kore
19, fig. 18; Jantzen (supra, note 31), pp. 22—26, no. 53; Langlotz occur very often i n Greece and especially i n the Péloponnèse during
(supra, note 31), pp. 283—84, no. 89; Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 263—64, the sixth century B.c. This m o t i f is popular also i n Magna Grecia
no. w 33, inv. number omitted; Cameron (supra, note 31), pp. and Etruria; see N . M . Verdelis, " C h a l k i Tefrodochos Kalpis ek
23—26, no. 14, where the figure is interpreted as a Harpy rather than Trikalon," AE, 1953-1954, pp. 189-99; L . Politis, "Chalki Hydria
a Siren. Although human-headed birds have been interpreted i n the ex Eretrias," AE, 1936, pp. 166—74; C. Rolley, Greek Bronzes
past as Harpies, like those on the so-called M o n u m e n t o f the (London, 1986), p. 144; S. Haynes, Etruscan Bronzes (New York,
Harpies from Xanthos i n Lycia, there is no literary reference that 1985), p. 253; Comstock and Vermeule (supra, note 12), pp. 285-86,
proves this name for other mythological beings but Sirens. The nos. 410, 411. It is not k n o w n w h o m these kouros- and kore-shaped
human-headed birds on the monument from Xanthos, now i n the handles represent. I n the absence o f literary sources there are many
British Museum B 287, are Sirens and not Harpies. See Weicker, interpretations for their symbolism. A m o n g others the korai have
Seelenvogel, pp. 32—33, n . 3; Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 243—44, been interpreted as servants o f a goddess. Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 266,
no. o 6 1 , w i t h further bibl. for the monument. For Harpies, see no. w 37, accepts this as the possible meaning o f the kore on the
LIMC 4 (1988), pp. 445-50, s.v. "Harpyiai" (L. Kahil), and esp. Siren o f Crotone. For the interpretation o f the kore-shaped handles,
p. 446, no. 3, for the M o n u m e n t o f the Harpies i n Xanthos. see Congdon (supra, note 40), pp. 13—18, w i t h earlier references.
38. Hannover, Kestner Museum 1976.61. K . Deppert, "Jahres- 48. British Museum GR 1965.7-26.1, thought to be the w o r k
berichte Kestner Museum 1973—1976," Hannoversche Geschichtsblatter, o f a Vulcian workshop, according to Haynes (supra, note 47),
N.F. 30 (1976): 287-89, no. 18; Vedder (supra, note 27), p. 138, figs. pp. 253-54, no. 23.
38-39; Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 255, no. w 19. 49. H . : 32.5 cm. The Siren from the Péloponnèse is only 7 cm
39. Deppert (supra, note 38), p. 287. high and that from Crotone 9 cm. The former likewise has a trefoil
40. British Museum 550: Jantzen (supra, note 31), p. 5, no. 28, mouth.
pp. 12-17, pi- 4-I7J Langlotz (supra, note 31), p. 277, no. 64; L . O. 50. Hofstetter, Sirenen, passim, does not mention any Greek
Keene Congdon, Caryatid Mirrors of Ancient Greece (Mainz, 1982), example o f this size. G. Camporeale, "Vasi plastici di bucchero
pp. 229—30, no. 7. Even though it is not k n o w n where this bronze- pesante," ArchCl 25—26 (1973—1974), p. 116, mentions three excep-
mirror handle was found, i t is generally accepted that it was made tionally large, Greek terra-cotta Siren-shaped vases from the second
i n Locri. half o f the sixth century B.c., even though they are not askoi or
41. E.g., Siren aryballos from Rhodes, now i n the British oinochoai but rather aryballoi. They were found i n Manella at
Museum A 1135 (GR 60.4—4.30); J. Ducat, Les Vases plastiques L o c r i and are n o w i n the Archaeological M u s e u m i n Reggio
Rhodiens archaïques en terre cuite (Paris, 1966), p. 155, p i . 23.3—4. See Calabria, inv. 512, 5765, and 5774.
also M . I . Maximova, Les Vases plastiques dans l'antiquité (Paris, 1927), 51. N e w York, Metropolitan Museum o f A r t inv. 18.145.25:
pp. 145-48. G. M . A . Richter, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Handbook of the
42. See supra, note 16. Etruscan Collection (New York, 1940), p. 40, fig. 126; Camporeale
43. L . Preller, Polemonis Periegetae Fragmenta (Amsterdam, (supra, note 50), pp. 115-19, no. 2, p l . x x x . I w o u l d like to thank
1964), p. 50, frg. x x i i . Dr. J. Mertens, Curator o f Greek and Roman A r t , Metropolitan
44. H . : 7 cm, L.: 8.5 cm. The Siren used to be i n the museum Museum o f A r t , for permission to study the Siren.
i n Astros but is now i n the National Archaeological Museum at 52. The terra-cotta Siren i n the Metropolitan Museum o f A r t
Athens, inv. 18805: K . A . Rhomaios, "Ereunai en Kynouria," Prakt (supra, note 51) is 29.1 cm high.
(1911): 273-74; Jacopi (supra, note 10), p. 13; P. V. Phaklares, 53. Camporeale (supra, note 50), p. 117.
Archaia Kynouria (Athens, 1990), p. 175, p i . 78g-d. According to 54. See J. D. Beazley, Etruscan Vase-Painting (Oxford, 1947),
M . Herfort-Koch, Archaische Bronzeplastik Lakoniens (Munster, 1986), pp. 113—22; M . Harari, II "Gruppo Clusium" nella ceramografia etrusca
pp. 62, 121, no. K 157, the Siren was made i n Péloponnèse, probably (Rome, 1980); M . A . D e l Chiaro, "A Clusium Group Duck-Askos
by a Laconian workshop. I w o u l d like to thank Dr. E. Zervoudaki, i n M a l i b u , " Greek Vases in The J. Paul Getty Museum 3 (1986),
Curator o f Ancient Greek Pottery at the National Archaeological pp. 139-42; idem, "Two Etruscan Vases i n Japan," RM 96 (1989):
Museum i n Athens, and A . Panagiotopoulou for permission to 293ÍF.
study the vessel. 55. The first is i n Berlin, Staatliche Museum F 1609, and the
45. Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 182, n. 873. second i n Orvieto, Museo Faina, w i t h o u t inv. number. For both
46. Reggio Calabria, Museo Nazionale 6713, H . : 9 cm, L . : vases, see Camporeale (supra, note 50), pp. 115—19, nos. 1 and 3.
10 cm. H . Fuhrmann, "Archàologische Funde," AA, 1940, p. 531, For the vase i n Berlin, see also H . Jucker and M . Pallottino, Kunst
fig. 53; Jacopi (supra, note 10), pp. 10-22, pis. i v - v i ; G. Foti, und Leben der Etrusker, exh. Cologne, A p r i l 29—July 15, 1956
11 Museo Nazionale di Reggio Calabria ([Cava deiTirreni], 1972), p. 75, (Cologne, 1956), p. 94, no. 163, fig. 6. B o t h o f these vases are very
no. 43; Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 266, no. w 37; Breglia Pulci Doria similar to the Siren i n N e w York, but they are a little shorter than it.
(supra, note 1), pp. 239-40; R. Spadea (supra, note 1), p. 241, no. 4.1. 56. The bronze Siren i n Reggio, inv. 6713 (supra, note 46),
I would like to thank Dr. E. Lattanzi, Soprintendente Archeologico and possibly the Siren i n Athens, inv. 18805 (supra, note 44).
della Calabria, Italy, for the photographs and permission to study the 57. PI. Cra. 403.D. Statues o f Sirens standing on graves occur
bronze askos. The Crotonian Siren is dated to the second half o f the from the first half o f the fourth century B.c.; see Vedder (supra,
sixth century B.C. by Jacopi, op. cit. p. 20, whereas Foti dates it to note 27), pp. 65-78. Their connection w i t h the funerary lament
the end o f the sixth century B.c. The Siren was found i n Catanzaro occurs as early as the sixth century B.c., such as on the terra-cotta
i n the area o f Crotone, but there is no further information about the pinax i n Boston (supra, note 19). For Sirens as omens for death, see
exact place or context. It would have been somewhere i n the area o f Gropengiesser (supra, note 19), pp. 593ff.
Crotone. Most o f the South Italian terra-cotta Sirens o f the sixth and 58. Homer. Hymn. 2 to Demeter 370-74, 393-413; O v. Met.
fifth centuries B.c. come from Locri and mostly from the Sanctuary 535ff.
o f Persephone. See Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 249ff., catalogue o f the 59. For the pomegranate, see F. M u t h m a n n , Der Granatapfel:
Western Greek Sirens. The workshop i n Locri, as well as those i n Symbol des Lebens in der alten Welt (Fribourg, 1982), passim, but esp.
Crotone and Medma, seem to be possible places o f manufacture for pp. 77-92, w i t h references. For eighth- and seventh-century-B.c.
this bronze askos; Jacopi, op. cit., p. 2 1 . examples, see N . K o u r o u , " R O A G L Y K E I A , " i n L . Kastrinake
24 Tsiafakis

et al., eds., Eilapine: Tomos timetikos gia ton kathegete Nikolao Platona 76. O. Waldhauer, " E i n Askos aus der Sammlung Chamenkow
( I r a k l i o n , Crete, 1987), pp. 101-16; S.A. I m m e r w a h r , " T h e i n Kiev," AA 44 (1929): 247, 253-66, fig. 14; Heldring (supra, note
Pomegranate Vase: Its O r i g i n and Continuity," Hesperia 58 (1989): 11), p. 28, no. 4; Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 250, no. w 5, p i . 31.3.
397-410. 77. Supra, note 69; Apollod. Epit. 7.18 also mentions the
60. See F. Weege, "Oskische Grabmalerei," Jdl 24 (1909): musical instruments.
99—162, pis. 7—12; A . M a i u r i , La Peinture romaine ([Geneva], 1953), 78. Hofstetter, Sirenen, passim; Vedder (supra, note 27), pp.
pp. 15ÍF.; P.C. Sestieri, "Tombe dipinte di Paestum," RivIstArch 276-83.
5/6 (1956/1957): 65-110; M u t h m a n n (supra, note 59), pp. 86-89, 79. Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 118-19, suggests that lyre and
figs. 73-75- aulos connect Sirens w i t h Apollo, Athena, and Hermes.
61. Wall-painting w i t h a pomegranate between two eggs, from 80. Louvre M N B 407: M . Collignon, Les Statues funéraires dans
a tomb i n Paestum (Naples, Museo Nazionale 9351); tomb-painting Vart Grec (Paris, 1911), p. 19, fig. 2; Buschor, Musen, p. 38, fig. 29;
from Cumae (Naples, Museo Nazionale) w i t h a woman and a maid A . Hermary, Musée du Louvre. Catalogue des antiquités de Chypre:
and pomegranates on the walls; both date to the second half o f the Sculptures (Paris, 1989), p. 466, no. 969; Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 281,
fourth century B.c. Weege (supra, note 60), pp. 100-101, no. 1, and no. v 3. For Roman examples o f a Siren w i t h syrinx, see LIMC 8
p. 117, no. 30.4; M a i u r i (supra, note 60), pp. 2 2 f , 78; M u t h m a n n I I0 n o s v
( 997)> P- 9 7 > - 43, - - "Seirenes" (E. Hofstetter).
(supra, note 59), p. 87, fig. 73, and p. 88, fig. 75. 81. B. Candida, "Ulisse e le Sirène: Contributo al defmizione
62. Würzburg H 694: F. W i n t e r , Die Typen der jigiirlichen di quattro oficine Volterrane," RendLinc, serie 8.26 (1971): 214—15,
Terrakotten (Berlin, 1903), 1: 30, no. 4; E. Simon et al., Führer durai no. 7, p l . 11, fig. 1; Touchefeu-Meynier (supra, note 4), p. 174,
die Antikenabteilung des Martin von Wagner Museums der Universitàt no. 332; LIMC 6 (1992), p. 975, no. 93, s.v. "Odysseus/Uthuze"
Würzburg (Mainz, 1975), p. 56; M u t h m a n n (supra, note 59), pp. 5 6 - (G. Camporeale).
58, fig. 42; Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 196-98, no. B 32, p l . 20.1. 82. Etruscan cinerary u r n i n London, British Museum D 54:
63. According to Philostratos Life of Apollonius of Tyana 4.28, Candida (supra, note 81), pp. 199—235; R. Brilliant, Visual Narratives:
the pomegranate is the only fruit that is grown i n honor o f Hera. Storytelling in Etruscan and Roman Art (Ithaca, N . Y . , 1984), pp.
Decorated poloi w i t h rosettes, volutes, and pomegranates have been 21-52, esp. 47-48; LIMC 6 (1992), pp. 975-76, nos. 92-115, s.v.
interpreted as ceremonial objects related mostly to weddings, fertil- "Odysseus/Uthuze" (G. Camporeale); D. Buitrón and B. Cohen,
ity, b i r t h , death, and funerary rituals; see M u t h m a n n (supra, note The Odyssey and Ancient Art (Annandale-on-Hudson, N . Y . , 1992),
59), pp. 57-58; P. Devambez, "Autel creux en terre-cuite," i n M . - L . pp. 110—11; the latter discuss the problem o f the prototypes.
Bernhard, éd., Mélanges offerts a Kazimierz Michalowski (Warsaw, 83. M . Wegner, Das Musikleben der Griechen (Berlin, 1949), pp.
1966), pp. 367—73; E. Simon, "Hera u n d die N y m p h e n : E i n 58-60; idem, Musik und Tanz (Gottingen, 1968), p. 19; D. Paquette,
Bôotischer Polos i n Stockholm," Études de céramique et de peinture L'Instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Grèce antique (Paris,
antiques offertes à Pierre Devambez, 2 = RA 23 (1972): 205—20. 1984), pp. 63—71, esp. 65 for the symbolism o f the Siren; G. Haas,
64. V. K . Millier, Der Polos: Die griechische Gotterkrone (s.L, Die Syrinx in der griechischen Kunst (Vienna, 1985), passim. For the
1915), p. 9- myth and the invention o f syrinx, see Ph. Borgeaud, The Cult of Pan
65. Prehellenic Hera is considered the Mistress o f Life and in Ancient Greece (Chicago, 1988), pp. 79—83.
Death, and she was worshiped as a chthonic goddess; Weicker, 84. Cf. Eur. Hel. 168-78.
Seelenvogel, p. 13; Simon (supra, note 63), p. 210; Miiller (supra, note 85. Epidaurus Hymn (IG, i v 12, p. 130.; D. L . Page, Poetae
64), p. 68; B. Snell, "Hera als Erdgôttin," Gesammelte Schriften Melici Graeci [Oxford, 1962], p. 936); H. Horn. Pan 14-16; Euseb.
(Gottingen, 1966), pp. i 5 8 f ; E. Simon, Die Getter der Griechen 3 Praep. evang. 5.5-6; Borgeaud (supra, note 83), pp. 82-83, 86,
( M u n i c h , 1985), pp. 54-59 and 103, 162, 245 for Demeter, 118-21.
Aphrodite, and Artemis w i t h polos. 86. Servii in Vergilii Geórgica 1.8; Servil in Vergilii Aeneidem
66. For polos, see M i i l l e r (supra, note 64), passim; Devambez 5.864; Myth. Vat. 1.42 = 3, 11, 9; Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 68;
2
(supra, note 63); Simon (supra, note 63). Roscher (1965), 4: 604, s.v. "Seirenen" (Weicker).
67. M i i l l e r (supra, note 64), p. 80; Hofstetter, Sirenen, passim. 87. Attic black-figured volute-krater by Kleitias and Ergo-
68. Paus. 9.34.3. See Hofstetter, Sirenen, p. 24, for the different timos, Florence 4209: Paquette (supra, note 83), p. 66, no. 51;
interpretations that have been given for the presence o f the Siren on M . Cristofani et al., "Materiale per serviré alla storia del vaso
the cult statue. François," BollArte, serie speziale 1 (1981); A . M . Esposito, éd., Vasi
69. See supra, note 43. Attici: Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze, Antiquarium (Florence,
2 2 1 0 r
70. See supra, note 16. !993)> p- , fig- > f ° Calliope w i t h a syrinx.
7 1 . Buschor, Musen, p. 9. 88. Centaurs are the only mythical creatures w h o were easily
72. Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.896-97. charmed by the Sirens and driven to death by their song: Lycoph.
73. Dositheos, 56; Weicker, Seelenvogel, pp. 6 1 , 72—73; RE 111 Alex. 672; Ptolemaeus Chennos Nov. Hist. 5 (Phot. Cd. 190); RE
2
A, i (1927), p. 299, s.v. "Sirenen" (Philipp). i n A , i (1927), p. 299, s.v. "Sirenen" (Philipp); Roscher (1965), 4:
74. Eur. Bel 168-78. 616, s.v. "Sirenen"(Weicker); Weicker, Seelenvogel, p. 69.
75. F. Poulsen and C h . Dugas, "Vases archaïques de Délos," 89. Paus. 9.34.3.
BCH 35 (1911): 410, no. 76, fig. 68; Kunze, "Sirenen," p. 133, 90. Sophocles, frg. 852.
pl. v.5. 91. Hofstetter, Sirenen, pp. 249-55.
 AN EXCEPTIONAL PAIR
OF T E R R A - C O T T A A R U L A E FROM S O U T H I T A L Y

Gina Salapata

Small portable altars, known as arulae, were a very M O R P H O L O G Y A N D T E C H N I C A L ASPECTS

common and characteristic product o f South Italy and Reconstructed from many fragments, the Getty arulae
Sicily from the second quarter o f the sixth century are ninety percent complete. The few missing areas
1
down to the Roman period. Arulae have been found have been filled by the conservators o f the Getty
also i n Greece—they are quite frequent i n Corinth and Museum w i t h a synthetic material to which terra-cotta
2 3
Olynthos —and as far away as the Black Sea. They powder has been added to achieve a texture similar to
have been unearthed in a variety of contexts, primarily 10
the original. The condition o f the relief decoration is
in sanctuaries, but also near and inside graves and at remarkably good, w i t h fine, sharp details preserved.
habitation sites. The two arulae are rectangular in shape and almost
Arulae were most often made o f terra-cotta but identical i n dimensions, approximately 4 2 x 3 4 x 2 9
4
occasionally also o f stone. Most are square or rectan- cm.11
They taper somewhat toward the top, and all
gular, but some have concave sides or an hourglass sides are slightly concave. The cornice and base are
5
shape. Their dimensions vary considerably, from 8 to decorated on all four sides w i t h pronounced egg-and-
6
55 cm i n length and from 9 to 50 cm i n height. The dart moldings. A n enigmatic feature is found on the
main criteria for calling altar-shaped objects arulae facing sides o f the arulae (figs, ib—c): a narrow, rectan-
appear to be their portability and their relatively small gular vertical groove starts near the middle o f the top
size—too small to allow them to be used for animal surface and runs through the upper molding. The 12

7
sacrifices. They commonly have moldings on the top grooves were made before firing and before the white
and base, and the vast majority are decorated w i t h slip was applied, for traces o f it are visible inside the
8
moldmade painted reliefs, usually on the front side but grooves. Since they have destroyed part o f the molding
9
occasionally on three or even all four sides. of the upper cornice, they were probably not part o f
The two terra-cotta arulae acquired by the J. Paul the original design, but were judged necessary.
Getty Museum i n 1986 (acc. nos. 8 6 . A D . 5 9 8 . 1 and .2) Such grooves are unparalleled on terra-cotta arulae
are exceptional i n their large size, their excellent state and even on full-sized altars. The only other possible
of preservation, and the high artistic quality o f their instance may be on a small ( H . : 9.5 cm) stone arula o f
relief decoration (fig. ia). They are so far unique i n the Archaic period from the sanctuary o f Malophoros
that they form a pair, as is made clear not only by the at Selinus, which appears to have a thin groove running
similar form and dimensions but also by the comple- 13
down one side. I suspect that the uniqueness o f this
mentary decoration on the two pieces, which i n fact feature must have something to do w i t h the Getty aru-
forms a unitary scene. The arulae preserve important lae's forming a pair. A n additional thin element must
information about their use, and their iconography have been slotted into the grooves to connect the two
offers valuable clues regarding religion and cults i n arulae side by side; this connection would have empha-
South Italy sized their complementary decoration.
 26 Salapata

Figure ia. Pair o f arulae. Terra-cotta. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 86.AD.598.1 (left) and .2. (right).

gure ib. Right side of Arula 1, figure ia. The front is on Figure ic. Left side o f Arula 2, figure ia. The front is on
Le left side o f the photo. the right side o f the photo.
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulaefrom South Italy 27

Figure i d . Tops of Arula 1 (left) and Arula 2 (right), figure ia. Infrared photography.

Figure ie. Bottom of Arula 1, figure ia. Figure if. Bottom of Arula 2, figure ia.

14
Pairs o f arulae are uncommon. The only other coals, must have caused the discoloration o f the slip.
example from the West I know o f dates to the sixth Support for this suggestion can be derived from vase-
century and is completely different from the Getty aru- paintings and a few three-dimensional representations:
15
lae i n both form and decoration. That pair, allegedly a fire pan (epipyron) is often seen on top o f regular-
found i n a Sicilian grave, has been identified as sides o f sized stone altars i n order to contain the fire and pro-
17
a table supporting a horizontal slab on which offerings tect the surface from calcination. The high artistic
to or belongings o f the deceased were placed. The 16
quality o f the Getty arulae and their large size would
decoration is also very different from the narratively justify the addition o f firepans to protect their surface
unitary scene depicted on the Getty arulae (see infra, from burning.
pp. 30—31); they each depict a single figure, a Gorgon
and a sphinx, w i t h no interaction between them. M E T H O D OF M A N U F A C T U R E
Like the majority o f arulae, the top surfaces o f the The clay used for the Getty arulae is reddish-brown
Getty arulae are flat and plain, but they preserve a and has many impurities; the gray core indicates
unique regular pattern o f discoloration on the white uneven firing, which did not allow complete oxidation
18
slip (fig. i d ) . The discoloration forms a rectangle just of the center. Both arulae are hollow w i t h an open-
inside the edges, bending slightly to avoid the groove ing at the bottom (figs. i e - f ) . They were put together
cuttings. This suggests that metal trays (bronze or even from five separately made slabs, each o f which con-
silver) were originally placed on the arulae and slightly sisted o f one layer o f clay. I n Arula 2, however, a few
bent to avoid obstructing whatever was inserted into additional patches can be discerned, presumably to
the slots; these firepans, when heated by the fire or the correct gaps left during the rolling out o f the slabs.
 28 Salapata

gure i g . Front o f Arula i , figure ia.

 Tpi^íXr]Tos Mœvis: An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 29

Figure i h. Front o f Arula 2, figure ia.

3o Salapata

The four side panels were assembled while still soft dipped into the liquid substance rather than having it
19
and joined together w i t h liquid clay. A partition wall painted on w i t h a brush. Originally the details were
20
was added to the interior o f each arula. By this picked out in paint, traces o f which can be seen mostly
21
method, used also i n other large arulae, the top in the folds o f the garments and the creases o f the hair.
would be reinforced so that any sagging or collapse O n Arula 1 there is red on the hair and yellowish-
while the clay was still soft would be avoided. After the brown on the drapery o f the left-hand woman, and
addition o f the dividing wall, patches o f clay were green on the instrument held by the middle woman
pressed onto the interior and against the upper surface, and on the drapery o f the right-hand woman. O n
presumably to reinforce it even further. The coroplast's Arula 2 there is red on the hair o f the seated man and
fingers created a swirl pattern when they smoothed of the woman seated on the chest, and green on the
over the additions to achieve a better attachment. The peplos o f the woman seated i n the middle.
rest o f the interior bears further traces o f impressions
of fingers and a flat-edged tool. Additional strips o f D E S C R I P T I O N OF T H E RELIEFS
clay were worked separately and then added to the top The scenes on the Getty arulae form a unitary compo­
and bottom o f the exterior to create the cornice and sition. O n Arula 1 (see fig. ig), three women move i n
base moldings (see figs, ie—f). an orderly row to the right on rocky ground, shown as
Made o f more refined clay than the panels, the rough lumps o f clay separated w i t h engraved lines. 24

reliefs were constructed separately and attached to the They are well dressed in similar ungirt peploi with long
background; a combination o f techniques is likely to overfolds, and two o f them wear hoop earrings. Their
have been used, which involved both casting i n a vari­ hair is arranged differently: the middle one wears a
22
ety o f molds and freehand w o r k . The process o f sakkos, while the short, curly hair o f the other two flies
molding was similar to the one used in the manufacture 25
loose. A l l three faces are i n profile, w i t h the woman
of terra-cotta figurines and plaques. First the coroplast to the left raising her head slightly and the other two
created the prototype freehand and then the mold; having theirs lowered. Their lower bodies and legs are
the cast was produced i n it by applying several layers in three-quarter view and overlap. The legs are fully
of clay. The first (outer) one was quite thin and fine to modeled through the cloth, which clings to the body
guarantee perfect adhesion and maximum copying o f to reveal the forms beneath. The folds fall i n a V -
the details. One or more layers would then be applied shaped pattern between the breasts and gather between
to fill in the mold completely, and the surface would be the striding legs. The folds are deeply carved against the
smoothed by hand or w i t h a broad tool. Due to the thighs and calves and flutter back i n a series o f parallel
shrinkage o f clay during drying and firing o f both the curving patterns that broaden toward the bottom form­
mold and the cast, the final product was smaller than 26
ing "omega" shapes at the hemline. The woman on
the prototype. The degree o f shrinkage depended on the left has her right arm by her side and rests her left
the type of clay, the duration o f the firing, and the kiln hand on the shoulder o f the middle woman. This one
23
temperature. is holding a ladder-shaped instrument, presumably i n
The reliefs on the Getty arulae are quite low, and her invisible left hand, and plays it w i t h her right. The
each figure has been carefully worked over after m o l d ­ woman to the right places her right hand on the shoul­
ing; the intricate details, for example, i n the hair and der o f the middle one and holds w i t h the other hand
drapery were incised by the artist freehand (figs, ig—h). 27
a tympanon shown i n perspective. We may safely
The efficient work o f the coroplast is shown i n the assume that the women are making music and danc­
profile heads o f the three women on Arula i and i n 28
i n g . Expressions are calm and reserved, while move­
the left-hand figure on Arula 2 which, though they ment, convincingly conveyed by the sweeping curved
appear different, were clearly all cast i n the same mold. patterns o f folds, is smooth and graceful.
The variations i n the hair are created by the freehand The composition on this arula is monodirectional
incising and the different tilting o f the heads. and needs a complement to the right, which is indeed
After the completion o f the details, a slip o f fine provided by the scene on the companion piece, Arula 2
dilute clay o f yellowish-green color was applied to (see fig. i h ) . This scene, by contrast, is treated as a self-
smooth out the surface, followed by a white slip. Traces contained unit, though the similar rocky ground makes
of this white slip both at the bottom and i n the hollow it a continuation o f the scene on the first arula. The
interior o f the arulae indicate that they were actually focus here is an embracing couple seated next to each
 : An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 31

other on rocks. The woman is seated to the left but have a static, quiet, and introspective scene accentuated
w i t h her upper body frontal and her head slightly by the straight tension folds i n the garments. Some
turned to the right. Her long, wavy hair is gathered i n emotion is expressed through the slightly open mouth
29
a topknot (lampadion), w i t h curls hanging down. She o f the youth and the downcast head o f the woman
wears sandals (with straps originally painted on) and a seated on the casket. The composition is carefully bal-
fine peplos so transparent that even her navel is i n d i - anced and more complex, w i t h a wider variety o f par-
cated. The peplos, pinned only on the left shoulder and ticipants, poses, and gestures, which draw the eye
thus leaving her right breast exposed, envelops her legs gradually from one person to the next. Another point
and is tucked underneath her. Her right arm lies on her of difference between the scenes on the two arulae
leg, while w i t h her left hand she embraces the waist o f is the linearity i n the composition o f Arula 1 and the
the young man seated next to her. Facing left, he sits i n greater sense o f depth o f Arula 2, w i t h figures placed
a pose similar to the woman's—their right legs bent in the fore- and background and disposed on different
behind—but faces forward w i t h his head inclined i n levels. Noticeable is the position o f the standing
three-quarter view and his mouth slightly open. His woman,, whose legs are hidden behind the rocky
long hair w i t h curly locks running down his back is ground and lower body is overlapped by that o f the
30 34
bound w i t h a r i b b o n . His body is soft, plump, and seated woman. Arula 2 then well reflects the preoc-
quite effeminate, w i t h overdeveloped breasts. He is cupation o f South Italian artists w i t h the problems o f
35
covered only from the waist down w i t h a himation, space and perspective. Despite their differences, the
which is tucked underneath and brought up from two arulae form a single scene connected not only
behind to cover his head. His right arm is placed through the common landscape but also through the
around the shoulders o f the woman, while his left is leading dancer who has stopped i n front o f the seated
brought up to his head to hold the himation. couple, an arrangement that illustrates progression
Two women flank the couple. The one on the left in time.
faces them, w i t h head i n profile and body i n three-
quarter view She is coiffed, jeweled, and dressed simi- STYLE A N D DATE
larly to the women on Arula 1 and holds a tympanon Lacking contextual evidence, the Getty altars can be
in her lowered right hand, apparently from a short han- dated only on stylistic grounds, which point to the first
dle attached to the frame. She must therefore be associ- half o f the fourth century, and more likely its first
ated w i t h the dancers on the first arula, even though quarter. Poses are elegant, comfortable, and flowing;
she has stopped dancing. W i t h head bowed she makes a only the right hand o f the woman embracing the
special gesture, pulling the edge o f the overfold o f her youth appears slightly awkward, and the right arm o f
31
peplos over her short hair like a veil, a movement that the woman seated on the casket is rendered unsuccess-
leaves her left breast exposed (see infra, p. 39). The curly fully. The dancing women bear a striking similarity
hair o f the woman to the right is bound w i t h a head- to the woman on an Apulian bell-krater by the York
band (sphendone); she has no earrings. She sits facing 36
Painter, dated around 3 7 0 ; she wears a belted peplos
left on a rectangular casket o f a simple form, w i t h a w i t h long overfold and, holding a tympanon i n her left
narrow recessed band on the side and short plain rect- hand, moves to the right behind Dionysos.
32
angular feet. Her head is downcast i n a pensive, mel- The seated youth is o f a physical type similar to
ancholy expression, and she is totally absorbed i n her A p o l l o on a fragmentary Apulian calyx-krater o f
own thoughts; her hands are clasped about her right 400—380, as shown by the same nonchalant gracious
knee w i t h the leg brought behind like those o f the pose i n three-quarter view w i t h head bent and right
couple. She appears to wear a different type o f dress, arm extended; his features, which include a beautiful
still sleeveless like the peplos, but thicker than the oth- rounded face and long curly hair; and his contemplative
ers and without overfold, unless this was originally ren- 37
expression. A similar pose, w i t h the addition o f the
33
dered i n paint alone. The bunch o f fabric beneath her gesture o f binding a fillet around his head, is assumed
cannot be explained. by the youth on an Attic volute-krater by the Meleager
3 8
The scene on Arula 1 is dynamic, w i t h motion Painter dated around 390—380 (fig. 2 ) : his body is
lines and agitated curved folds i n the garments creating covered up to the same point, his legs are crossed and
the impression o f forceful, rapid movement. The arranged similarly, and his left hand, which is brought
atmosphere on Arula 2 is entirely different. Here we up to tie the fillet, is rendered i n exactly the same way.
32 Salapata

Figure 2. Volute-krater by the Meleager Painter. Neck. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 87.AE.93.

Figure 3. Marble head o f a woman w i t h the back o f

her head covered by a veil. Private collection. After P.
Wuilleumier, Tárente des origines à la conquête romaine
(Paris, 1939), pl. v u . 4 .
 is:An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 33

The long curly locks o f the youth on Arula 2 resemble Regarding Western parallels for the arrangement o f
those o f a female head on a fourth-century antefix the folds, the work o f the Lecce Painter, dated between
50
from Taras. 39
380 and 360, is the closest. Furthermore, the schema-
The face o f the woman seated next to the youth tized, stylized execution o f the curved, almost parallel,
finds close parallels i n fourth-century sculpture from folds against the legs o f the dancing women bears
Taras. The similarities w i t h a marble female head are some similarities to the folds o f the female winged fig-
especially marked: although the two heads have differ- ure who draws the chariot o f Aphrodite on a Tarentine
51
ent hairstyles, they have the same fleshy face, eyes, eye- arula, dated i n the early fourth century. The folds on
lids, forehead shape, and hair radiating from the hairline the Getty arulae, however, are not as stiff, but more
4 0
(fig. 3 ) ; they furthermore share the same serious, varied and lively.
reserved expression characteristic o f Tarentine coro- In general, therefore, some late fifth-century traits
plastic art during the early fourth century. 41
persist—such as the serene, idealized faces o f the stand-
52
There is a clear influence on the Getty arulae from ing women and the transparency i n the garments -—
Greek mainland art, especially Attic, which was indeed but the poses, the lampadion hairstyle, the drapery w i t h
the principal source o f inspiration i n the art o f South long overfolds, and some expression o f emotion i n the
Italy during the late fifth and early fourth centuries, figures on Arula 2 are i n keeping w i t h the style o f the
reflecting increasing Athenian political influence on early 400s. It is especially the lively drapery style w i t h
42
Taras. Thus the general atmosphere o f the scene is its calligraphic rendering o f the windblown folds that
very close to that o f the Meidias Painter and his group, tend to become schematized, and the strong shadows
which favored soft youths i n idyllic settings involved i n cast by deep relief that support a date i n the first quar-
43
love scenes. The hairstyle o f the attending women, i n ter o f the fourth century. Admittedly, the egg-and-dart
particular, rendered as a mass with individual short curly molding o f the arulae, w i t h nearly orthogonal eggs
locks, and that o f the youth w i t h much longer tresses, placed close to each other, is not typical o f the fourth
resemble and are probably inspired by the work o f the century, which favored ovoid eggs further apart. But
Meidias Painter or his imitators i n the West. The long the "old-fashioned" molding occurs again on the
overfolds associate the arulae w i t h a group o f Apulian Derveni krater, generally dated after the middle o f the
53

vase-paintings—the Group o f the Long Overfalls— fourth century.

44
dated between 380 and 3 6 5 . The relatively small size
of the tympanon also supports a date earlier i n the I N T E R P R E T A T I O N OF T H E SCENE
Apulian artistic production when influence from Attic We may now consider the identity o f the figures on
45
art was still strong, while the short handle is a charac- the Getty arulae. The scene as a whole shows a pair o f
teristic of fourth-century representations of tympana. 46
lovers surrounded by five women, four o f w h o m are
The presence o f the ladder-shaped musical instrument making music and dance. The presence o f the musical
also supports a date i n the fourth century, as w i l l be instruments, the dancing, and the elegant garments
shown later (see infra, p. 39). and jewelry give the scene a character o f festivity. The
The arrangement o f the folds and hemline i n the general atmosphere o f the occasion, however, appears
dancing women, especially the groove i n the middle o f sad or at least solemn, as indicated by the poses and
the "omega" fold, recalls the rendering on the Dexileos gestures o f the two women flanking the couple on
stele o f 394 and the Bassai frieze carved at the end o f Arula 2, imbued as they are w i t h reserved melancholy.
47
the fifth century; similar folds, w i t h thick parallel But why are these women sad i n front o f a happy,
ridges and areas that cling i n between, are found also i n united, erotic couple? W h y is there dancing and music
48
the South Frieze o f the Nike Temple. But the best at the same time as grieving? W h o are the embracing
parallel for the drapery style is offered by the dancing lovers? The most likely reading o f the scene is that the
figure on a terra-cotta impression found at Kerameikos embracing couple is the goddess Aphrodite and her
and taken from a metal vessel dated to the first quarter mortal lover Adonis, while the attending women are
49
of the fourth century. I n addition to the striding the goddess's entourage, most likely Nymphs. The
pose, other similarities include the folds that cross the emphasis is on the union o f the lovers presented as a
front leg, the thin folds between the legs that widen at joyful celebration, as happened during the first phase o f
the bottom to form "omega" folds, and the isolated the Adonia festival; but their eventual separation, r i t u -
fold billowing behind the leg. ally lamented i n the second phase o f the festival, is fore-
34 Salapata

shadowed i n the grieving poses o f the two women 63

meaning. Adonis lost the divine status he enjoyed i n
closest to them. Before I proceed to a detailed exami­ the East and was demoted to a demigod o f ambiguous
nation o f the iconography i n order to justify this inter­ 64
status, which resembled that o f a hero. As such, he
pretation, a discussion o f the mythical and cultic did not have a cult statue or a sanctuary for the practice
background o f Adonis seems appropriate. of a regular cult. He may, however, have been wor­
shiped i n conjunction w i t h A p h r o d i t e and have
The Myth and Cult of Adonis received offerings and sacrifices i n her sanctuary, as was
Adonis was born from the incestuous union o f Myrrha the case i n the East. 65

and her father, variously identified as Theias, king o f The agricultural and fertility connections o f the
Assyria, or Kinyras o f Cyprus, according to the two 66
cult were also lost. The ritual lament, however, which
54
main versions o f the story. The passionate love o f in the Eastern vegetation cult o f Adonis accompanied
the daughter was invoked by the wrath o f Aphrodite 67
the harvesting o f the crops, was preserved, albeit
because the girl was not interested i n the goddess's 68
devoid o f its agricultural character. Its aition lies i n
charms. Persecuted by her furious father, w h o m she the decision o f Zeus that Adonis share his life between
had tricked, Myrrha was eventually transformed into this world and the underworld. 69

the eponymous tree, out o f which Adonis was born, The lyric poet Sappho was the first to lament the
55
assisted by the Nymphs. The baby, o f extraordinary death o f Adonis i n what appears to have been a hymn
beauty, was taken by Aphrodite, hidden i n a larnax (cof­ composed for a ritual performance, taking the form of a
56
fin, casket, chest), and entrusted to Persephone; but dramatic re-enactment o f scenes from Adonis's m y t h . 70

the queen o f the underworld, charmed by the beauty The surviving fragment is a dialogue between Aphro­
of the boy, later refused to give h i m back to Aphrodite. dite and her attendants, most likely Nymphs, at the
Zeus intervened as arbitrator between the two foster moment o f Adonis's death, when Aphrodite instructs
mothers and decreed that Adonis should spend a third the young women to lament h i m by beating their
of the year w i t h the heavenly Aphrodite, a third w i t h 71
breasts and tearing their tunics. The context o f the
the underworld Persephone, and stay the remainder by performance could have been a local festival for Adonis
himself. Adonis chose to live his share o f the year again during which Aphrodite's mourning on the mythical
w i t h his beloved Aphrodite. Later literary sources say level w o u l d have been reflected i n the women's
that Adonis died a violent death, mortally wounded by mourning on a ritual level.
a boar while hunting on M o u n t Lebanon near Byblos, Literary and iconographical sources from the m i d -
57
or i n Cyprus. I n general, his love affair w i t h Aphro­ fifth century onward talk about yearly festivals honoring
dite and his premature death, i n the prime o f youth, Adonis, celebrated exclusively by women i n several
are the main themes i n his myth. places o f Greece, Athens and Argos being those w i t h
Adonis is at home i n Semitic Phoenicia, Syria, and 72
concrete evidence. We hear about nocturnal festiv­
Cyprus, but specific features i n the myth and rites ities, held by private groups o f neighbors and friends,
58
betray his Mesopotamian origins. He was especially which included both respectable women and cour­
identified w i t h Tammuz, the consort o f the great god­ 73
tesans. The women's rites i n Athens took place
dess Astarte, whose death was celebrated every year by 74
throughout the city i n private houses and at least
women lamenting on the roofs o f their houses, a ritual partly on rooftops, but i n Argos they were held i n a
59
that survived well into Roman imperial times. 75
special building i n the agora. The women danced,
The cult o f Adonis must have spread to Greece chanted, and celebrated for at least one and maybe
during the seventh century and most likely through more nights. I n view o f the informal character o f the
60
Cyprus, the island o f Aphrodite. The rituals were activities—the Adonia was neither mentioned i n the
probably imported by resident aliens, immigrants and official religious calendar o f Athens nor supported by
traders, as was the case i n other foreign cults. The deity the state—we should expect variations i n details from
was easily accepted into the polytheistic religion o f place to place and period to period; thus duration and
Greece but never lost his connection w i t h the East i n even format may have been defined by the participants
61
the Greek version o f the m y t h , even though his for- themselves. 76

eignness is not emphasized i n either literary or artistic Most o f the available information comes from
62
sources. As modifications are inevitable i n a new cul­ Classical Athens and Hellenistic Alexandria, and 77

tural environment, the new cult changed focus and indeed, even though we cannot assume that the cele-
 : An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 35

bration o f the Adonia was performed i n exactly the Aphrodite accompanied by little Erotes flying above. 93

same way i n the two areas, some patterns do seem to In Alkiphron's letter the implication is that a larger
78
emerge. The most important is the two distinct phases image was also used at some stage, since one o f the
of the festival, one characterized by revelry and ritual women was going to "decorate the lover o f Aphrodite."
joy and another, apparently predominating, by grief, 94
Literary and iconographical sources from Athens
79
mourning, and lamentation. The dual nature o f the indicate that some days before the festival women
rites is a clear reflection o f the conflict between love planted seeds o f quick-sprouting plants, like fennel
and death, represented on the mythical level by the dis- and lettuce and possibly also wheat and barley, i n com-
pute between the two goddesses. 95
posted soil i n broken pots and exposed them on the
96
The festival began w i t h a cheerful celebration o f roofs o f their houses, where they soon withered i n
97
the union o f the divine lovers, with the women joining the bright summer sun. These gardens, which grew
in the j o y o f Aphrodite following Adonis's periodic fast but also withered quickly, acquired a proverbial
return from the underworld (ánodos) as decreed by meaning i n ancient Greece, stressing their short life,
98
80
Zeus. They recreated the erotic and sensual aspects superficiality, and infecundity.
of that reunion, which took the form o f a wedding The agricultural origins and associations o f the
81
celebration, even though it was not exactly a hieros garden ritual i n the East are generally accepted today.
2
gamos} As i n real weddings, there was merrymaking, This agricultural meaning, however, appears to have
83
drinking, singing, and dancing, i n Athens to the 99
been lost i n the Greek w o r l d ; the gardens i n fact rep-
accompaniment o f a special Eastern instrument, an resented the opposite o f proper agriculture by being
84
aulos called gingras. Fruits, nuts, and cakes were cultivated at an inappropriate time o f the year and with
85
offered as wedding gifts, and perfumes and incense the wrong technique, and finally destroyed. The 100

86
must also have played an important part. young tender seedlings could have symbolized the
101
When incense was offered to the gods i n general as youth o f Adonis or may simply have provided a nice
a form o f sacrifice, it was totally consumed and did not decor for the festival as well as an appropriate setting
simply produce smoke and fragrance as i n incense for the images during the nuptial phase.
87
burners. Incense played an important role i n the cult Aristophanes and Menander refer clearly to the
of Aphrodite, who was often shown holding an incense noise, turmoil, amusement, and fun during the celebra-
burner, and by extension was used i n erotic and nuptial tions, which must have formed part o f this first phase.
88
contexts. The mythological association o f Adonis Sexual licence is specifically implied i n the Samia (lines
w i t h incense and perfume—myrrh i n particular—was 41—42), while the Dionysiac, orgiastic aspect o f the fes-
very strong since he was born from Myrrha and was tival is obvious i n Lysistrata (lines 3 8 7 - 9 8 ) , w i t h refer-
89
anointed with myrrh by the Nymphs. This association ences to wine drinking and ecstatic music and dancing.
may have been reflected also i n the ritual, even though This cheerful aspect contrasted w i t h the next
there are no specific literary references to that effect phase, the ritual mourning, when women re-enacted
except for the mention o f Syrian myrrh i n Theokritos's the death and burial o f Aphrodite's lover, following 102

90
Idyll. But even i f there was no direct relationship w i t h the pattern o f the women i n the East. The lament 103

Adonis, it is very likely that, because o f its erotic and was performed by the women who i n a way imitated
funerary associations, some form o f incense was burnt Aphrodite i n her mourning for her dead l o v e r . 104

in a festival w i t h a dual aspect such as the Adonia. Symbols and decorations from the previous wedding
Two important features o f the ritual, at least i n celebration would have been destroyed and replaced by
Athens and Alexandria, were the use o f effigies and the death symbols or transformed into such. Thus the 105

sowing o f little gardens. Plutarch refers to small images marital couch would have become the funerary bier; 106

of Adonis prepared by the Athenian celebrants o f the perfumes and incense used for the wedding would
Adonia, which must have been made o f wax or terra- now have been used for the dead Adonis; the greenery,
91
cotta. This accords w i t h evidence from the second- by recreating the ambience o f a garden, would still
century-A.D. author Alkiphron, w h o writes about have provided an appropriate setting for the funeral,
some women who bring to an Adonia party statuettes compatible w i t h the Oriental origins o f Adonis, since
along w i t h little gardens. A t Alexandria an elaborate
92 Oriental kings were buried i n gardens; and special 107

couch was set under an arbor o f greenery, on which wedding songs, such as the hymenaios, would have
were laid the embracing images o f Adonis and given way to dirges and laments. 108
36 Salapata

The celebrating women would have imitated tradi­ the expression o f love seen i n their mutual embrace.
tional funerary rituals. Thus first came the funerary They cannot be mistaken, however, for an erotic mor­
wake (prothesis), customarily taking place at night and tal couple, an iconographie scheme created at the end
accompanied by weeping and wailing and gestures o f 121
of the fifth century, not only because o f the inher­
grief associated w i t h the dead, such as beating o f breast ently religious function o f the arulae, but also because
109
and pulling, perhaps even cutting, o f hair. Then of the presence of the surrounding women, who attrib­
came the procession (ekphora), early the following day to ute a cultic character to the scene.
escort the image, together w i t h the miniature gardens, The most likely candidates for the embracing
to its watery place o f disposal, which i n Alexandria is divine couple are Dionysos with his consort Ariadne or
110
specified as the sea. Aphrodite w i t h one o f her lovers, primarily Adonis.
But as Aphrodite's joy was short-lived, her mourn­ Both were popular themes i n Attic and South Italian
ing would be temporary, for Adonis would come back vase-painting o f the late fifth and fourth centuries. 122

111
the following year to renew their love. I n Alexandria Ancient authors point, indeed, to the close relationship
the women invited Adonis to return through a special between the figures o f Dionysos and Adonis, which is
112
ritual formula. Therefore, the sequence o f the ritual, confirmed by iconographie similarities during this
reflecting that imposed by Zeus i n the myth, was 123
period; the correspondence extends to the figures o f
113
return-union-departure-expectation for return; and Ariadne and Aphrodite and the schemata that include
Adonis indeed returned every year to die again and be their consorts. 124
Dionysos is often portrayed like the
114
mourned ritually. man on the Getty arula, that is, as a gracious youth w i t h
In late fifth-century Athens the Adonia was well a soft body, lying usually on a couch and often making
known and popular enough to be included i n the list of the same gesture, but he is easily identified by the pres­
the festivals promised by the Aristophanic Trygaios to ence o f satyrs and maenads and his wine cup or a thyr-
115
be celebrated i n honor o f Hermes. Adonis and his 125
sos. O n the Getty scene, by contrast, there is nothing
cult were indeed fashionable themes i n the theater characteristically Dionysiac that would justify an iden­
during the late fifth and especially fourth centuries, as tification o f the youth as Dionysos, nor, by extension,
shown by the attested titles for one tragedy and at least the identification o f the woman as Ariadne. Further
116
five comedies and Menander's play. His popularity support for recognizing Aphrodite i n the consort of the
extended i n the West, as shown by the tragedy entitled youth is offered by the feature o f the exposed breast,
117
Adonis written by Dionysios i , tyrant o f Syracuse. which emphasizes the goddess's sexuality. 126

The Adonia festival was a semiprivate opportunity The lack o f precise characteristics and identifying
for women to break their isolation, get together and attributes for Adonis makes it difficult to distinguish
bond w i t h female friends, away from men and the him from other beautiful youths. He is especially con­
118
routine o f everyday l i f e . The erotic atmosphere o f fused w i t h Phaon, another favorite o f Aphrodite, who
the festival and the range o f emotions that were is depicted i n a very similar manner on Attic vases
expressed during its celebration must have contributed of the late fifth century. Both Adonis and Phaon are
to its popularity among women. Through the dancing, shown as idealized beautiful young men, w i t h long
singing, and lamentation they must have gone beyond curly hair and a plump, almost effeminate body, as was
themselves and reached a state o f trance similar to that the trend at the time. They may hold a lyre (as an
119
of the maenads. They would have shared an emo­ attribute o f educated young men) and have their hair
tional experience i n their exhibition o f sympathy for bound by the Dionysiac headband, but they have no
Aphrodite and perhaps also the expression of their own other distinguishing attribute. They are usually sur­
120
sexual fantasies evoked by the handsome young g o d . rounded by a retinue o f women and Erotes. 127

Adonis, however, was much more popular as a

Iconography subject i n the art o f this period, both i n mainland
The absence o f inscriptions makes any identification o f 128
Greece and i n the West, where he i n fact lived on
the figures on the Getty arulae debatable, but there are through the Roman period. The Adonis iconography
several elements, I believe, that make the identification was also richer i n South Italian art, especially Apulian
of the seated couple w i t h Aphrodite and Adonis very vase-painting, than i n the art o f the Greek mainland i n
plausible. Admittedly, nothing particularly characteristic its representation o f different events o f the myth. Thus,
identifies the couple except for their youthfulness and for example, scenes o f the dispute between the two
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulaefrom South Italy 37 37

Figure 4. Hydria by the Meidias Painter. Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 81948. Photo: Soprintendenza Archeologica
per la Toscana, Florence.

goddesses are depicted i n South Italian art, but they scene is witnessed by Erotes and female personifications
never appear i n Attic art, which seems to favor specific as the goddess's attendants.
129
representations o f the Adonia festival and mythical In other cases Adonis is shown reclining on a lux-
scenes imbued w i t h erotic overtones, focusing on the uriously furnished couch, recalling the one set for his
couple o f Aphrodite and Adonis. image at the Alexandria Adonia (see supra, p. 35) and
Most o f the mythical scenes, which feature also i n as i n that case perhaps alluding to both his marital and
South Italian art, show the lovers i n an outdoor setting, death beds. Thus on the volute-krater i n the Getty
involved i n their amorous embrace and surrounded by Museum (see fig. 2), the reclining youth, almost cer-
I3
females, just as on the Getty arulae. ° These sympleg- tainly identified as Adonis, raises both hands to tie a f i l -
mata, w i t h either Aphrodite seated on Adonis's lap, or let around his head. He is flanked by two groups o f
the two seated side by side, or one leaning against the three women, w i t h the two seated ones having been
133
other, highlight the beauty o f Adonis, which not even persuasively identified as Aphrodite and Persephone.
Aphrodite could resist, and accentuate the love they O n the main scene o f a mid-fourth-century Apulian
131
shared. One o f the most beautiful scenes is depicted pelike i n Naples the inscribed Adonis lies once more
on the well-known hydria by the Meidias Painter i n on a couch, his arms brought to his head, which is
134
1 3 2
Florence (fig. 4 ) . Adonis has abandoned his lyre on again adorned with a headband (fig. 5 ) . The lack of a
the ground and receives Aphrodite's embrace while he wound does not support the interpretation that Adonis
135
leans back between her knees i n erotic ecstasis. The is d y i n g . Rather than suggesting his failing strength
38 Salapata

Figure 5. Apulian Pelike. Detail o f Adonis. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale SA 702. Photo: D A I , Rome, neg. no.
70.1532.

and imminent death, pose and gesture i n this context ure. 139
His languid pose and especially the gesture o f
assume an erotic meaning indicating openness, willing­ bringing his hand up to his head, although assumed by
136
ness, and readiness for love. other youthful figures, seem very appropriate for
The couple o f Aphrodite and Adonis was especially Adonis, as suggesting erotic repose and anticipation o f
popular on engraved Etruscan mirrors, reflecting their 140
his union w i t h his favorite goddess. The Dionysiac
137
general popularity i n the West. As i n Greek vase- headband is also very pertinent, since it was w o r n by
painting, where the accent was on the love the couple 141
gods and heroes i n their effeminate aspect. The himat-
shared, they are most commonly shown embracing, ion covering Adonis's head is harder to explain since it
and again without a hint o f the youth's death and their was used i n that fashion mainly by female or older male
imminent final separation. By contrast, on Roman figures. It is possible that its role here was to reinforce
paintings and sarcophagi, although the lovers are still the nuptial theme by suggesting the bridal v e i l , 142
in
often shown embracing, it is their final embrace that is which case Adonis's gesture would be the typical anaka-
intended, w i t h the wounded Adonis apparently dying 143
lypsis. I n this particular myth, however, there is a
138
in his beloved's arms. reversal o f roles: the place o f the bride, who normally
The pose and general appearance then o f the is a younger woman seduced by and submitting to an
144
youth on the Getty arula perfectly suit an Adonis fig­ older man, has been taken by A d o n i s . His embrace
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 39

w i t h the goddess is a clear illustration o f the love that w i t h other objects associated w i t h feminine pursuits, it
bound the two and may also foreshadow the tragic is usually placed i n the hands o f female figures. It is
death o f the youth, who died i n Aphrodite's arms. associated also w i t h Eros and Aphrodite, and therefore
We come now to the attending w o m e n . 145
Apart w i t h the realm over which they preside, that is, erotic
from a few minor differences in hairstyle and headgear— and wedding scenes. This instrument, unknown i n
146
variations, as I believe, to relieve the monotony —not mainland Greece, had a long tradition i n Italy, as shown
much i n external characteristics differentiates the four by the discovery o f bronze forerunners from the
dancing women from each other. They could then be eighth century, which were i n turn derived from Near
155
considered together as a female thiasos. The gesture, Eastern prototypes. The old traditional instrument
however, o f the woman facing the couple, bringing the may have been revived and modified during the fourth
overfold o f her peplos over her head as a veil, is quite century, which would explain its popularity i n con­
unusual and must bear particular meaning. As w i t h temporary art.
pulling the himation over the head, using the overfold Its ancient name is not known, but i n scholarly l i t ­
as a head covering is usually considered a solemn or erature it is commonly referred to as a "xylophone" or
147
grieving gesture, and it is reminiscent o f that o f 'Apulian sistrum." Since, unlike the modern x y l o ­
148
female mourners i n prothesis scenes. I n other con­ phone, it has crossbars o f equal length and lacks a
149
texts it may suggest ritual or even express fear. soundbox, this instrument has so far been reconstructed
The baring o f the facing woman's breast may have as a sort o f rattle, or sistrum, that produced monotone
156
been caused by frantic dance, as often happened to the rhythmic sounds when shaken or struck. O n the
150
maenads, but since it occurs on the figure closest Getty arulae, as i n a few vase depictions, the Apulian
157
to Aphrodite, who likewise has one breast exposed, it instrument is found i n association w i t h tympana. I n
may also indicate the woman's assimilation w i t h the combination w i t h the rhythm provided by the l o w -
151
goddess. It is clear therefore that the four women are pitched tympana, this high-pitched instrument would
shown dancing i n the outdoors; having approached the have created a tension leading to frenzy, as i n a D i o -
158
seated couple, who appear as a sort o f epiphany, the nysiac orchestra. Both the tympanon and this special
leading woman has stopped i n awe and respect, as sug­ Apulian instrument would therefore fit well i n a scene
gested by the special gesture she makes, which may involving Aphrodite and Adonis; the former was very
even be tinged w i t h sadness. It is interesting to note appropriate for the exotic cult o f the Eastern divinity
here that the attending women do not look directly at and the latter for Aphrodite and her realm.
the couple but either above or below them, as i f the Regarding the identity o f the dancing women, it
couple is not presented at a certain moment but has could be suggested that they are mortal worshipers
assumed a permanent symbolic value. Even the lovers dancing i n honor o f Aphrodite and Adonis, perhaps
themselves, although turned toward each other, do not during the Adonia festival. Even though mythical ele­
exactly exchange glances, as i f lost i n their individual ments could have been present i n a ritual scene and
thoughts. the depiction o f a divinity among his or her wor­
159
The element o f music is stressed by the inclusion shipers is not u n k n o w n , there is nothing specific to
of three musical instruments. Percussion instruments, suggest mortal activity i n this scene. O n the contrary,
such as the tympana held by two o f the women, were many features indicate that the scene belongs to the
principally used i n mystic and orgiastic cults and cere­ divine sphere. I n particular, the similar size and close
monies o f Asiatic origin, especially those o f Dionysos association o f the women to the divine couple militate
and Cybele. 152
Being the feminine instruments par against an identification w i t h mortal participants i n a
excellence, tympana were characteristic attributes o f cultic ritual.
maenads, but were carried also by Aphrodite and by Lack o f distinguishing attributes or inscriptions
153
the Nymphs i n her retinue. precludes an identification w i t h personifications, as on
The ladder-shaped musical instrument held by the the Meidias Painter hydria (see fig. 4). A chorus o f
middle woman on the first arula is often depicted on Nymphs seems to be the most suitable identification
South Italian vases, mainly Apulian, starting i n the for the attending women. They were Aphrodite's atten­
154
fourth century. Notably, its appearance on the Getty dants but appropriate companions also o f Adonis since
arula is, i f not the earliest, one o f the earlier occur­ they played a role i n his myth by having delivered h i m
rences. Found i n nuptial and funerary scenes together from the tree his mother was transformed into and
40 Salapata

100
having brought h i m u p . I n addition to presiding over problematic. Seated figures w i t h hands around one or
birth i n general, they were associated also with marriage both legs, often crossed, are found on both Attic and
101
since they were honored by those about to m a r r y 174
South Italian vase-painting. They generally appear i n
Furthermore, the Nymphs, who varied i n number, were a funerary context, the pose apparently denoting dis­
accustomed to playing music and dancing i n the coun­ 175
tress or sorrow. This is the pose assumed by a maiden
102
tryside. It is quite likely, however, that the Nymphs' seated i n front o f her own stele and by Achilles
dance i n honor o f the union o f the divine couple, mourning Patroklos on two white-ground lekythoi o f
accompanied by special musical instruments, reflects the late fifth century; Elektra is likewise clasping her
the actual ritual dance that was performed during the knee while seated by Agamemnon's grave. Pausa- 176

103
festival. nias's interpretation o f the similar posture assumed by
Let us turn now to the fifth woman i n attendance, Hektor i n Polygnotos's Nekyia at Delphi as giving the
the one seated next to the couple. The casket, large 177
impression o f one who grieves similarly places the
enough to be used as a seat, has no place or apparent m o t i f i n a context o f sadness. I n other cases, the pose
practical function i n the wilderness, and must therefore may denote intense contemplation, inertia, or waiting,
have a symbolic value. Caskets, chests, and other con­ as i n the case o f Ares on the East Frieze o f the Parthe­
tainers belonged to the sphere o f female activities i n the non or o f Odysseus i n scenes o f the Mission to A c h i l ­
indoor area o f the home and symbolized stored posses­ 178
les. It could be seen also as a relaxing pose, such as
sions; they were used as containers for jewelry, textiles, the one assumed by a Muse on an Attic volute-krater
104
toilet articles, and household utensils. I n addition to of ca. 420, who, having stopped playing her lyre, is lis­
being essential household items, chests and caskets tening to music; and by a maenad on a slightly later
were used to store the dowry, wedding finery, and Apulian volute-krater from Ruvo, who has apparently
gifts, and as such appear i n wedding scenes i n both just stopped dancing. 179

105
Attic and South Italian art. A casket is often shown i n I think that the special pose o f the woman, i n
the hands o f a female companion being offered to the combination w i t h her sadly downcast face, commonly
bride to be used for her adornment or as a gift during found on white-ground funerary l e k y t h o i , contrasts 180

166
the epaulia. O n the divine level, Aphrodite may w i t h the bridal casket on which she sits. The pose con­
receive a casket from her favorite attendant, Peitho, as stitutes a prophetically mournful attitude, which may
107
shown on a pyxis i n N e w Y o r k . As a dowry con­ signify both the futility o f the seemingly happy union,
tainer, the casket or chest becomes an attribute of the which is destined not to last, and the woman's inability
properly endowed bride, who often sits on it, either to do anything to avoid the tragic end; i n other words,
168
facing a man or alone. the pose can be seen as the visual rendering o f the
The m o t i f o f the woman seated on a chest first 181
expression "hands t i e d . " The casket, however, may
appears on the East Pediment o f the Parthenon, where have multiple meanings, alluding also to the larnax i n
two goddesses, most commonly identified as Demeter which Aphrodite hid Adonis before entrusting h i m to
109
and Kore, use two chests as seats. The wedding 182
Persephone (see supra, p. 3 4 ) . Thus on a late fifth-
connotations o f the chest would indeed be appropriate century Etruscan mirror i n the Louvre, a very similar
170
for Kore, the bride o f Hades, but the fact that both casket supposedly containing Adonis appears i n the
goddesses are sitting on chests indicates that the motif scene o f Zeus's arbitration between Persephone and a
was not restricted to brides but could be applied also to very distressed Aphrodite. 183

171
a relative or attendant o f the b r i d e . This is exactly To recapitulate the iconographie analysis o f the
what I consider the figure on the Getty arula to be: a scene, the emphasis is on the divine couple involved
special attendant o f Aphrodite, perhaps Peitho, the in their amorous embrace. This fits very well the late
embodiment o f erotic persuasion; as a frequent com­ fifth- and early fourth-century spirit i n art w i t h its
panion o f Aphrodite i n wedding contexts, she has also increased interest i n beautiful decoration; graceful, sen­
172
here carried the bridal chest for the " w e d d i n g " and suous figures; and scenes imbued with discreet eroticism.
has now put it down to sit on. A direct parallel can be As i n the festival, the couple's reunion is presented as
found on an Apulian pelike, where one o f the women an actual wedding by the presence o f the chest and
173
attending an embracing couple sits on a chest. probably also by Adonis's gesture. Music and danc­ 184

The posture o f the seated woman, w i t h downcast ing are also appropriate for the nuptial context and
head and hands clasped around her right knee, is more may have been modeled on the ceremonies during the
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 41

Adonia; i f so, the naked breast o f the attendant could USE

refer also to the erotic character o f the festival. Unlike Arulae are similar to altars i n form, ornamentation, and
Athens, where singing took place to the accompani- decoration, but they differ i n material, dimensions, and
ment o f the aulos gingras, i n South Italy preeminence findspot. The inherent cultic purpose o f the arulae,
was given to another instrument o f Eastern origin. however, does not necessarily mean that they were used
Although there is no indication that Adonis is 191
in the same way as full-size altars. Scholarly debate
dying, the avoidance o f real eye contact may point to on the exact function o f arulae has focused on techni-
the imminent separation o f the lovers. More suggestive cal characteristics, type o f decoration, and findspot. 192

of the future are the grieving poses and gestures o f the Because o f their generally small size, arulae would
two women closest to the couple, foreshadowing the have been inappropriate for animal sacrifices. Some,
mourning that w i l l accompany the death o f the youth however, could have carried a small fire or coals for
and reflecting the passage of the women from one emo- burning small offerings, i n particular incense and aro-
tional state to the other during the Adonia festival. The matics. Such a use may be supported by the occasional
same approach was taken i n the unusual Adonis Song i n traces on the upper surface o f burning or provisions to
Theokritos's Idyll, w i t h its combination o f hymeneal contain a fire, such as depressions, holes for the posi-
and funereal parts. The first section (lines 127—31), tioning of a vessel, molded rings, or even small basins. 193

which like an epithalamion referred to the marital bed Since, however, these features are present i n relatively
and praising o f the groom, turned into an ialemos (lines few cases, such a function cannot be generalized. 194

132-42), thus anticipating the second phase o f the fes- The repertory o f decorative scenes, especially i n
tival on the following day by giving a preview o f the the Western arulae, is very extensive, from animals and
185
laments. single human figures to mythological scenes w i t h sev-
eral participants. There seems to be some evidence
PROVENANCE that decoration of some arulae relates to the cultic con-
The place o f manufacture o f the Getty arulae cannot text i n which they were used. The decoration o f arulae
be determined w i t h certainty. There are several indica- from tombs generally alludes to underworld scenes,
tions that they may have been made i n the area o f Taras while arulae found i n sanctuaries have more complex
or i n another area heavily influenced by it. This is mythological scenes that sometimes relate to the local
because Taras, from the second half o f the fifth century divinity. I n many cases, however, the scenes are general
onward, not only exercised a very strong influence i n enough to be applied to many contexts. 195

the political and cultural realm but also played a primary In contrast to altars, which are found primarily i n
role i n transmitting artistic trends to the entire Italian sanctuaries and were thus for public use, arulae were
186
peninsula. related mostly to the private sphere, having been found
During the same period, Taras became one o f the primarily i n habitations and, i n South Italy, i n cemeter-
most important centers of terra-cotta production i n the 196
ies, both near and inside graves; they were also often
187
West. I n particular, production and export o f high- used i n minor sanctuaries located i n residential areas,
quality terra-cotta arulae, which reached their peak 197
and i n extra-urban sanctuaries. This variety o f con-
during the fourth century, exerted influence i n other texts, especially notable i n South Italy, implies that aru-
188
regions o f the peninsula. The iconography o f Taren- lae assumed different functions and were used flexibly.
189
tine arulae reflects that o f Apulian vase-painting, The most commonly held opinion today is that
which was i n turn influenced by Attic art. Although these small portable altars were indeed used i n ritual,
this influence is particularly strong on the Getty arulae, primarily i n the domestic cult. 198
Most o f them may
there are still several stylistic and iconographie affinities have been used as "offering tables," for the placement o f
w i t h Apulian art, as well as peculiar local attributes small offerings o f food and the pouring o f libations,
such as the ladder-shaped instrument. A scene depict- as must have been those w i t h one or more holes. 199

ing Aphrodite and Adonis would fit very well into a Others, especially very small examples, could have been
Tarentine environment, since many different kinds o f dedicated to sanctuaries simply as votive offerings. 200

monuments from Taras, including several arulae, show Since specific vessels—thymiateria—existed for burning
scenes from the realm o f Aphrodite; there is further- aromatics and incense, it is only exceptionally that arulae
more epigraphical evidence for the cult o f Aphrodite 201
would have been used for that purpose. The few aru-
190
in Taras already i n the Archaic p e r i o d . lae deposited i n graves could have been possessions o f
42 Salapata

the deceased accompanying them i n the other life or common motif i n wedding scenes, attributes specific
202 209
reproductions o f a household object. They could also nuptial connotations. The chorus of Nymphs, who
have been offered as part o f the funerary equipment o f dance and play special musical instruments, acts as the
the deceased, especially i n cases where the decoration is divine prototype o f the mortal celebrants and evokes
funerary i n character or refers to the symbolic journey the ritual dimension o f the cult.
203
of the soul. Some, especially those found around As i n Theokritos's Adonis Song, performed during
graves, could have been used i n ceremonies i n honor o f the first phase o f the festival but containing a forebod­
204
the dead, which included libations and food offerings. ing o f the mournful next day, the celebration o f the
The excellent state o f preservation o f the Getty union of the lovers is imbued w i t h the foreshadowing
arulae, shown i n their surface detail, their almost com­ of the tragic death to come, implied i n the expressions
plete state, and their discovery together as a pair, points and body language o f the attendants. I n that way
to a grave as their original findspot. This, however, may the scene is projected beyond the particular moment
205
not have been their primary destination. Although of the union to the future, thus reflecting both phases
portable, they are large enough to support a sacrificial of the festival.
fire or hot coals, and the traces o f discoloration left by I would like to suggest, therefore, that the Getty
the metal fire pans indicate that they were indeed used arulae were used by a South Italian, perhaps Tarentine,
for burning offerings. It is likely that they were used lady i n the Adonia festival to burn offerings, especially
specifically for b u r n i n g incense, w h i c h played an aromatic substances, i n honor o f the two divinities. I f
important role i n the cult o f Aphrodite and at wedding that was indeed the case, the decoration o f the arulae
206
ceremonies, or even myrrh i n particular, which was would reflect perfectly their cultic purpose. 210
The
also very appropriate for Aphrodite's lover, the son o f t w i n arulae could later have been placed i n the
Myrrha. Their being a pair implies that one arula was woman's grave as a valued possession. Their unique
used for offerings to the goddess and the other to her iconography would have made the arulae very suit­
lover; their physical connection, on the other hand, able for a final funerary destination. The close associ­
through the element slotted into the side grooves, shows ation between love and death has repeatedly been
that the two arulae were used and placed together. expressed i n Greek literature, and images o f marriage
Since they are quite light, they could easily have been are often found on funerary monuments, highlighting
carried, for example by a lady and her maid, to the the close connections between marriage and death,
location where the Adonia was celebrated, which may 211
wedding and funeral. I n particular, Aphrodite's asso­
have varied from year to year. ciations w i t h death and the world o f the dead were
212
very strong i n the West, where they owed more to
CONCLUSIONS local characteristics and the influence o f indigenous
Terra-cotta arulae are often o f quite careless workman­ cults than to the qualities o f the traditional Greek
213
ship. The Getty arulae, however, are o f exceptional Aphrodite.
quality, great artistic merit and sophistication, and The funerary symbolism o f the Getty arulae would
207
might well have been a special commission. They accord w i t h the preoccupation o f South Italian artists
depict a mythological scene appropriate to South Italian w i t h the life hereafter, as shown by the predominance
taste o f the early fourth century The identification o f of funerary motifs, especially on Apulian vases. The
the erotic couple as Aphrodite and Adonis accompa­ specific divinities depicted could have been perceived
nied by Nymphs and perhaps also by Peitho accords to have further eschatological connotations. Just like
well w i t h the nature o f the divinities and the rituals the myth and cult o f Adonis, which carry allusions to
performed i n their honor, as recorded i n the Athenian the rhythmic descent to Hades and ascent to life every
208 214
and Alexandrian A d o n i a . year, the use o f such a scene i n a funerary context
The depiction on the arulae is the annual reunion would have carried a message o f hope or consolation:
215
of Aphrodite and Adonis, an important phase i n the either a yearning for i m m o r t a l i t y or at least a hope
cult. Their embrace indicates the great love that bound for palliation o f the finality o f death through a myth
together the goddess and her mortal lover. This union that mitigated the absolute opposition between life
is accentuated by the t w i n nature o f the arulae and the and death.
connecting segment. The casket characterizes the scene The Getty arulae are notable for their careful con­
as belonging entirely to the female sphere and, as a struction, exceptional i n terms o f preserving traces
 S: An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 43

of their use, and so far unique i n forming a pair w i t h the corpus o f the iconography o f Adonis and Aphro-
complementary decoration. They are artistically and dite. Finally, they are also very significant because they
iconographically important i n their depiction o f a contribute to the rising evidence for the celebration o f
beautiful and fascinating scene, which can be added to the Adonia i n the West.

Massey University
New Zealand

NOTES 1992-1993. Thus I w o u l d like to thank, first, the curator o f the

department, Dr. M a r i o n True, for permission to study and publish
this exceptional pair o f arulae, and, second, all the other members o f
the department at the time for their help and advice during my
Abbreviations internship year, particularly M a r i t Jentoft-Nilsen. Thanks are due
Adonis Adonis, Relazioni del colloquio i n Roma, 22-23 also to Diana Burton, Olga Palagia, David Rupp, Victoria Sabetai,
maggio 1981 (Rome, 1984). Alan Shapiro, and Erika Simon for enlightening discussions and
Atallah W. Atallah, Adonis dans la littérature et l'art grecs comments during the various stages i n the preparation o f this article.
(Paris, 1966). I dedicate this article to the memory o f N o r m a n Austin, formerly o f
Brümmer E. Brümmer, "Griechische Truhenbehâlter," Jdl Massey University, w h o had been an inspiring mentor, colleague,
100 (1985): 1-168. and friend.
B u r n 1987 L. B u r n , The Meidias Painter (Oxford, 1987).
B u r n 1991 L. Burn, "A D i n o i d Volute-Krater by the Mele- 1. Van der Meijden, w h o has published the most comprehen-
ager Painter: A n Attic Vase i n the South Italian sive study o f South Italian and Sicilian terra-cotta arulae as a class,
M a n n e r , " Greek Vases in the J . Paul Getty has emphasized their local importance as cult objects and as vehicles
Museum 5, Occasional Papers on Antiquities, 7 o f an iconography reflecting Greek prototypes; see also Ricciotti.
(Malibu, 1991), pp. 107-30. O n arulae i n general, see Yavis, pp. 137-38, 171-75; and Rupp.
Cassimatis H . Cassimatis, "Amours légitimes? Rêves Unless otherwise stated, all dates refer to B.c.
d'amour? dans la céramique grecque," BABesch 2. Yavis, pp. 172-75. O n Corinthian terra-cotta arulae, popu-
62 (1987): 75-84- lar i n the late sixth and fifth centuries, see Rupp, pp. 377-515; C. K .
Détienne M . Détienne, The Gardens of Adonis: Spices in Williams, 11, " C o r i n t h , 1978: F o r u m Southwest," Hesperia 48
es
Greek Mythology (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1977). (1979): 105-44, P- PP- 136-40. For a recent find o f a Late Classical
Oakley and Sinos J. H . Oakley and R. H . Sinos, The Wedding in or Hellenistic arula from Corinth, see A . Banaka-Dimaki, "/JT/AIVOS
Ancient Athens (Madison, 1993). Í fiaipos AtooKOvpcuv ano rrjv aplata KópLvdo,"ArchDelt 39A (1984): 6 8 -
Reed J. D. Reed, "The Sexuality o f Adonis," ClAnt 76, esp. pp. 72-76. O n Olynthian arulae, see D. M . Robinson and
H (1995): 317-47- J. W. Graham, Excavations at Olynthus, part 8: The Hellenic House
Ricciotti D. R i c c i o t t i , Terrecotte votive, v o l . 1, Arule (Baltimore, 1938), pp. 322-25. Arulae have also been found i n
(Rome, 1978). Thera, Delos, Perachora, Crete, and Kos (Banaka-Dimaki, supra, this
Robertson N . Robertson, "The Ritual Background o f the note, p. 69). For bibl. on Greek arulae, see J. S. Rusconi, "Arule fittili
D y i n g G o d i n Cyprus and Syro-Palestine," di Aquileia," ArchCl 29 (1977): 86-113, esp. p. 87 n. 6.
HTR 75 (1982): 313-59- 3. See, e.g., a Hellenistic example from Pantikapaion: S.
Rupp D. W Rupp, "Greek Altars o f the Northeastern Finoguenova, "Les petits autels en terre cuite au nord de la mer
Péloponnèse, c. 750/725 B . C . to c. 300/275 noire," i n R. Etienne and M . - T . Le Dinahet, eds., L'espace sacrificiel
B . C . " (Ph.D. Diss., B r y n M a w r College, 1974). dans les civilisations méditerranéennes de l'antiquité, Actes du colloque
Servais-Soyez B. Servais-Soyez, "Adonis," LIMC 1 (1981), tenu à la Maison de l'Orient, Lyon, 4-7 j u i n 1988 (Paris, 1991), pp.
pp. 222-29. 131-34, esp. p. 133, p l . x x x v n b .
Simon E. Simon, "Dramen des alteren Dionysios auf 4. M . Paoletti ("Arule di Medma e tragédie attiche," i n M . L .
italiotischen Vasen," i n M . L . Gualandi, L . Mas- Gualandi, L. Massei, and S. Settis, eds., AnAPXAI: Nuove ricerche e
sei, and S. Settis, eds., ATIAPXAI: Nuove studi sulla Magna Grecia e la Sicilia antica in onore di P E. Arias 1: 371—
ricerche e studi sulla Magna Grecia e la Sicilia antica 92, esp. p. 371 n. 3 [Pisa, 1982]) objects to a distinction between
in onore di P E. Arias, 1: 479-82 (Pisa, 1982). terra-cotta and small stone arulae, even though he admits that their
Van der Meijden H . Van der Meijden, Terrakotta-Arulae aus Sizi- significance and use may have differed.
lien und Unteritalien (Amsterdam, 1993). 5. The cylindrical shape, i n particular, gained i n popularity
Weill N . Weill, "Adôniazousai, ou, Les femmes sur le during the Hellenistic period: Ricciotti, p. 7.
toit," BCH 90 (1966): 664-98. 6. The considerable variation i n form, material, and size o f
Will E. W i l l , "Le r i t u e l des Adonies," Syria 52 arulae corresponds to the variety encountered among full-size altars.
(1975): 93-105- O n l y i n a few cases is there a clear analogy between arulae and
Yavis C. G. Yavis, Greek Altars: Origins and Typology altars, for few types o f altars were imitated i n the small arulae (Van
(St. Louis, 1949). der Meijden, pp. 7-9).
7. Thus Yavis, pp. 137, 170-71, has distinguished between aru-
Research on these arulae began while I was a graduate intern i n the lae (which are small and portable) and "full-sized rectangular terra-
D e p a r t m e n t o f A n t i q u i t i e s at the J. Paul Getty M u s e u m i n cotta altars." Arulae are too small to hold a fire for animal sacrifices
44 Salapata

but adequate to burn incense or receive symbolic offerings and liba- projecting band between the volutes (not a tray, for the arula is open
tions; altars were for proper animal sacrifices. on top), which must imitate the metal tray o f stone altars; it has been
8. Arulae w i t h solely painted decoration are c o m m o n i n suggested that a separate removable tray was placed on the top for
Corinth. small sacrifices or offerings (B. D. Wescoat, ed., Syracuse, the Fairest
9. Ricciotti, p. 6. Greek City [Rome, 1989], pp. 95-96, no. 16).
10. M . Elston, "Technical and Aesthetic Considerations i n the 18. O n the technique o f arula manufacture i n general, see
Conservation o f Ancient Ceramic and Terracotta Objects i n the Ricciotti, pp. 8-13; Van der Meijden, p. 10; Banaka-Dimaki (supra,
J. Paul Getty Museum: Five Case Studies," Studies in Conservation 3 5 note 2), p. 70.
(1990): 69—80, esp. pp. 75—76; her fig. 9 shows the arulae before 19. Cf. Van der Meijden, p. 10; O. Belvedere, "Tipologia e
restoration. They appear to have been thoroughly cleaned i n recent analisi delle arule imeresi," i n N . Allegro et al., eds., Secondo
years, but traces o f the white slip and the original polychromy Quaderno Imerese, pp. 61-113, esp. p. 65 (Rome, 1982). This is the
remain: see supra, p. 30. way most large-size arulae were made. Arulae o f smaller dimensions
11. were constructed out o f a solid block o f clay made hollow by
extracting clay by hand (ibid., p. 65); some arulae o f very small size
ARULA I ARULA 2 were, o f course, left solid (Rusconi [supra, note 2], p. 102; Ricciotti,
Height 41.5 cm 41.9 cm p. 5 and n. 5).
20. The partition wall o f Arula 1 (around 2.5 cm thick) con-
W i d t h (at base) 34 cm 33-5 cm sists o f one layer o f clay, while that o f Arula 2 has two layers, b r i n g -
W i d t h (at top) 31.6 cm 31.5 cm ing its thickness to 3—4 cm.
Depth (at base) 29.2 cm 28.7 cm 21. See Rupp, pp. 468-69; Van der Meijden, p. 10. The inte-
rior o f the front o f an arula from Medma has a vertical ridge,
Depth (at top) 26.9 cm 27.9 cm
around 1 cm wide, but wider at the base, w h i c h served to reinforce
the plaque; it was perhaps one o f originally two: Paoletti (supra,
note 4), pp. 377—78 and fig. 2. Another arula from Medma has three
12. W : 2 cm (Arula 1), 1.7 cm (Arula 2); depth: 1.6 cm reinforcing ridges, almost equidistant (Paoletti [supra, note 4], p.
(Arula 1), 2.7 cm (Arula 2). O n Arula 2 a shallow groove made by 378). Arulae without dividing walls w i l l have required supports, pre-
the finger o f the coroplast continues about half the way down the sumably o f wood, for the construction o f the upper surface before
side. all sides were j o i n e d together: Ricciotti, p. 9, n. 2 1 .
13. O n l y a d r a w i n g o f this arula has been published: 22. Thanks are due to Maya Elston for her technical advice.
E. Gabrici, " I I santuario della Malophoros a Selinunte," MonAnt 32 Cf. Banaka-Dimaki (supra, note 2), p. 72; Van der Meijden, p. 13.
(1927): 203, fig. 109; Yavis, pp. 132, 137, and fig. 38, where i t is O n the production o f the whole front panels i n molds, see Rupp,
wrongly referred to as made o f terra-cotta. This arula was most pp. 4 6 5 - 6 8 . Few molds for arulae have been found: Van der
likely a votive offering copying the full-sized altar o f the deity. Meijden, p. 138.
14. Pairs o f full-sized altars are also extremely rare and k n o w n 23. E. Jastrow, "Abformung und Typenwandel i n der antiken
only from literary sources: A t h . 5.197; Pind. Ol. 5.5. A t w i n altar Tonplastik," Op Arch 2 (1939): 1-28, esp. pp. 2 - 4 .
was found i n the precinct o f Zeus Meilichios located i n the sanc- 24. This recalls metalworking techniques: cf. a terra-cotta
tuary o f Malophoros at Selinus; the l o w altar is divided into two m o d e l for a bronze r e l i e f o f the end o f the fifth century:
unequal parts, evidently dedicated to two chthonic divinities, M e i - L. Bernabô-Brea, " I rilievi tarantini i n pietra teñera," RivIstArch,
lichios and his consort: Gabrici (supra, note 13), pp. 103-4, fig- 62; n.s. i (1952): 5 - 2 1 , esp. p. 15, fig. 8.
Yavis, pp. 134, 199, fig. 49. According to Yavis, pp. 134-35, this 25. Cf. the hairstyle o f a maenad holding a tympanon on a
fourth-century altar was preceded i n the sixth century by another Tarentine bell-krater o f the late fifth century: M . L . West, Ancient
set o f t w i n altars. Two Corinthian arulae have two shallow circular Greek Music (Oxford, 1992), p i . 32.
depressions on their top surface, an arrangement implying that a 26. Cf. the Dexileos stele: A . Stewart, Greek Sculpture: An
single altar had been dedicated to two divinities: Rupp, pp. 486, 504. Exploration (New Haven, 1990), fig. 480. For an account o f the ren-
15. Pairs o f arulae are reported from three houses at Olynthos dering o f the peplos i n the late fifth century, see B. S. Ridgway,
(Yavis, p. 174), but are again unlike the Getty examples i n both "The Fashion o f the Elgin Kore," GettyMusJ 12 (1984): 29-58, esp.
shape and decoration. pp. 47-49-
16. T. Fischer-Hansen, "Some Sicilian Arulae and Their Signi- 27. The membrane o f the tympanon must originally have
ficance," AnalRom 8 (1977): 7-18, esp. pp. 13-15, figs. 5-6, w i t h been decorated i n paint: cf. A . M . D i G i u l i o , "Iconografía degli stru-
the reservation that they could have served a cultic function as altars menti musicali nell'arte apula," i n B. Gentili and R. Pretagostini,
during the funerary procedures. eds., La música in Grecia (Rome, 1988), pp. 108—20, esp. pp. 111—12.
17. Yavis, p. 132; D. Aktseli, Altare in der archaischen und klassi- 28. Cf. an inscribed relief w i t h three dancing Nymphs and
schen Kunst: Untersuchungen zu Typologie und Ikonographie (Espelkamp, Pan, dated 410-400, where the one to the left places her left hand
1996), pp. 7, 18. E.g., vase-paintings: Yavis, p. 136, fig. 39, and p. on the shoulder o f the one i n the middle: I . N . Svoronos, To Iv
165, fig. 44; LIMC 7.2 (1994), s.v. "Peleus," no. 174; ibid., s.v. AdrjvdLS 'EOVLKOV Movoelov (Athens, 1903), p i . 44.
"Pandion," no. 6; E. De M i r o , " N u o v i contributi sul pittore di Kleo- 29. C o m m o n on statues o f Apollo, this style was not w o r n
phon," ArchCl 20 (1968): 238-48, esp. pis. L X X X V and L X X X V I I I ; before the fourth century: E. Abrahams, "Greek Dress," i n M . John-
J.-P. Vernant, éd., La cité des images (Lausanne, 1984), p. 52, fig. 77, son, ed., Ancient Greek Dress, pp. 1—134, esp. p. 109 (Chicago, 1964).
where the firepan is clearly seen i n perspective. That the firepan was 30. This headdress, often identified as the mitra ( N . P. Bezan-
not always rendered does not necessarily mean that its use was not (
takos, H ApxoLLd 'EÁÁTJVLKT]' MIT pa [Athens, 1987], pp. 55-83), is
common; it must have depended on the painter whether he depicted usually w o r n by Dionysos; since, however, i t is not restricted to
such details or not; the Berlin Painter, e.g., always paints i t on his him, it cannot on its o w n identify the figure as the god: Cassimatis,
altars: Aktseli (supra, this note), p. 2 1 . Three-dimensional examples: pp. 78-79-
Malophoros arula (see supra, p. 25) w i t h a rectangular tray between 31. Cf. Polyxena's grave stele from Boeotia (late fifth century):
the altar barriers; terra-cotta triglyph arula from Syracuse w i t h a B. S. Ridgway, Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture (Princeton,
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 45

1981), pp. 148-49, fig. 108; the fleeing N i o b i d (ca. 430): ibid., pis. A . D. Trendall, " N e w Vases by the Chequer Painter," i n H . Froning,
31-32. T. Hôlscher, H . Mielsch, eds., Kotinos: Festschrift für Erika Simon,
32. Cf. G. M . A . Richter, The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans pp. 301—5, esp. p. 301 and p i . 66.1 (Mainz am Rhein, 1992).
and Romans (London, 1966), pp. 75—77; Briimmer, p. 46, figs, ne—d 5 1 . Jastrow (supra, note 23), p. 27, fig. 12; cf. p l . va;
and 32a. Wuilleumier (supra, note 39), p. 433, p l . X L I . 5 ; Van der Meijden,
3 3. From the middle o f the fifth century onward i t is hard to pp. 92-93, 305, and p i . 56.
differentiate between chiton and peplos because o f the increasing 52. The transparent type o f peplos w i t h rich folds is one o f
transparency o f the latter and the occasional appearance o f short the two types popular at the end o f the fifth century: Ridgway
overfolds i n the former; chitons, however, still have sleeves: Ridgway (supra, note 26), p. 49.
(supra, note 26), p. 47; Stewart (supra, note 26), p. 77. The peplos 53. Ca. 330—320 b y E . Y o u r i / O Kparyjpas TOV Aepfieviov ( A t h -
was probably w o r n by more matronly w o m e n (e.g., Demeter as ens, 1978); molding shown on p i . 93 there.
opposed to Persephone, w h o wears chiton and himation): Ridgway 54. The first is given by Apollodoros (Bibl. 3.14.3-4), drawing
(supra, note 26), p. 47. Ridgway (supra, note 31), pp. 49-50 n. 17, on the mid-fifth-century poet Panyassis, a relative o f Herodotos;
disagrees w i t h E. B. Harrison ("Athena and Athens i n the East the other version is given by Ov. Met. 10.298-739; Pseudo-Hesiod
Pediment o f the Parthenon," AJA 71 [1967]: 27-58, esp. p. 43), (fr. 139 Merkelbach-West) makes h i m a son o f Phoenix. The m y t h
w h o calls figure E'S garment on the East Pediment o f the Parthenon o f Adonis was told also by Antimachos o f K o l o p h o n (fr. 102),
a chiton w i t h short overfold and figure F'S garment a peplos. She almost a contemporary o f Panyassis, and i t figured i n the epic
argues that even i f E'S dress is thin over the feet, i t must be a peplos poetry o f the fifth century. For the genealogy o f Adonis, see
since i t is sleeveless, unless, o f course, the carver forgot to make Atallah, pp. 33—39. For the m y t h i n general, see P. W. Lehmann,
sleeves for a chiton w o r n under the peplos. Roman Wall Paintings from Boscoreale (Cambridge, 1953), and Servais-
34. The different groundlines and hidden parts o f the body Soyez, p. 222. Despite variations, his o r i g i n is certainly i n the East.
reflect the Polygnotan innovations; cf. the w o r k o f the Meidias 55. For representations o f the miraculous birth, see Servais-
Painter: B u r n 1987, p. 5. Soyez, nos. 2a—4.
35. Bernabô-Brea (supra, note 24), pp. 15-16. 56. O n the various meanings o f larnax, see Briimmer, pp. 12—
36. York, City A r t Gallery 19: A . D. Trendall and A . Cam- 13. For containers where mythological figures were hidden, see
bitoglou, The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia, vol. 1, Early and Middle F. Lissarrague, "Women, Boxes, Containers: Some Signs and Meta-
Apulian (Oxford, 1978), p. 94, no. 210. phors," i n E. D. Reeder, ed., Pandora: Women in Classical Greece
37. The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 20.196: M . E . Mayo (Baltimore, 1995), pp. 91-101, esp. pp. 91-93; Briimmer, pp. 104-7.
and K . Hamma, The Art of South Italy: Vases from Magna Graecia Placing a child i n a container signifies ritual adoption by a deity,
(Richmond, Va., 1982), pp. 84-86, no. 15. according to C. S o u r v i n o u - I n w o o d , "Reading" Greek Culture:
38. J. Paul Getty Museum 87.AE.93: B u r n 1991, p. 117 and Texts and Images, Rituals and Myths (Oxford, 1991), pp. 173-74 (cf.
fig. 7b. Erichthonios).
39. P. Wuilleumier, Tárente des origines à la conquête romaine 57. O n Adonis's death, see Atallah, pp. 5 3 - 9 1 .
(Paris, 1939), p l . x x x i x . 4 . 58. For the m y t h i n these regions see Robertson; H . Adra,
40. Wuilleumier (supra, note 39), p. 286, p l . v u . 4 ; cf. also a Etude mythique: Le mythe d'Adonis (Beirut, 1985); W. Burkert,
terra-cotta head on p. 409, p l . x x x i i . 5 . Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual (Berkeley, 1979),
4 1 . H . Herdejiirgen, Die tarentinischen Terrakotten des 6. bis 4. pp. 106—11.
Jahrhunderts v. Chr. im Antikenmuseum Basel (Mainz, 1971), p. 22. 59. Burkert (supra, note 58), p. 106.
42. This influence may have arrived i n one o f two ways: 60. O r via Asia M i n o r : Atallah, pp. 24, 312.
either directly through imported artworks, mainly pottery, esp. dur- 61. See S. Ribichini, "Per una riconsiderazione di Adonis,"
es
ing the fifth century; or indirectly through local works, esp. Apulian, RStFen 7 (1979): 163-74, P- PP- 164-65. I n this publication and
i n the course o f the fourth century w h e n A t t i c imports had i n idem, Adonis: Aspetti "orientali" di un mito greco (Rome, 1981),
greatly diminished: cf. Van der Meijden, pp. 86-87, 189. B u r n Ribichini explores the Eastern connections o f Adonis and esp. the
(1991, p. 117) suspects that the Attic influence on South Italian vases Eastern connotations his myth carried i n Greece, where the concept
may have been even stronger than assumed today. o f the effeminate, ineffective man represented the opposite o f the
43. B u r n 1987; the Meidias Painter and his followers are dated ideal Greek male self-image.
to the late fifth and early fourth centuries (ibid., pp. 7-8). 62. Reed, p. 342. He is never, e.g., depicted i n Oriental dress.
44. Trendall and Cambitoglou (supra, note 36), pp. 15, 79—86. 63. Scholars such as Atallah, Détienne, Piccaluga, Ribichini,
45. Cf. D i Giulio (supra, note 27), pp. 111-12. and Winkler have approached the Adonis myth and cult i n the Greek
46. West (supra, note 25), p. 124. w o r l d from various angles by employing different methodologies.
47. B. S. Ridgway, Fourth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture 64. Reed, p. 321; Ribichini 1979 (supra, note 61), pp. 171—72.
(Madison, 1997), p. 15; C. Hofkes-Brukker, Der Bassai-Fries 65. Atallah, pp. 256-57; W i l l , pp. 104-5; B. Servais-Soyez,
(Munich, 1975), p. 65, p i . Hio—520. O n the close associations o f the "Musique et Adonies: A p p o r t archéologique à la connaissance du
Bassai style w i t h Tarentine art i n general, see Bernabô-Brea (supra, rituel adonidien," i n Adonis, pp. 61-72, esp. pp. 62-63; M . Torelli,
note 24), p. 10. "Les Adonies de Gravisca: Archéologie d'une fête," i n F. Gaultier
48. Ridgway (supra, note 31), p. 92 and fig. 56. and D. Briquel, eds., Les Etrusques, les plus religieux des hommes, Actes
49. A . Schône-Denkinger, "Terrakottamodel aus Bau Y am du colloque international, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais,
HeiligenTor (Kerameikos)," AM 108 (1993): 151-81, esp. pp. 1 6 3 - 17-19 novembre 1992 (Paris, 1997), pp. 2 3 3 - 9 1 , esp. p. 268 and
65, p i . 33; see also a fourth-century bronze appliqué from Taras: n. 153. B . D . M e r i t t ("Greek Inscriptions," Hesperia 4 [1935]: 573 —
Wuilleumier (supra, note 39), p. 323, p i . x v i . 5 . The only difference 74) has associated the Adonia w i t h the festival o f Eros celebrated
is that on the Getty arula, instead o f continuous long folds, there are i n the sanctuary on the n o r t h slope o f the Acropolis, identified by
interrupted ones, broken by the shorter hemlines. O. Broneer ("Eros and Aphrodite on the N o r t h Slope o f the Acrop-
50. O x f o r d 433 and British Museum F 168: Trendall and olis," Hesperia 1 [1932]: 31-56; "Excavations on the N o r t h Slope
Cambitoglou (supra, note 36), p i . 40.3 and 5; cf. also the w o r k o f o f the Acropolis," Hesperia 2 [1933]: 329-417) as that o f Aphrodite
the Chequer Painter (end o f fifth/beginning o f fourth century): i n the Gardens. For the Adonia celebrated i n the sanctuary o f
46 Salapata

Aphrodite i n Byblos, see Lucian Syr. D. 6; for a sanctuary o f A p h r o - azusae o f Theocritus," fHS 58 (1938): 180-204, esp. pp. 191-92;
dite and Adonis i n Amathous, Cyprus, see Paus. 9.41.2. Cf. Atallah, pp. 134-35; Robertson, p. 344. Cf. Bion's late Hellenistic
Etymologicum Magnum s.v. "Adonia" — feast for Aphrodite; IG I P , nos. poem Lament for Adonis, on which, see most recently F. Manakidou,
1261 and 1290. "Bemerkungen über die Beziehung zwischen D i c h t u n g und b i l -
66. Détienne, pp. 101-10; B u r k e r t (supra, note 58), pp. dender Kunst: Bions Klage u m Adonis und Theokrits 15. I d y l l , "
100-101. Prometheus 20 (1994): 104-18. For a Pseudo-Theocritian poem
67. Robertson, esp. pp. 348, 354, w h o argues that the lament entitled To the Dead Adonis, see J. Labarbe, "Le sanglier amoureux,"
was later attached to the Byblian dying god worshiped i n spring AnnPhilHist 12 (1952): 263-82.
w h o personified a vicarious sacrifice. 78. Weill, p. 692; W i l l , pp. 96, 100. The celebration i n A l e x -
68. Burkert (supra, note 58), pp. 107—8; S. Ribichini, " I n t r o - andria, sponsored by Queen Arsinoë 11, was much more spectacular
duzione: Adonis tra ieri e domani: Prospettive e metodi di ricerca," and flamboyant. Reed, pp. 322-23, cautions that the use o f later
i n Adonis, pp. 11—15, esp. pp. 12—13. A n agricultural connection authors should take into account the context i n w h i c h they were
appeared again i n Roman times: Reed, p. 320. w r i t i n g , their purpose, as well as their audience.
'69. Simon, p. 479. 79. O u t o f ritual necessities i t appears that the return and
70. Atallah, pp. 94—95; J. H e r i n g t o n , Poetry into Drama death o f Adonis were celebrated at the same annual feast instead o f
(Berkeley, 1985), p. 57. Sappho may also have sung about the happy celebrating the second a few months after the first: Atallah, p. 139.
union o f the lovers: Atallah, p. 95. The myth o f Adonis was closely W h i l e Theokritos focuses on the u n i o n o f the lovers, B i o n laments
connected to poetry since its appearance, because singing was very their separation, thus b r i n g i n g out the tragic side o f the story:
important i n his cult: H . Tuzet, "Essai pour dégager les constantes et Manakidou (supra, note 77), p. 112.
la fonction d'un mythe: Adonis," i n Mythes, Images, Représentations, 80. Weill, pp. 674, 691; Atallah, pp. 2 7 0 - 7 3 ; E. Simon,
e
Actes du x i v C o n g r è s de Littérature Générale et C o m p a r é e "Aphrodite und Adonis: Eine neuerworbene Pyxis i n Würzburg,"
(Limoges, 1977), PP- 51-59, esp. p. 54. AntK 15 (1972): 20-26, esp. p. 23; A . S. F. Gow, Theocritus, vol. 2,
71. Fr. 140a; cf. the ritual refrain " O woe for Adonis" i n fr. Commentary (Cambridge, 1952), p. 264; R. P. de Vaux, "Sur quelques
168. I n the mid-fifth century another lyric poetess, Praxilla o f rapports entre Adonis et Osiris," RBibl 42 (1933): 31-36, esp.
Sikyon, composed a Hymn to Adonis, o f w h i c h only three verses sur- PP- 51, 53-54-
vive (fr. 747 PMG); they refer to the most pleasant things Adonis 81. O n the literary portrayal o f Paris and Helen's u n i o n as a
misses while i n the underworld: Atallah, p. 234; Weill, p. 679; Reed, marriage, even though it was adultery, see R. Seaford, "The Tragic
P- 334- Wedding," J H S 107 (1987): 106-30, esp. pp. 123-27.
72. For the continued worship o f Adonis i n Roman times, see 82. That not every divine sexual u n i o n can be called a hieros
the dedication by Philon: IG i v , no. 582. Robertson, pp. 340-42, gamos has been shown by A . Avagianou, Sacred Marriage in the
argues unconvincingly for an official celebration o f the Adonia i n Rituals of Greek Religion (Bern, 1991).
C o r i n t h , on the basis o f the name o f a month, Phoinikaios. 83. O n the association o f dancing w i t h the wedding celebra-
The abundant literary information about the celebration o f the tion, see Oakley and Sinos, pp. 14, 24-25. Music is an essential part
Adonia contrasts w i t h the scant archaeological evidence. B u t see o f the Adonis myth because his father, Kinyras, is closely associated
recently the evidence for the cult o f Adonis at Gravisca, i n Etruria, w i t h it: C. Grottanelli, "Da M y r r h a alia mirra: Adonis e i l profumo
modeled on the specific requirements o f the Greek ritual, albeit on dei re siriani," i n Adonis, pp. 35—60, esp. p. 4 1 . O n the role o f music
a public scale: M . Torelli, " I I santuario greco di Gravisca," PP 32 i n the Adonia ritual, see Servais-Soyez (supra, note 65).
î
( 977)'- 398-458, esp. pp. 443-44, and idem (supra, note 65); for 84. O n which, see West (supra, note 25), p. 92.
another A d o n i o n at Pyrgi, see ibid., pp. 265-68. 85. Theoc. Id. 15.111-17; G o w (supra, note 80), p. 298,
73. Cf. M e n . Sam. 35-38. As is clear from Ar. Lys. 387-98, all argues for a bridal feast being prepared for the lovers at Alexandria.
classes o f women took part i n the Adonia, including respectable cit- 86. Cf. the offering o f incense on rooftops to Baal, w h i c h
izens' wives. Détienne, pp. 65—66, is certainly w r o n g i n assuming parallels the Greek ritual and shows its Eastern origins: Burkert
that i t was a festival predominately celebrated by courtesans. (supra, note 58), p. 106. O n the offering o f incense i n the context
74. Torelli (supra, note 65), p. 256 and n. 85, p. 274, argues o f the Adonia, see H . Metzger, Les représentations dans la céramique
that the cult o f Adonis took on a more public character i n later e
attique du IV siècle (Paris, 1951), pp. 96-99, and Détienne, pp. 64-66,
periods. 114-16.
75. Paus. 2.20.6. The lamentation did not take place inside the 87. Paus. 5.15.10 reports on special sacrifices at Olympia per-
Temple o f Zeus the Savior, as J.J. Winkler (The Constraints of Desire: formed according to an ancient manner: on the altars they b u r n
The Anthropology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece [London, 1990], incense together w i t h wheat mixed w i t h honey. O n incense, see RE
p. 235 n. 2) and Reed (p. 319 n. 8) say, but i n a special building suppl. 15 (1978): 70off, esp. pp. 752f, s.v. "Weihrauch" (W. W.
nearby. Müller); Grottanelli (supra, note 83), p. 40; Détienne, pp. 37-59.
76. Ribichini 1979 (supra, note 61), p. 170; W i n k l e r (supra, 88. A t h . 12.51od; N . Himmelmann, Reading Greek Art (Prince-
note 75), p. 193; Reed, p. 319. The period o f the year for the cele- ton, 1998), p. 127; H . Lohmann, Grabmaler auf unteritalischen Vasen
bration may have varied as well. I t is generally agreed that i t took (Berlin, 1979), p. 80; Metzger (supra, note 86), p. 97; C M .
place i n late July w h e n Seirios, the D o g Star, rose, signaling the Edwards, "Aphrodite on a Ladder," Hesperia 53 (1984): 59-72, esp.
hottest time o f the year when all vegetation dried up: Weill, pp. p. 68 n. 60. Incense sacrifices to Aphrodite Ourania ("Queen o f
_
675 98- O n the discrepancy between Plutarch (Ale. 18.4-5; Mc. Heaven") were also offered i n the Semitic world: Jer. 44.17-19.
13.10—11), w h o associates the Adonia w i t h the departure o f the 89. Ov. Met. 10.514; Aphrodite sprinkled h i m w i t h perfume
fleet for Sicily i n midsummer (Thuc. 6.30), and Aristophanes (Lys. (Anth. Pal. vi.275) and anointed h i m w i t h m y r r h after his death
387—98), w h o places i t at the same time as the spring deliberations (Bion Lament for Adonis 77—78). O n myrrh, see A . Lucas, "Notes on
i n the assembly about the expedition, see J. Servais, "La date des M y r r h and Stacte," fEA 23 (1937): 27-33. The defining character-
Adonies d'Athènes et l'expédition de Sicile," i n Adonis, pp. 83-93. istic o f Adonis—his perfume—was preserved i n the oral tradition
77. Theoc. Id. 15. The Adonia at Alexandria as described by o f the eastern Mediterranean. I n modern tales he is an artificial
Theokritos are principally Greek i n character and could have been man fabricated by a princess out o f perfumes and spices: see
modeled on those o f Athens or Argos: A . S. F. Gow, "The Adoni- A . Angélopoulou, "Muscambre, fils de l'inceste," Homme: Revue
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 47

française d'anthropologie 28.1 (1988): 49-63. Reed, p. 329, argues that ipotesi interpretativa," NumAntCl 24 (1995): 133—72, esp. pp. 160—
Adonis's b i r t h from the m y r r h tree was a Greek addition based on 61, for gardens i n a Phoenician/Punic context i n Sicily.
their knowledge that m y r r h came from the East. 97. O n Adonis gardens i n general, see Atallah, pp. 211—28.
90. Theoc. Id. 15.114; cf. B i o n Lament for Adonis 77-78: 98. Suda 517 and 807; Plut. Mor. 56ob-c; T h e o p h . Hist. pi.
Grottanelli (supra, note 83), p. 55. The importance o f m y r r h i n the 1.12.2; Pl. Phdr. 276b; Détienne, pp. 102-4. I t is c o m m o n l y
Adonis myth and cult, stressed by Détienne, has been played d o w n assumed that Plato's reference gives an antiagricultural character to
by several scholars (G. Piccaluga, "Adonis e i profumi di u n certo the rite. The reference here, however, is not to the festival but to
strutturalismo," Maia 26 [1974]: 3 3 - 5 1 ; Servais-Soyez [supra, note p o t t e d plants as contrasted w i t h serious p l a n t i n g : Reed, pp.
65], p. 61 n. 3; Robertson, p. 352; Reed, p. 329), though the use o f 338-39-
aromatics as i n other Greek cults has not been excluded. 99. Reed, pp. 320, 327.
91. Ale. 18.5. There is no reason to suspect, as Robertson, p. 100. Détienne, i n his famous structural analysis o f the myth,
355, does, that the images mentioned by Plutarch belonged to his contrasted the worship o f Adonis, representing short-lived pleasure,
time rather than to fifth-century Athens. The images were not a w i t h that o f Demeter and long-term, fruitful work. He thus consid-
Greek addition since they were k n o w n also i n Byblos, Etruria ered Adonis the symbol o f unfruitful sensuality and seduction to be
(Pyrgi), and even Spain: Robertson, pp. 355-57. set against the marriage and reproduction celebrated at the Thes-
92. Letters of Courtesans 4.14.8 (Alkiphron's letters reflect mophoria. Detienne's study, however, has been criticized by several
fourth-century Athenian society); cf. Hesych. s.v. ASœvtSos KT¡7TOI; scholars for its r i g i d and selective handling o f the sources, w h i c h
Suda 517; A m m . Marc. 19.1.10-11 (for fourth-century-A.D. A n t i - results i n distortion o f the evidence (e.g., Piccaluga [supra, note 90];
och); Weill, pp. 683, 692; W i l l , p. 98. L . Leurini ("Il corallo, le statu- W i n k l e r [supra, note 75], esp. pp. 198-202; Reed).
ette e Adone: A proposito di Alciphr. iv.14,8," AnnPerugia 24 101. Gow (supra, note 80), p. 295; Reed, p. 328.
[1986—1987]: 31-40), on the basis o f the discovery o f coral i n the 102. One o f the Adoniazousai could have played the role o f
sanctuary o f Adonis at Gravisca (for which, see Torelli [supra, note the m o u r n i n g Aphrodite and the rest her entourage (Weill, p. 673
65], p. 254 and fig. 21), interprets the w o r d korallion used by n. 2), but all the w o m e n may have identified themselves w i t h the
A l k i p h r o n as coral. Conflating the evidence from two completely goddess at a certain level (E. Stehle, "Sappho's Gaze: Fantasies o f a
different areas o f the ancient w o r l d seems to me not only risky but es
Goddess and Young M a n , " differences 2.1 [1990]: 88—125, P- p- 5 ) - I 0

unnecessary, since different auxiliary elements could have been used 103. Ezekiel 8.14-15. For the cult o f Adonis i n Byblos during
i n the two areas. the Hellenistic and Roman times, see B. Soyez, Byblos et la fête des
93. Gow (supra, note 80), p. 265. Gow, p. 298, believes that Adonies (Leiden, 1977); for the significant differences between the
the couch was for the wedding banquet, while W i l l , pp. 98-99, Greek and the Byblian Adonia, see Ribichini 1979 (supra, note 61),
believes i t was for the consummation o f the wedding. The two P- 173-
events, however, are not mutually exclusive. 104. The annual ritual o f m o u r n i n g was instituted by A p h r o -
94. For a list o f vases related to the Adonia, see Atallah, pp. dite i n remembrance o f Adonis's death: Ov. Met. 10.725—27.
177-207 and 211-28; L. E. Roller, "Foreign Cults i n Greek Vase Cf. Bion's text, w h i c h focuses on the suffering o f Aphrodite as
Painting," i n J. Christiansen andT. Melander, eds., Ancient Greek and much as on that o f Adonis: V. A . Estévez, "'ATTOSXCTO KOKOS 'ASœvis: A
Related Pottery, pp. 506-15, esp. pp. 506-9 (Copenhagen, 1988). See Description o f Bion's Refrain," Maia 33 (1981): 35-42, esp. p. 37.
also A . P. Zarkadas, "Mía Trapáoraori rœv Ahœviow arirj ÀTJKVÔO 6471 105. Similar preparations for a funeral can be detected i n
rod MOVG€LOV rrjs'AitpoTToÁecos,"Hows 7 (1989): 137—43, and E. J. Theoc. Id. 15.100—44 and B i o n Lament for Adonis 68—98: see Estévez
Stafford, "A Wedding Scene? Notes on Akropolis 6471," fHS 117 (supra, note 104), pp. 4 0 - 4 1 , and Manakidou (supra, note 77), pp.
(1997): 200-202, for two alternative interpretations o f a late fifth- 111-12.
century lekythos i n Athens. Many o f these depictions are contro- 106. W i l l , pp. 98—99; R. Hunter, Theocritus and the Archaeology
versial, esp. those that show women i n connection w i t h incense of Greek Poetry (Cambridge, 1996), p. 130; cf. B i o n Lament for
burners and ladders: Atallah, figs. 44-47; Edwards (supra, note 88), Adonis 70—74.
pp. 67—68 and n. 58; Servais-Soyez, nos. 48—49. These have been 107. Balestrazzi (supra, note 96), p. 160; Ribichini 1981 (supra,
associated by several scholars w i t h the Adonia (Metzger [supra, note 61), pp. 104—7. Cf. the Alexandrian Adonia, w h i c h also takes
note 86], pp. 97—98; I . Wehgartner, "Das ideal massvoller Liebe place i n a garden inside the palace precinct. The gardens have
auf einem attischen Vasenbild," fdl 102 [1987]: 185-97, esp. p. 194 attracted different interpretations that range from fertility charm to
n. 41), w i t h the ladders being used for the installation o f the gardens sexual joke: de Vaux (supra, note 80), p. 34; Atallah, p. 323; Weill,
up on the roofs. Contra: Edwards (supra, note 88), esp. pp. 64-72, p. 696; W i n k l e r (supra, note 75), esp. pp. 204—6; G. Pilitsis, "The
and A . N e p p i M o d o n a ( nelle Gardens o f Adonis i n Serres Today," Journal of Modern Greek Studies 3
raffigurazioni vascolari attiche," RendPontAcc 27 [1951-1954]: 177— (1985): 145-66, esp. pp. 152-53. The withering o f the plants may
87, esp. pp. 185—86), w h o interpreted these depictions as wedding not have been a deliberate part o f the festival enacting the sudden
ceremonies and related them to the realm o f Aphrodite Ourania. and violent death o f the youth but what simply happened naturally
Even i f this is so, the ladder i n these scenes may still have alluded to at the end o f the festivities: Reed, pp. 324-25, 338.
the u n i o n o f Aphrodite and Adonis, or specifically to the ánodos o f 108. Cf. the ialemos sung by the singer at the Alexandrian
Adonis from the underworld. Adonia the year before, and probably Bion's poem: Atallah, pp. 112—
95. Theoph. Hist. pi. 6.7.3; Hesychios and Suda (supra, note 13; Estévez (supra, note 104), p. 36.
92). I n the more flamboyant royal festival at Alexandria, silver pots 109. Cf. B i o n Lament for Adonis 4 and 8 1 .
were used to contain the gardens: Theoc. Id. 15.113—14. n o . Theoc. Id. 15.133; Gow (supra, note 80), p. 301; W i l l ,
96. M e n . Sam. 45, on w h i c h see S. Weill, "La fête d'Adonis p. 100. Presumably something similar happened i n Athens during
2
dans la Samienne de Ménandre," BCH 94 (1970): 591-93. Cf. the the ekphora: Plut. Ale. 18.5; cf. IG 11 , no. 1261. The place o f dis-
cityscape paintings from the villa at Boscoreale w i t h plants growing posal i n Athens may be either the sea (Eust. ad Od. 11.590, p.
inside broken pots placed on the roofs: Atallah, pp. 222-24, fig. 65; 1701.45) or springs (Zen. 1.49).
Lehmann (supra, note 54), pp. 125-28, p i . x x x . Gardens and in. Weill, p. 691; Atallah, p. 265.
rooftop celebrations are also attested i n Syro-Palestine: Robertson, 112. Theoc. Id. 15.143-44.
p. 346; cf. E . D P. Balestrazzi, " I I giovane di Mozia: Una nuova 113. De Vaux (supra, note 80), p. 54; W i l l , p. 101; U . Bianchi,
48 Salapata

"Adonis: Attualità di una interpretazione religionsgeschichtlich" i n 128. As also shown by Dionysios's tragedy (see supra,
Adonis, pp. 7 3 - 8 1 , esp. p. 76. p. 36).
114. The culmination o f these rites to the resurrection o f 129. Servais-Soyez (supra, note 65), pp. 64-65. For examples
Adonis was only added i n the imperial period, and w i t h certainty o f scenes o f the dispute, seeTorelli (supra, note 65), pp. 272-73 and
only i n Alexandria. Influenced by the contact and syncretism w i t h n. 181.
the m y t h and cult o f Osiris, the cult now assumed a soteriological 130. Contrast a bronze Corinthian m i r r o r o f ca. 300, where
character, offering the hope o f resurrection to his worshipers: Aphrodite and Adonis are each seated on a rocky outcrop facing
P. Lambrechts, "La 'résurrection' d'Adonis," AnnPhilHist 13 (1953): each other: Servais-Soyez, no. 13; see also an Attic relief oinochoe
207—40, esp. p. 237; de Vaux (supra, note 80), esp. p. 54; Servais- o f the end o f the fifth century i n the Hermitage (inv. no. 108k)
Soyez, pp. 222, 229. W i l l , pp. 100—104, rejects the resurrection w i t h Aphrodite sitting across from Adonis (E. A . Zervoudaki,
phase even for the Roman period. "Attische polychrome Reliefkeramik des spàten 5. und des 4. Jahr-
115. Ar. Peace 420. hunderts v. Chr.," A M 83 [1968]: 1-88, esp. p. 32, no. 59, pis. 3, 4.3;
116. Adonis or Adoniazousai: Atallah, pp. 101—3; W i n k l e r Servais-Soyez, no. 9); the presence o f Peitho and the distance
(supra, note 75), p. 190. For Plato's comedy, see G. Berger-Doer, between the partners may indicate that this is an early stage i n the
"Adonis," AntK 22 (1979): 119-25, esp. p. 124. Phaon was also a love affair.
popular subject for comedies: B u r n 1987, p. 42. 131. Servais-Soyez, pp. 228-29. See, e.g., a relief lekythos i n
117. Fr. i TrGF, as quoted i n A t h . 9.40if; W Suess, "Der Berlin: Atallah, p. 171 and fig. 34; a bronze relief mirror from
altere Dionys als Tragiker," RhM 109 (1966): 299-318, esp. pp. 313 — C o r i n t h : Servais-Soyez, no. 12.
17; Atallah, pp. 70-72; Simon, pp. 480-82. 132. Florence, Mus. Arch. Naz. 81948: Atallah, pp. 202-3;
118. Even i n Alexandria, where the festival had a more public Servais-Soyez, no. 10; B u r n 1987, pp. 4 0 - 4 4 , pis. 22-25a.
character, the emphasis is on women, as shown by the sponsor, 133. B u r n 1991, pp. 118-19.
Queen Arsinoë 11, the narration through the eyes o f two women, 134. Naples, Mus. Arch. Naz. SA 702: Servais-Soyez, no. 5. A t
and the singer w h o is also female: Grottanelli (supra, note 83), p. 57. the head o f Adonis are M y r r h a and a nurse (Simon, p. 481) or
I n Theokritos's poem, the glamour and romance o f the idealized Aphrodite and Persephone (Berger-Doer [supra, note 116], p. 123).
m y t h are emphasized and contrasted w i t h the mundane life o f the O n the scene above, Aphrodite and Persephone appeal to Zeus.
real women, as their feelings toward Adonis are set against those 135. As Berger-Doer (supra, note 116), p. 123; B u r n 1991,
toward their husbands: F. T. Griffiths, Theocritus at Court, M n e m o - p. 119; and Simon, p. 481, believe; Simon relates it to Dionysios's
syne: Bibliotheca classica Batave, suppl. 5 (Leiden, 1979), pp. 116—19. tragedy.
119. J . N . Bremmer, Greek Religion (Oxford, 1994), p. 80. 136. Cf. J. R. Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of
120. Roller (supra, note 94), p. 508. The public display o f emo- Sexuality in Roman Art, 100 B.C.—A.D. 230 (Berkeley, 1998), pp. 68—
tion, however, and the disorderly behavior o f the women during the 70; cf. Torelli (supra, note 65), p. 272, suggests that it denotes
festival appeared undignified i n the eyes o f Athenian men, who may contemplation.
have perceived i t as a threat to social order; they thus made dis- 137. J. D. Beazley, "The W o r l d o f the Etruscan M i r r o r , " JHS
paraging comments about the indecency and disorder and i n general 69 (1949): i—17, esp. pp. 10-12; Atallah, figs. 36-38; Torelli (supra,
presented a negative view o f the festival through their literature (Ar. note 72), pp. 443-44; idem (supra, note 65), pp. 233-34.
Lys. 387-98; Plut. Ale. 18.4-5; Plut. Nie. 1 3 . 1 0 - n ) . Reed, p. 339, 138. Atallah, p. 84; Servais-Soyez, nos. 38-39; M . Koortbojian,
rightly suggests that the male aversion to this exotic festival could Myth, Meaning, and Memory on Roman Sarcophagi (Berkeley, 1995),
also have been connected w i t h xenophobia. For recent attempts to pp. 3 7 - 4 1 , esp. p. 40; cf. also a recently discovered Hellenistic
distinguish the female perspective o f the Adonia but also to under- figurine from a grave i n Veroia, i n w h i c h a naked Aphrodite
stand h o w men dealt w i t h this exotic divinity, see Reed; W i n k l e r embraces the dying Adonis, w h o is lying on a bed, w i t h a female
(supra, note 75); G. Holst-Warhaft, Dangerous Voices: Women's mourner i n attendance: K . Tzanavari,
Laments and Greek Literature (London, 1992); and Stehle (supra, W o TTJ Bepoia" i n AMHTOZ (Thessaloniki, 1987), 2: 861—70.
note 102). Other standard themes on sarcophagi include the farewell between
121. O n amorous couples i n South Italian vase-painting, see the lovers and the fatal hunt itself, see Koortbojian (supra, this note),
Cassimatis. For an ideal representation o f erotic couples based on esp. pp. 1 8 - 6 1 . Representations o f the death o f Adonis during the
divine couples, esp. those o f Dionysos w i t h Ariadne and Aphrodite hunt do not appear before the second century, w h i c h accords w i t h
w i t h Adonis, see Cassimatis, esp. pp. 76—77, 83—84. Her schema A the later date o f the appearance o f the m o t i f i n literature; the earli-
(pp. 77—80), showing embracing couples i n a bed or chair w i t h the est reference to a boar hunt, successfully ended w i t h the death o f
woman i n ecstatic pose, is particularly close to the Getty couple. the animal, is found i n the few surviving lines o f the tragedy o f
_
122. Metzger (supra, note 86), pp. 101-54, 5 9 9 9 - Cf. a Dionysios (see supra, p. 36). The death scene is especially popular on
Pompeian painting (Naples, Mus. Arch. Naz. 8996), almost certainly Roman sarcophagi, where it provided a heroic model and assumed a
a copy o f a Greek original, depicting the seated Perseus and symbolic meaning since, w i t h his t r i u m p h over death, Adonis gave
Andromeda i n a similar embrace: J.-P. Descoeudres, Pompeii Revisited his worshipers hope for resurrection: Atallah, p. 77 and figs. 11-16;
(Sydney, 1994), p. 97, fig. 6 1 . Koortbojian (supra, this note), p. 22.
123. Plut. Symposiaca 4.3b; B u r n 1991, p. 122. 139. Cf. an inscribed Adonis on an Etruscan mirror, similarly
124. Y o u r i (supra, note 53), p. 19; Cassimatis, p. 77. seated on a rock and draped i n the same fashion: Servais-Soyez,
125. B u r n 1991, pp. 118 and 122; see also Metzger (supra, no. 20.
note 86), p. 119, no. 23, p i . xiv.2a; LIMC 3 (1986), s.v. "Dionysos," 140. Cf. the same pose on the relief oinochoe i n the H e r m i -
nos. 719, 720, 835. tage (supra, note 130), where the identity o f the youth is inscrip-
126. For bibl. on the history o f this motif, often depicted i n tionally secure.
Apulian art, see I . S. Mark, "The Gods on the East Frieze o f the 141. V. Sabetai, "Aspects o f Nuptial and Genre Imagery i n
Parthenon," Hesperia 53 (1984): 289-342, esp. p. 296 n. 35; LIMC 2 Fifth-Century Athens: Issues o f Interpretation and Methodology," i n
(1984), s.v. "Aphrodite," nos. 243, 244, 246. J. H . Oakley, W. D. E. Coulson, and O. Palagia, eds., Athenian Potters
127. Wehgartner (supra, note 94), p. 187; B u r n 1987, pp. 4 0 - and Painters, pp. 319-35, esp. p. 328 and nn. 51-52 (Oxford, 1997);
44, pis. 27-29. Bezantakos (supra, note 30), pp. 57-58, 66, 84-117.
 An Exceptional Pair of Terra-cotta Arulae from South Italy 49

142. Cf. Edwards (supra, note 88), pp. 61-62; Oakley and and Organisation, Proceedings o f the 10th Symposium o f the
Sinos, pp. 16-20. International Study Group on Music Archaeology, Foundation
143. Oakley and Sinos, p. 30; see, e.g., fig. 118. Kloster Michaelstein (forthcoming).
144. O n a late Apulian volute-krater by the Baltimore Painter, 157. Lepore (supra, note 153), pp. 101—3 and fig. 9; H . R. W.
a standing Adonis lifts his himation w i t h his left hand i n a gesture Smith, Funerary Symbolism in Apulian Vase-Painting (Berkeley, 1976),
similar to that on the Getty arula: Geneva, Sciclounoff coll.; A . D. pl. 2 5d; A . D. Trendall, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and
Trendall, Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily: A Handbook Sicily, Third Supplement (London, 1983), p. 237 and p i . x x v u . 5 - 6 .
(London, 1989), fig. 251. 158. Bélis (supra, note 152), pp. 19—20. The association o f
145. For women attending an erotic couple, see Cassimatis, these two instruments may reflect the religious syncretism between
esp. pp. 77-83; for another scene w i t h the divine couple depicted Aphrodite and Dionysos that took place i n the West during the
together w i t h attendant women w h o are performing ritual acts, see fourth century: Lepore (supra, note 153), p. 103; Greco (supra, note
Zarkadas (supra, note 94), esp. p. 141. 153), p. 15.
146. Cf. B u r n 1987, p. 33, on the Meidias Painter's liking for 159. Cf. H . S. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman
variety i n hairstyles; see also a scene w i t h the Muses on a chous by Religion, vol. 1, Ter Unus (Leiden, 1990), p. 148.
the Eretria Painter: A . Lezzi-Hafter, "Offerings Made to Measure: 160. Simon, pp. 479-80. I n the surviving lines o f Dionysios's
Two Special Commissions by the Eretria Painter for Apollonia tragedy the hunter, almost certainly Adonis, is dedicating the claws
Pontica," i n Oakley, Coulson, and Palagia (supra, note 141), pp. o f the boar to the Nymphs, his helpers at birth. Cf. the attending
3 53-69, esp. p. 358, fig. 10. women on the Apulian pelike i n Naples (here fig. 5) identified by
147. B e r g e r - D o e r (supra, note 116), p. 123. A w o m a n Simon, p. 481, as Nymphs. Simon also suggests that i n Dionysios's
(Elektra?), her head covered by her himation, approaches the grave tragedy the chorus consisted again o f Nymphs; cf. also Sappho's
stele o f Agamemnon (ca. 440): LIMC 3 (1986), s.v. "Elektra" 1, no. fragment (see supra, p. 34). The Nymphs lament Adonis i n Bion's
34; cf. Mayo and Hamma (supra, note 37), pp. 116—17, no. 38. Lament for Adonis 19. For Nymphs as assistants i n the b i r t h and care
148. See a mid-fifth-century terra-cotta relief from Melos: o f children, see F. G. Ballentine, "Some Phases o f the Cult o f the
A. D. Trendall and T. B. L . Webster, Illustrations of Greek Drama Nymphs," HSCP 15 (1904): 77-119.
(Edinburgh, 1971), p. 4 1 , m 1.1. For prothesis scenes, see H . A . 161. Ballentine (supra, note 160), pp. 97—106.
Shapiro, "The Iconography o f M o u r n i n g i n Athenian A r t , " AJA 95 162. O n Nymphs i n general, see LIMC 8 (1997), supp., s.v.
(1991): 629-56. " N y m p h a i , " pp. 891—902 ( M . Halm-Tisserant and G. Siebert).
149. Ridgway (supra, note 26), p. 48. 163. Cf. the Meidias Painter hydria (here fig. 4), where
150. J. Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases: The Classical Pannychis, evoking the nocturnal celebrations o f the Adonia, beats
Period (London, 1989), fig. 294. the tympanon for Eros to dance: B u r n 1987, p. 43.
151. Cf. Koortbojian (supra, note 138), p. 2 1 . For examples o f 164. Lissarrague (supra, note 56); Harrison (supra, note 33) 43;
a bridesmaid making gestures usually associated w i t h the bride, see Briimmer, pp. 94—168.
V. Sabetai, "The Washing Painter: A C o n t r i b u t i o n to the Wedding 165. H . Lohmann, "Das M o t i v der mors immatura i n der grie-
and Genre Iconography i n the Second H a l f o f the Fifth Century chischen Grabkunst," i n H . Froning, T. Holscher, and H . Mielsch,
B . C . " (Ph.D. Diss., Univ. o f Cincinnati, 1993), p. 101 n. 398. eds., Kotinos: Festschriftfür Erika Simon, pip. 103—13, esp. pp. no—11
152. M . Wegner, Das Musikleben der Griechen (Berlin, 1949), (Mainz am Rhein, 1992); Lissarrague (supra, note 56), pp. 98—99;
p. 65; A . Bélis, "Musique et transe dans le cortège dionysiaque," Briimmer, pp. 109-12 and 134-51. J. Reilly ("Many Brides: ' M i s -
i n Transe et théâtre, Cahiers du GÎTA, no. 4 (Dec. 1988): 9-29, esp. tress and M a i d ' on Athenian Lekythoi," Hesperia 58 [1989]: 411—44,
pp. 13-19; D. Paquette, L'instrument de musique dans la céramique de la esp. pp. 417, 421) and Briimmer (pp. 144—49) have shown that
Grèce antique (Paris, 1984), pp. 205—6; West (supra, note 25), p. 124. chests and caskets do not appear i n simple scenes o f the gynaikeion
O n the Apulian tympanon, see D i Giulio (supra, note 27), pp. but i n those related specifically to weddings.
110-13. 166. Oakley and Sinos, pp. 39, 45.
2
153. Wegner (supra, note 152), p. 65; E. Greco, Il pittore di 167. ARV 11, 1328: Briimmer, fig. 35c!.
Afrodite (Benevento, 1970), p. 15; L . Lepore, " I l sistro itálico: Stru- 168. Lohmann (supra, note 165), p. i n w i t h references i n
mento, attributo, oggetto di culto," Imago Musicae 8 (1991): 95—107, n. 87; Briimmer, pp. 112, 135—38. E.g., a hydria by the Jena Painter
esp. p. 101 and figs. 7—8 (I owe this reference to Yiorgos Polyzos); w i t h Paris and Helen seated on a chest: Boardman (supra, note 150),
cf. Ar. Lys. 388, where the tympana mentioned i n association w i t h fig. 362. By analogy w i t h wedding imagery, a woman sitting on
Sabazios may also have referred to the Adonis celebrations. a chest i n grave monuments and vases indicates the deceased w h o
154. The most comprehensive studies on this instrument are: is properly equipped, i n this case w i t h real gifts or ceremonies:
G. Schneider-Herrmann, "Das X y l o p h o n i n der Vasenmalerei Siid- Briimmer, p. 154 and figs. 11c, 15b, 33c.
Italiens," i n J. S. Boersma et al., eds., Festoen A. N. Zadoks-Josephus 169. Richter (supra, note 32), fig. 387; Harrison (supra, note
Jitta, pp. 517—26 (Groningen, 1976); eadem, " D i e 'kleine Leiter': 33), esp. pp. 42—43; O. Palagia, The Pediments of the Parthenon
Addenda zum X y l o p h o n auf italischen Vasen," BABesch 52—53 (Leiden, 1993), p. 20.
(1977-1978): 265-67; P. Zancani-Montuoro, "Francavilla Marittima 170. Ibid. I n a forthcoming catalogue o f terra-cottas i n the
A) Necropoli," AttiMGrecia, n.s., 15-17 (1974-1976): 9-106, esp. Getty Museum, Maria Lucia Ferruzza w i l l argue that the woman
27-40; E. Keuls, "The Apulian 'Xylophone': A Mysterious Musical seated on the chest is indeed Kore. The daughter o f Demeter, h o w -
Instrument Identified," AJA 83 (1979): 476-77; Lepore (supra, note ever, like brides i n general, commonly wears a chiton and himation
153). For the most recent summary, see West (supra, note 25), pp. and bears distinguishing attributes such as a torch: see LIMC 7.2
126-28. (1994), s.v. "Persephone." For the dress o f the bride, see L . J .
155. Zancani-Montuoro (supra, note 154), pp. 27-40 and pis. Róceos, "The Kanephoros and Her Festival Mantle i n Greek A r t , "
ix-xi. AJA 99 (1995): 641-66, esp. p. 655 n. 106 (based on pictures i n
156. I n another paper I discuss an alternative reconstruction i n Oakley and Sinos).
w h i c h the metal crossbars might produce notes o f different pitch. 171. O n late fourth-century vases youths, gods, or satyrs
See "The Apulian 'Sistrum': Monotone or Melodic?" i n E. H i c k - sometimes sit on chests: Briimmer, pp. 135, 138 and fig. 33d.
mann and R.Eichmann, eds., The Archaeology of Early Sound: Origin 172. For caskets i n scenes related to Adonis, see Berger-Doer
50 Saíapata

(supra, note 116), p l . 38.2 (being opened by a woman), and B u r n (supra, note 2), p. 138; Belvedere (supra, note 19), pp. 105-7, w i t h
1991, p. 118 and fig. 7a (used by one o f the attending women to a late fifth-century arula from Himera illustrated on p i . x x v . i , 3;
put her foot on). Peitho, identified by an inscription, stands between see also the one from Pantikapaion, supra, note 3; Van der Meijden,
Adonis and Aphrodite on the relief oinochoe i n the Hermitage (see pp. 154, 167-69.
supra, note 130). O n the close association o f Peitho and Aphrodite 194. P. Orlandini, "Arule arcaiche a rilievo nel Museo Nazio-
and Peitho's presence i n nuptial contexts, see B u r n 1987, p. 33; nale di Gela," RM 66 (1959): 97-103, esp. p. 102; Wuilleumier
H . A . Shapiro, Personifications in Greek Art (Zurich, 1993), pp. 1 8 6 - (supra, note 188), p. 48. Van der Meijden, p. 164 n. 986, argues that
207; Oakley and Sinos, p. 17; R. G. A . Buxton, Persuasion in Greek the absence o f traces o f fire does not exclude the use o f arulae for
Tragedy: A Study of Peitho (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 31-48. the burning o f offerings, since hot coals do not leave such traces on
173. Cassimatis, p. 78 and fig. 2; cf. LIMC 4 (1988), s.v. terra-cotta surfaces.
"Helene," no. 118. See also a Muse sitting on a trunk: Brümmer, 195. Ricciotti, p. 15; Fischer-Hansen (supra, note 16), p. 7. Van
p. 150 n. 717 and fig. 35b. der Meijden, pp. 154, 189-90, concludes, albeit w i t h reservations,
174. O n the m o t i f and its development, see T. D o h r n , that there is no concrete relationship between decoration and func-
"Gefaltete und verschrànkte Hànde," Jdl 70 (1955): 50-80. tion, or decoration and findspot; cf. Paoletti (supra, note 4), p. 372.
175. M . - C . Tzannes, "Kraters, Libations and Dionysiac 196. Van der Meijden, p. 157; for arulae found i n residential
Imagery i n Early South Italian Red-figure," i n O. Palagia, ed., Greek r
areas, see pp. 169—77; f ° arulae found i n cemeteries, see Orlandini
Offerings: Essays on Greek Art in Honour of John Boardman, pp. 1 4 5 - (supra, note 194), p. 102; Van der Meijden, pp. 177-80.
58, esp. p. 151 and n. 45 (Oxford, 1997). 197. Van der Meijden, pp. 167-68.
176. M a i d e n : W . Riezler, Weifigrundige attische Lekythen 198. Williams (supra, note 2), pp. 137-40; Van der Meijden,
(Munich, 1914), p i . 64; Achilles: LIMC 1 (1981), s.v. 'Achilleus," pp. 169, 189.
no. 479, p i . 107.2; Elektra: LIMC 3 (1986), s.v. "Elektra," no. 6, p i . 199. Williams (supra, note 2), p. 138; Van der Meijden, p. 154.
543-3- O n offering tables, see Yavis, pp. 224-25, w i t h bibl.
177. Paus. 10.31.5; cf. the krater by the N i o b i d Painter: 200. Yavis, pp. 171-72; Orlandini (supra, note 194), p. 102;
Boardman (supra, note 150), fig. 4.2. Ricciotti, pp. 13-14 w i t h bibl.; cf. Rupp, p. 292, on the similar use
178. K . Friis Johansen, The Iliad in Early Greek Art (Copen- o f small stone altars.
hagen, 1967), p. 168; Phaidra is also seated i n this pose, w i t h a sad 201. Williams (supra, note 2), p. 138; Van der Meijden, p. 169;
expression because o f her suffering and hands tied because she does thymiateria were mostly closed vessels, often pierced; they were t y p i -
not k n o w what to do: LIMC 7.2 (1994), s.v. "Phaidra," no. 11. cally placed on top o f tall stands. The most recent study is by C.
Ares' pose has been associated w i t h an attempt to magically inhibit Zaccagnino, // thymiaterion nel mondo greco: Analisi dette fonti, tipología,
an action: A . M . Nicgorski, "Gentlemen D o n ' t H u g Their Knees: impieghi (Rome, 1998).
Quarrelsome Ares and Some Hostile Postures," AJA 99 (1995): 316. 202. Van der Meijden, p. 180. Paoletti (supra, note 4), pp.
179. Muse (but not w i t h downcast head): Ferrara T. 127; 375-76, cautions against using cases o f reuse o f arulae i n areas o f
F. Berti, II museo archeologico nazionale di Ferrara (Bologna, 1983), cemeteries as evidence o f their funerary use.
p. 113 and fig. 6 1 ; maenad: Naples, Mus. Arch. Naz. H 2411 (inv. 203. D. Ricciotti, Roma medio-repubblicana: Catalogo della mostra
82922); Tzannes (supra, note 175), p. 150, fig. 11. (Rome, 1973), p. 74.
180. See, e.g., D. C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi (Oxford, 204. Orlandini (supra, note 194), p. 102; Rupp, pp. 504-5; Van
1975), pis. 38.2 and 44.1. der Meijden, pp. 179-80, 189.
181. Victoria Sabetai suggested to me that the woman seated 205. Unless, o f course, the seated woman represents a mortal
on the casket may instead be a deceased mortal bride, saddened over bride i n whose funerary rites the arulae were used (see supra, note
her o w n premature death (personal communication 1999). 181).
182. Cf. B u r n 1991, p. 119; Harrison (supra, note 33), p. 43. 206. For m y r r h as usual perfume for the bride and bride-
183. Louvre 1728; Atallah, pp. 290-92, fig. 72; Servais-Soyez, groom, see Oakley and Sinos, p. 16.
no. 6. 207. Terra-cotta, rather than marble, may have been preferred
184. For the use o f wedding imagery i n scenes o f union other not only because o f the lower cost but also to ensure the portability
than real weddings, see Oakley and Sinos, pp. 12—13. o f the arulae; terra-cotta w o u l d have been a suitable option i n an
185. Hunter (supra, note 106), pp. 127—30; Hunter also notes area w i t h excellent terra-cotta artists.
the great difference o f this song from songs performed at real 208. The protagonists o f the Idyll are Syracusans; Theokritos
Adonis festivals. himself was b o r n i n Syracuse around 315. Thus the Alexandria
186. Bernabô-Brea (supra, note 24), pp. 5, 7. Adonia may reflect practices also current i n South Italy and Sicily
187. H . Herdejiirgen, Getter, Menschen und Ddmonen: Terra- 209. O n nuptial motifs taken from wedding scenes and applied
kotten aus Unteritalien (Basel, 1978), p. 14. to other scenes to w h i c h they bestow nuptial connotations, see
188. P. Wuilleumier, "Br٦le-parfums en terre-cuite," MEFRA Sabetai (supra, note 141).
46 (1929): 43-76, esp. pp. 4 9 - 6 1 ; Wuilleumier (supra, note 39), 210. Cf. Fischer-Hansen (supra, note 16), pp. 8, 13.
pp. 432-36; Van der Meijden, pp. 144-45, 187; see also his table 6 211. B u r n 1987, p. 19; Reilly (supra, note 165), p. 431.
(p- 377) w i t h a catalogue o f fifty-eight Tarentine arulae. 212. Wuilleumier (supra, note 188), p. 53; Lepore (supra, note
189. Van der Meijden, p. 187. 153), p. 104; Metzger (supra, note 86), p. 89 n. 1.
190. E. Lippolis, S. Garaffo, and M . Nafissi, Taranto, C u l t i 213. H . Cassimatis, Le lébès à anses dressées italiote, Cahiers du
greci i n Occidente, vol. 1 (Taranto, 1995), 170—72; Van der M e i j - Centre Jean Bérard, no. 15 (Naples, 1993), p. 135 n. 10. For caution
den, pp. 186—87; Wuilleumier (supra, note 188), p. 53 and figs. 2—3; needed to avoid conflating the evidence from different areas i n order
Wuilleumier (supra, note 39), pp. 493-94. to be able to distinguish between the local and panhellenic divine
191. O n the relation between altars and arulae, see Van der personality o f a deity, see Sourvinou-Inwood (supra, note 56), pp.
Meijden, pp. 155-57. 147-88.
192. O n the use o f arulae i n general, see Ricciotti, pp. 13—15, 214. Cf. B i o n Lament for Adonis 98; J . - M . Moret, "Les départs
and Van der Meijden, pp. 153-83. des Enfers dans l'imagerie apulienne," RA 1993: 293-351, esp. p. 340.
193. Yavis, pp. 171-72; Rupp, pp. 464, 484-85; Williams 215. Tzanavari (supra, note 138), p. 870.
IMAGES OF A L E X A N D E R T H E GREAT I N T H E G E T T Y MUSEUM

Janet B u r n e t t Grossman

Thirty-five objects i n the Antiquities collection o f the Bibliography: B. Fredricksen, The J . Paul Getty Museum
Getty Museum bear a likeness o f Alexander the Great. (Malibu, 1975), pp. 26-27; Guidebook, The J. Paul Getty
Artifacts made i n a variety o f media are represented, Museum, 3rd edn. (Malibu, 1976), pp. 47-48; ibid., 4th
including stone sculptures, bronze statuettes, a terra­ edn. (Malibu, 1978), pp. 29-30; Frel 1979a, p. 7, no. 20;
cotta relief, engraved gems, and silver coins. While M . Andronikos, K. Rhomiopoulou, and N . Yalouris, The
Search for Alexander: An Exhibition (New York, 1980), p.
some o f the pieces have been published previously,
101, no. 6, pi. 2; C. C. Vermeule, Greek Art: Sokrates to
others are unpublished, and they have never before
Sulla (Boston, 1980), pp. 55, 59, 126, fig. 71A; Frel 1981,
been brought together as a group. The impetus for
pp. 68—69, no. 19; C. C. Vermeule, Greek and Roman
treating them as such comes from a small exhibition on Sculpture in America (Malibu, 1981), p. 132, no. 101; Frel
images o f Alexander the Great i n the collections o f the 1984, p. 8 1 , no. 23; Handbook, The J. Paul Getty
1
Departments o f Antiquities and Manuscripts. Lay and Museum (Malibu, 1986), p. 32; ibid. (Los Angeles, 1997),
scholarly audiences alike demonstrate a continuing p. 23; L. Giuliani, Bildnis und Botschaft: Hermeneutische
interest i n the Hellenistic ruler as evidenced both by Untersuchungen zur romischen Republik (Frankfurt, 1986),
other recent exhibitions and by a sizable annual volume pp. 153-55, pl- 34; Smith 1988, pp. 47, 67, 158, no. 16,
of books and articles. 2
??? ????? ?? ???????? ????? ?????????? ?? ??????????? ????
Haven, 1990), pp. 191-92, fig. 576; B. S. Ridgway, Hel­
In addition to the thirty-five portraits o f Alexander
lenistic Sculpture, vol. 1, The Styles of ca. 331-200 B . c .
in the Getty Museum there are five objects i n the col­
(Madison, 1990), pp. 116, 134-35; Stewart 1993, pp. 43,
lection that have characteristics either influenced by or
3
66-67, 116-21, 209-14, 284, 336, 438-39, pl. 2, figs.
resembling Alexander the Great. Some may, in fact, also
16, 146-49; Masterpieces of the f. Paul Getty Museum:
be portraits o f the Macedonian king. The forty objects Antiquities (Los Angeles, 1997), p. 6 1 .
are presented below i n two categories, the first being
those that can definitely be identified as portraits of The slightly larger than life-size head belongs to a prob­
Alexander, and the second being Alexander-like images. ably commemorative monument composed o f several
figures, including Alexander's companion Hephais-
PORTRAITS OF A L E X A N D E R 4
t i o n . The fragments o f the monument are carved i n a
5
manner consistent w i t h late Classical Attic sculpture.
i . Portrait Head (figs, i a - d ) The head itself bears signs o f secondary carving: the
left ear is carved into the hair, the right locks i n front
Greek, said to be from Megara, about 320 B . C .
of the ear are shortened, individual hair strands and the
6

Fine-grained white marble, analyzed i n 1989 as lower eyelids are redrawn, and the face is polished. A n
Parian; H . : 27.5 cm; chin to hairline: 20 cm. indentation encircling the head also appears to be a
secondary cutting, probably made to hold a metal
73.AA.27 wreath or royal diadem.
52 Grossman

Figure i a. Portrait head o f Alexander the Great. Front. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 73.AA.27.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 53

Figure i b . Right side o f portrait, figure ia. Figure i c . Left side o f portrait, figure ia.

None o f the fragments shows signs o f weathering,

indicating that the monument to which they belonged
was covered. Stewart reconstructs a multifigured sacri­
ficial scene comparable to those seen on Attic votive
7
reliefs.
While this head portrays Alexander as youthful, the
portrait undoubtedly was not carved until after his
death at the age o f 32. The portrait type combines ele­
ments o f Alexander's actual appearance w i t h features
8
of ideal representations o f gods and heroes. While the
head shows a vague resemblance to other singleton
portraits, such as the head from Yannitsa i n Pella, no
9
copies o f this portrait are known.

Figure i d . Back o f portrait, figure ia.

54 Grossman

Figure 2a. Statuette o f Alexander the Great holding a lance (arms and lance now missing).
Front. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 73.AA.17.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 55

Figure 2b. Right side o f statuette, figure 2a. Figure 2c. Back o f statuette, figure 2a.

2 . Statuette o f Alexander Holding a Lance (figs. off and reattached. The left side o f the abdomen was
2 a—c) slightly recarved to allow the fitting o f the reattached
left arm. The pose o f this figure is the reverse o f the
Greek, second century B . C . Fouquet Alexander type, o f which five copies are
10
known.
Fine-grained white marble; H . : 3 1 . 5 cm. According to ancient literary sources, when Alex­
ander was about twenty-five years old, the sculptor
73.AA.17 Lysippos created several life-size bronze statues o f
11
h i m . A t least one o f those statues was probably a
Bibliography: J. Frel, The Getty Bronze (Malibu, 1978), nude portrait o f Alexander holding a spear. I n spite o f
p. 22, pi. 7; ibid., rev. edn. (Malibu, 1982), p. 52, fig. 76; the fact that no ancient source expressly names such
Frel 1979a, p. 26, no. 102; Frel 1979b, addendum, p. 44, a statue, both the survival o f numerous statuettes o f
no. 102; Frel 1981, pp. 70, 113, no. 21; P. Moreno,
Alexander holding a spear and an oblique literary refer­
"Opere de Lisippo," RivIstArch 6-7 (1983-1984): 43; 12
ence support the idea. The weapon specifically refers
Frel 1984, p. 85, no. 30; Frel 1987; Stewart 1993, p. 425.
to Alexander's conquest o f the Near East and India,
which was called "spear-won land" (Diod. 1 7 . 1 7 . 2 ) . I n
Alexander stands nude, his weight on the right leg, his this small-scale marble version o f those statues, the
right arm originally holding an upright spear or lance, missing right arm held the upright spear. The pose—a
the left hanging at his side. The right arm is broken off; nude man leaning on a spear held w i t h raised hand—
the left arm, now lost, was worked separately and became symbolic o f kingship and was adopted as a
attached by means o f a pin. The head has been broken statue type by many subsequent rulers. 13
56 Grossman

F i g u r e 3 a. P o r t r a i t head o f A l e x a n d e r the Great. F r o n t . F i g u r e 3 b. L e f t s i d e o f p o r t r a i t , figure 3 a.

M a l i b u , J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m 78.AA.317.

3. Portrait Head (figs. 3a—b) The head is small and broken off from a statuette. The
marble is weathered, but the bulk of the full, curly
Greek, second century B . C . hairstyle typical of many Alexander portraits is pre­
served, as is the twist of the head. The eyes are large
14
Medium-grained white marble (Thasian? ); H . : w i t h thick upper and lower lids. The nose and lips have
9.9 cm; (chin to hairline): 6.7 cm. been reçut. A hole on top of the head appears ancient.
The portrait shows a general resemblance to the Erbach
15
78.AA.317 portrait type.

B i b l i o g r a p h y : F r e l 1979b, p. 4, no. Go; F r e l 1981, pp.

71, 113, n o . 23.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 57

Figure 4a. Portrait head o f Alexander the Great. Figure 4b. Left side o f portrait, figure 4a.
Front. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 77.AA.3.

4. Portrait Head (figs. 4a—c)

Roman, from Alexandria, first—second century A . D .

Fine-grained white marble; H . : 28 cm; (chin to

hairline): 20 cm.

77.AA.3

Bibliography: Frel 1979b, p. 5, no. G I O ; Frel 1981, pp.

71, 113, no. 22; Frel 1987, p. 78.

The badly battered head depicts a portrait of Alexan­

der, possibly as Helios. Eleven holes drilled i n the hair
encircle the head for the attachment of a crown. This
feature is seen on portraits o f Alexander-Helios, such
as the head from Kyme i n Aeolis, now i n Istanbul. I n
its present state o f preservation the Getty portait does
not, however, have the overt divinization typical of
16
those images. The portrait appears based on the Azara
17
type. The short hair w i t h a center part is swept back
from the face. The nose, mouth, and chin are broken
off. The eyes are narrow w i t h thick upper lids. The Figure 4c. Back o f portrait, figure 4a.
eyelids have been reçut.
58 Grossman

Figure 5 a. Architectural element w i t h Alexander the Great as the Gorgon Medusa. Front. Malibu, J. Paul
Getty Museum 78.AA.10.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 59

Figure 5b. Left side o f architectural element, figure 5 a.

5. Architectural Element (figs. 5a—b) The face has the deepset eyes, broad nose, slightly
parted lips, fleshy lower jaw, and prominent chin o f the
19
Etruscan, early third century B . C . Erbach Alexander portrait type. Del Chiaro pub­
lished the head as a Medusa, but noted its unusual char­
20
Tufa limestone; H . : 51 cm; W.: 39 cm. acter i n Medusa iconography. I n describing its stylistic
character as more Lysippan than Skopian, he compared
78.AA.10 the image to an Etruscan votive figure now i n the
Getty Museum whose features are modeled after those
Bibliography: Frel 1979b, p. 19, no. V 2 0 ; M . D e l of Alexander. 21

Chiaro, "A M o n u m e n t a l Etruscan Medusa Head," The fame o f Alexander spread quickly i n antiquity;
GettyMusJ9 (1981): 53-58, figs. 1-2. numerous images o f the legendary ruler have been
found outside the boundaries o f his empire, such as this
Alexander's portrait is here combined w i t h features o f one from Etruria. The shape o f this sculpture indicates
18
the Gorgon Medusa. Alexander is depicted w i t h his that it served to crown the gable o f a small, templelike
characteristic hairstyle swept up off the forehead. The building such as a shrine or funerary monument. The
snakes and wings o f the Gorgon have been added on porous stone from which it is carved is common to
top o f his head. The tip o f the nose is broken off, and parts o f Etruria.
the chin slightly abraided. A portion o f the left side
and back o f the block, including most o f the Medusa
wing, is missing.
6o Grossman

Figure 6a. Statuette o f Alexander the Great as Agathodaimon. Front. Malibu, J. Paul Getty
Museum 8 I . A B . 6 6 .
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 61

Figure 6b. Left side o f statuette, figure 6a. Figure 6c. Back o f statuette, figure 6a.

?? ????????? ?? ????????? ?? ???????????? ?????? This small solid-cast bronze depicts Alexander i n the
6a—c) ????? ?? ?? ??????? ????????? ??? ???? ?? ??????????
beardless w i t h luxuriant hair, is crowned w i t h the
Roman, from Alexandria, second century A . D . modius and lotus-leaf headdress o f Agathodaimon. The
figure wears a short mantle wrapped to leave the right
Bronze; H . : 12.3 cm. arm, shoulder, and chest bare. The feet are sandaled. He
holds a palm branch i n his left hand, while the right
81.AB.66 hand held a now-missing attribute, probably a scepter,
to judge from the hand position. Human representa­
22
Bibliography: Frel 1981, pp. 7 0 - 7 1 , 113, no. 24bis ; tions o f Agathodaimon are heavily bearded and hold a
Frel 1987, p. 78. cornucopia instead o f a palm branch. 24
62 Grossman

Figure 7. Terra-cotta votive plaque. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 71.AD.255.

7. Votive Plaque (fig. 7) Alexander; the locks become very snakelike at the ends.
A n aegis surrounds the projecting head. Besides the
Greek, from Asia Minor, third-second century B . C . likeness of the facial features to portraits o f Alexander
the Great, the projections from the head most approxi­
Terra-cotta w i t h polychromy; Diam.: 18.8 cm. mate the ears o f the elephant-skin cap adopted by
26
Alexander and associated only w i t h his iconography.
7 1 . A D . 255 The top o f the head is smooth as though covered w i t h
a cap, and the projections are slightly concave on their
Bibliography: Münzen unâ Medaillen, A.G., auction, May front surfaces, suggesting ears rather than the wings o f
6, 1967, lot 67; J. Frel, Selected Works from the Ancient Art Medusa. The elephant-skin cap was an emblem o f divin­
Collection of the fohn Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, Califor­ ity and a reference to Alexander's conquest o f India.
nia (Pennsylvania State Univ., 1971), no. 69 (misidenti- The combined image o f Alexander and the Gor­
fied as a bust o f Athena).
gon Medusa must have served as a powerful protective
device. Two holes i n the top o f the plaque were for its
27
A Medusa head w i t h the facial features o f Alexander suspension, probably i n a shrine or sanctuary The fact
the Great projects from the center o f this moldmade that Alexander is depicted as a divine being suggests
25
round plaque. The hair is parted i n the middle and that the plaque may originally have hung i n a place
swept back from the face i n the style associated w i t h connected w i t h his cult.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 63

Figure 8a. Ring w i t h gem engraved w i t h a Figure 8b. Impression o f engraved gem, figure 8a.
portrait o f Alexander the Great. Malibu, J. Paul
Getty Museum 85.AN.124.

8. Ring w i t h Engraved Gem (figs. 8a—b) The miniature portrait o f Alexander engraved on this
gemstone was executed by a highly skilled artisan.
Roman, from Asia Minor, first century B . C . Alexander looks upward i n a manner associated w i t h
gods and heroes. Tied around his characteristically
Gold and ruby-red carnelian; about 2 2 x 1 3 x 3 mm; long, flowing hair is a diadem, symbolic o f kingship. 28

greatest Diam. o f hoop, 2 8 . 2 m m . Gemstones w i t h portraits o f Alexander were popular

even before the young conqueror's death and contin­
85.AN.124 ued to be so well into Roman imperial times. The ring
recalls one decorated w i t h Alexander's image that was
Bibliography: Spier 1992, p. 92, no. 218. used by the Roman emperor Augustus. 29
64 Grossman

Figure 9. Cameo gem w i t h a portrait o f Alexander the Great. Malibu,

J. Paul Getty Museum 84.AN.989.

9. Cameo Gem (fig. 9) The image o f Alexander on this cameo is rather

crudely cut. The portrait shows the anas tole and upward
Roman, from Asia Minor, late first century B.C.— gaze associated w i t h Alexander. A diadem is tied about
early first century A . D . the full, curly hair. The lower edge o f the gem is bro­
ken away, but otherwise its condition is good.
White and gray sardonyx; 1 6 x 1 3 x 8 . 8 mm.

84.AN.989

Bibliography: Spier 1992, p. 155, no. 431.

 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 65

Figure 10a. Gem engraved with a portrait o f Alexander the Figure 10b. Impression o f engraved gem, figure 10a.
Great. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 84.AN.990.

10. Engraved Gem (figs. 10a—b) Engraved on the gem is a diademed head o f Alexander
the Great facing left. The portrait shows a high, curved
Roman, first half o f the first century A . D . brow, a full lower jaw and prominent chin, a large eye,
and the anastoli. The hair is carefully carved, w i t h indi­
Carnelian; 1 3 . 1 x 1 1 . 3 x 3 . 9 mm. vidual strands indicated and locks curling on the neck.
About a quarter of the carnelian is broken away, and
84.AN.99O there are further chips from the back.

Bibliography: Sternberg, Zurich, auction 11, 1981, lot

1118; Spier 1992, p. 96, no. 225.
66 Grossman

11. Tetradrachms o f Lysimachos

D u r i n g his visit to Egypt i n 331 B . C . , Alexander trav­
Greek, 299—281 B . C . eled to the oracle o f the Egyptian god A m m o n (whom
the Greeks identified w i t h Zeus) at Siwa i n the Libyan
31

Silver. desert. There he was greeted by the priests as the

"son o f A m m o n , " and soon after he assumed divine
Obv. Head o f Alexander 111 wearing a diadem and status for the first time. Following that visit, Alex­
ram's horn. ander's portraits often showed h i m adorned w i t h the
3 2
ram's horns o f Zeus A m m o n . After Alexander's
Rev. Inscribed Athena
death, his general and successor i n northern Greece,
seated w i t h spear and shield, holding Nike. Lysimachos, honored the deceased king by placing the
image o f Alexander w i t h horns on his own coinage. By
Twenty-five tetradrachms i n the Museum's collection doing so, Alexander's likeness was transformed into a
date to the reign o f Lysimachos ( 3 2 3 - 2 8 1 B . c . ) . 3 0 portrait o f an inspired god.

Figure 11. Figure 13.

11. i . Tetradrachm (fig. 11 ) 11.3. Tetradrachm (fig. 13 )

297/296-282/281 B.C. 297/296-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 16.95 g- Weight: 17.07 g.
Rev. to left, the monogram inner left. Rev. to left, the monogram ^ inner left; herm outer
35
Lysimachia. 33
left. Lampsakos.
80.NH.152.l8 80.NH.152.17

Figure 12. Figure 14.

11.2. Tetradrachm (fig. 12) 11.4. Tetradrachm (fig. 14)

297/296-Ca. 282/281 B.C. 297/296-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 17.05 g. Weight: 16.94 g.
Rev. to left, bee w i t h ear o f grain inner left. Sestos. Rev. to left, the monogram inner left; herm outer
36
80.NH.152.13 left. Lampsakos.
80.NH.I52.21
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 67

Figure 15. Figure 18.

11.5. Tetradrachm (fig. 15) 11.8. Tetradrachm (fig. 18)

297/296-282/281 B.C. 297/296-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 17.05 g. Weight: 17.07 g.
Rev. to left, the monogram hP inner left; crescent to Rev. to left, griffin's head outer left; the monogram
37
left i n exergue. Lampsakos. inner left. Abydos. 40

80. N H . 152.32 80.NH.I52.25

Figure 16. Figure 19.

11.6. Tetradrachm (fig. 16) 11.9. Tetradrachm (fig. 19)

297/296-282/281 B.C. 297/296-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 17.14 g. Weight: 17.13 g.
Rev. to left, griffin's head outer left; the monogram Rev. to left, griffin's head outer left; the monogram
38
inner left. Abydos. inner left. Abydos. 41

80.NH.152.14 80.NH.152.28

Figure 17. Figure 20.

11.7. Tetradrachm (fig. 17) 11.10. Tetradrachm (fig. 20)

297/296-282/281 B.C. 2 9 7 / 2 9 6 - c a . 287 B . C .
Weight: 16.98 g. Weight: 17.02 g.
Rev. to left, griffin's head outer left; the monogram Rev. to left, the monogram vO^ outer left; and
42
inner left. Abydos. 39
branch i n exergue. Sardis.
80.NH.I52.23 80.NH.152.20
68 Grossman

Figure 2 i . Figure 24.

i i . i i Tetradrachm (fig. 21) 11.14. Tetradrachm (fig. 24)

299/298-297/296 B . C . 297/296-282/281 B . C .
W e i g h t : 17.05 g. W e i g h t : 17.02 g.
Rev. t o left, the m o n o g r a m s outer left, inner Rev. to left, race t o r c h i n n e r left; meander i n exergue.
left. Sardis. 43
Magnesia. 46

80. N H . 152.24 80.NH.152.34

Figure 22. Figure 25.

11.12. Tetradrachm (fig. 22) 11.15. Tetradrachm (fig. 25)

2 9 7 / 2 9 6 - c a . 287 B . c . 288/287-282/281 B . C .
W e i g h t : 17.07 g. W e i g h t : 17.64 g.
Rev. t o left, the monograms outer left, in Rev. t o left, a club i n exergue. H e r a k l e i a . 47

exergue. Sardis. 44
80.NH.I52.33
80.NH.152.26

Figure 23. Figure 26.

11.13. Tetradrachm (fig. 23) 11.16. Tetradrachm (fig. 26)

2 9 7 / 2 9 6 - c a . 287 B . c . 288/287-282/281 B . C .
W e i g h t : 16.99 g. W e i g h t : 16.9 g.
Rev. t o left, the m o n o g r a m s o u t e r left, in Rev. t o left, the m o n o g r a m s i n n e r left, in
exergue. Sardis. 45

exergue. A m p h i p o l i s . 4

80.NH.I52.27 78.NB.329.2
Bibliography: Superior Stamp and C o i n Co., The Miguel
Munoz Collection, Los Angeles, sale, June 12-15, 1978,
p. 230, no. 3 170.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 69

BR

Figure 27. Figure 30.

11.17. Tetradrachm (fig. 27) 11.20. Tetradrachm (fig. 30)

288/287-282/281 B.C. 288/287-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 16.73 g. Weight: 17.02 g.
Rev. to left, the monograms inner left, outer Rev. to left, the monograms inner left, r T outer
52
right. Amphipolis.49
right. Amphipolis.
80.NH.152.16 80.NH.152.36

Figure 31.
Figure 28.

11.21. Tetradrachm (fig. 31)

11.18. Tetradrachm (fig. 28)
286/285-282/281 B.C.
288/287-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 17.12 g.
Weight: 17.24 g.
Rev. to left, the monograms inner left, - ^ inner
Rev. to left, the monograms inner left, <K outer 53
50 right. Pella.
right. Amphipolis.
80.NH.152.15
80.NH.152.22

Figure 32.
Figure 29.

11.22. Tetradrachm (fig. 32)

11.19. Tetradrachm (fig. 29)
286/285-282/281 B.C.
288/287-282/281 B.C.
Weight: 17.05 g.
Weight: 17.20 g.
Rev. to left, the monograms inner left, inner
Rev. to left, caduceus inner left; the monogram 54
51 right. Pella.
outer right. Amphipolis.
80.NH.152.19
80.NH.I52.31
70 Grossman

Figure 3 3 . Figure 3 5 .

11.23. Tetradrachm (fig. 33) 1 1 . 2 5 . Tetradrachm (fig. 3 5 )

286/285-282/281 B.C. ca. 2 8 3 / 2 8 2 or Posthumous.

Weight: 1 7 . 0 1 g. Weight: 1 7 . 5 6 g.
Rev. to left, the monograms outer left, in Rev. to left, the monograms over the joined
exergue. Pella. 55
foreparts o f two horses inner left, i n exergue.
57
80.NH.152.29 Perinthos(?).
80.NH.152.30

Figure 3 4 .

11.24. Tetradrachm (fig. 34)

286/285-282/281 B.C.

Weight: 1 6 . 9 5 g.
Rev. to left, the monograms outer left, in
56
exergue. Pella.
80.NH.152.35
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 71

Figure 36a. Statuette o f a man. Front. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum

96.AB.37.

A L E X A N D E R - L I K E IMAGES

i . Statuette o f a Man (figs. 36a—d) Bibliography: True and Hamma 1994, pp. 175-77, no.
81 (with additional bibliography).
Etruscan, early third century B . C .
The pose and hairstyle o f this figure are based on
58
Bronze; H . (excluding casting tangs): 31.6 cm. portraits o f Alexander the Great created by Lysippos.
A n Etruscan inscription preserved on the cloak o f
96.AB.37 the figure reveals that this statue was dedicated by a
72 Grossman

Figure 36b. Right side o f statuette, Figure 36c. Left three-quarter view o f Figure 36d. Back o f statuette, figure 36a.
figure 36a. statuette, figure 36a. Photo © Bruce
White.

man named Vel Matunas as a sacred gift to the god Lur, right side o f the neck emphasize the turn o f the head
a local Etruscan divinity i n the area o f Volsinii. Vel is a upward and to the right. Face and hair are well m o d ­
common Etruscan name; Matunas is the name o f a eled, w i t h large, deep-set eyes w i t h iris and pupil
noble South Etruscan family that is known from other indicated under a furrowed brow, w i t h broad cheeks
inscriptions found i n Cerveteri and Tarquinia. and full, fleshy lips. The hair, which covers the ears, is
The standing youthful male figure wears a short parted i n the center and ends i n sickle-shaped clusters
semicircular mantle wrapped around his waist and o f short striated locks o f which a symmetrical pair
draped over the left shoulder and arm. Both arms are rises prominently above the center o f the forehead.
bent, the right raised a little from the body; the hands, The expression o f the face and the studied twist o f the
which are large but delicately modeled, spread i n a head are clearly inspired by portraits o f Alexander the
gesture thought to be o f prayer. Deep folds on the Great.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 73

Figure 37a. Statuette o f a Hellenistic ruler. Front. Malibu, Figure 37b. Back o f statuette, figure 37a.
J. Paul Getty Museum 96.AB.153.

2. Statuette o f a Ruler (figs. 37a—b) The portraits and statues o f Alexander created by
Lysippos strongly affected artistic styles for centuries.
Late Hellenistic, late second-first century B . C . That influence is seen i n the pose, upswept hairstyle,
and heroic nudity o f this statuette. The facial features
Bronze w i t h silver; H . : 17.5 cm. are not strongly individualized; the figure could repre­
sent either a Hellenistic ruler or a god. The military
96.AB.153 cloak slung around his arm emphasizes the heroic
nature o f the pose, as would the spear or scepter he
Bibliography: True and Hamma 1994, p. 215, no. 106. once held in his upraised hand. The eyes o f the figure
have been enhanced w i t h silver, and his pupils are
incised. A figure i n the Ortiz collection resembles this
59
statuette.
74 Grossman

Figure 38a. Statuette o f a Hellenistic ruler. Front. Malibu, Figure 38b. Back o f statuette, figure 38a.
J. Paul Getty Museum 71.AB.1Ó7.

3. Statuette o f a Ruler, possibly Alexander the The robust figure of a nude man stands w i t h his weight
Great (figs. 3 8a-b) on the right leg, the head turned to the right. The right
arm is extended w i t h the hand broken off; the left arm
Roman, second century A . D . is lowered and extended sightly i n a gesture consistent
w i t h holding a small shield, now missing. A n attach­
Bronze; H . : 9.3 cm. ment hole is preserved i n the left hand. A cloak is
bunched on the left shoulder and wrapped once around
71.AB.167 the left arm just below the elbow The surface o f the
solid-cast bronze figure is worn. The facial features are
Bibliography: Parke-Bernet, New York, auction, Decem­ obscure, but the man is beardless and has the full hair
ber 4, 1969, lot 148; J. Frel, Selected Works from the characteristic o f Alexander portraits. As Frel noted, the
Ancient Art Collection of the John Paul Getty Museum, statuette reproduces the stance and type o f the life-size
Malibu, California (Pennsylvania State Univ., 1971), no. bronze from Agde. 60

42; Frel 1979b, p. 13, no. G42; Frel 1981, pp. 71, 113,
no. 24; Frel 1987, p. 78.
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 75

Figure 39. Terra-cotta antefix. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AD.28.

4. Antefix (fig. 39) A frontal face is at the center o f a volute-and-palmette

design on this antefix. The figure has curly hair
Roman, first century B.c.-first century A . D . parted i n the middle w i t h an anastolë, fleshy lower jaw
and prominent chin, and a horizontal crease i n the
Terra-cotta; PL: 2 1 . 6 cm. forehead. The face and hairstyle bear a general resem­
blance to the Alexander portrait head from Perga-
61
82.AD.28 m o n . Remnants o f the original painted surface are
preserved.
Bibliography: Unpublished.
jó Grossman

Figure 4 0 . Tetradrachm o f Alexander the Great. Malibu,

J. Paul Getty Museum 7 8 . N B . 3 2 9 . 3 .

5. Tetradrachm o f Alexander the Great (fig. 4 0 ) Karanos, the reputed ninth-century founder o f the
03
dynasty to which Alexander belonged. Alexander
Greek, 3 1 0 - 2 7 5 B.C. affirmed this mythical ancestral bond w i t h Herakles
by adopting the head o f the hero wearing a lion scalp
Silver; Weight: 1 7 . 6 4 g. as the image on the front of his coins. Symbolic of Her­
akles' first labor, the killing o f the ferocious Nemean
78.NB.329.3 lion, the lion skin came to be incorporated into Alex­
ander's personal iconography.
Bibliography: Unpublished. Whether the coins depict a portrait o f Alexan­
der i n the guise o f Herakles or a Herakles w i t h a face
Obv. to right, head o f Herakles w i t h lion skin. Rev. to that vaguely resembles Alexander portraits has been
left, enthroned Zeus w i t h eagle, inscribed 64
debated. I n that regard, it is important to bear i n
62
APOY, outer right; aplustre, outer left. mind that portraiture on royal coinage was i n t r o ­
According to Plutarch, Alexander descended on his duced only after Alexander, by his successors, the
father's side from the Greek hero Herakles through Diadochoi.

Malibu
The J. Paul Getty Museum
 Images of Alexander the Great in the Getty Museum 77

NOTES to recent research on Alexander the Great; the proceedings, edited

by A . B. Bosworth and E.J. Baynham, were published as Alexander
the Great in Fact and Fiction (Oxford, 2000).
3. Smith 1988, p. 59, discusses the problem o f Alexander-like
Abbreviations images, namely, that the image o f Alexander became so well k n o w n
Frel 1979a J. Frel, Antiquities in the J. Paul Getty that it became part o f divine and mythological iconography. See also
Museum: A Checklist: Sculpture, v o l . 1, Stewart 1993, pp. 42-46.
Greek Originals (Malibu, 1979). 4. There is a total o f thirty-one fragments i n the group. See
Frel 1979b J. Frel, Antiquities in the J. Paul Getty Stewart 1993, pp. 116-21; 209-14; 4 3 8 - 5 1 . O n pp. 42-43 Stewart
Museum: A Checklist: Sculpture, v o l . 2, notes that the identification o f the head is based on probability.
Greek Portraits and Varia (Malibu, 1979). 5. Cf. the monument o f Nikeratos and Polyxenos (known as
Frel 1981 J. Frel, Greek Portraits in the J. Paul Getty the Kallithea M o n u m e n t after its fmdspot) i n Piraeus, B. S. Ridgway,
Museum (Malibu, 1981). Hellenistic Sculpture, vol. 1, The Styles of ca. 331-200 B.C. (Madison,
Frel 1984 J. Frel, ' A n c i e n t Repairs to Classical 1990), pp. 31-32. C. Clairmont, Classical Attic Tombstones (Kilchberg,
Sculpture at M a l i b u , " GettyMusJ 12 1993), Intro, vol. p. 187, does not include the Kallithea M o n u m e n t
(1984): 73-92. i n his corpus, identifying it instead as a heroon.
Frel 1987 J. Frel, 'Alexander w i t h the Lance," i n r e
6. Stewart 1993, pp. 116-17; F l 1979^, p. 7-
Lysippe et son influence, Hellas et Roma, 7. Stewart 1993, p. 213. For the multifigured composition,
vol. 5, ed. J. Chamay and J.-L. Maier, pp. cf. the votive reliefs i n Paris, Louvre M a 756, M . Hamiaux, Les sculp-
77-79 (Geneva, 1987). tures grecques (Paris, 1992), p. 216, no. 224; and Athens, N M 3076, G.
Smith 1988 R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits Neumann, Problème des griechischen Weihreliefs (Tubingen, 1979), pp.
(Oxford, 1988). 47, 65, p i . 25a.
Spier 1992 J. Spier, Ancient Gems and Finger Rings: 8. The Apollo-Dionysos component, according to Smith
Catalogue of the Collections ( M a l i b u , 1988, p. 6 1 .
1992) . 9. Stewart 1993, pp. 430-31 (with additional bibl.), fig. 97.
Stewart 1993 A . Stewart, Faces of Power: Alexander's 10. Paris, Louvre B 370. Stewart 1993, p. 425, no. 1.
Image and Hellenistic Politics (Berkeley, 11. Plin. HN 34.63; Plut. Mor. 335A-B. O n Lysippos as the
1993) . sculptor o f portraits o f Alexander, see most recently, B. R. B r o w n ,
Thompson 1968 M . Thompson, "The Mints o f Lysima- "Alexander the Great as Patron o f the Arts," i n C. Mattusch, The Fire
chus," i n Essays in Greek Coinage Presented of Hephaistos (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), pp. 86-103, esp. pp. 96-97.
to Stanley Robinson, ed. C. M . Kraay and 12. Plut. Mor. 360D. See Stewart 1993, pp. 161-71, for a full
G. K . Jenkins, pp. 163-82 ( O x f o r d , discussion o f the Alexander Doryphoros.
1968). 13. Smith 1988, pp. 32-33-
Thompson 1986 M . Thompson, "The Armenak Hoard 14. Determined only by visual examination, w h i c h is unreli-
(IGCH 1423)," The American Numismatic able, as noted i n L . Moens et al., "Scientific Provenance D e t e r m i n -
Society Museum Notes 31 (1986): 63-106. ation o f Ancient W h i t e Marble Sculptures Using Pétrographie,
True and Hamma 1994 M . True and K . Hamma, eds., A Passion Chemical, and Isotopic Data," i n Marble: Art Historical and Scientific Per-
for Antiquities: Ancient Art from the Col- spectives on Ancient Sculpture, pp. 111-24, esp. p. 112 (Malibu, 1990).
lection of Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman But the marble, being pure white and medium to large grained,
(Malibu, 1994). exhibits all the characteristics o f Thasian marble.
15. Smith 1988, pp. 6 0 - 6 1 , 155-56, cat. no. 2.
1. The exhibit, titled "Alexander the Great: The M a k i n g o f a 16. Stewart 1993, pp. 426-27, figs. 137-38.
Hero from Antiquity to the Renaissance," was co-curated by the 17. Smith 1988, pp. 6 0 - 6 1 , 155, cat. no. 1.
author and E. C. Teviotdale, Assistant Curator o f Manuscripts, and 18. The assimilation o f Alexander to the Gorgon Medusa may
ran from October 22, 1996, through January 5, 1997. I t celebrated be a reference to his emulation o f the hero Perseus. Plut. Mor. 332a.
the publication o f a monograph by Scot McKendrick, The History of See also O. Palagia, "Imitation o f Herakles i n Ruler Portraiture: A
Alexander the Great (Malibu, 1996), on a fifteenth-century i l l u m i - Survey, from Alexander to Maximinus Daza," Boreas 9 (1986):
nated manuscript i n the Getty Museum o f Vasco da Lucena's French
137-51-
translation o f the biography o f Alexander by Quintus Curtius, Le
19. Supra, note 15.
Livre des fais d'Alexandre le grant (Lille and Bruges, 1468-1475) =
20. M . D e l Chiaro, "A Monumental Etruscan Medusa Head,"
Ms. L u d w i g x v 8.
GettyMusJ 9 (1981): 56.
2. Exhibitions include "Alessandro Magno: Storia e mito,"
2 1 . Ibid., p. 56 n. 18. The statuette is acc. no. 96.AB.37; i t is
Palazzo Ruspoli, Rome, December 2 1 , 1995-May 2 1 , 1996, and St.
included infra, pp. 71—72, no. 1, figs. 36a—d.
Petersburg, Fl.; "The Mythical Quest: I n Search o f Adventure,
22. Identified as a figure o f Alexander as Sarapis; subsequently
Romance and Enlightment," The British Library, London, June 1 4 -
H . Kunckel recognized the statuette as an Agathos Daimon, w h i c h
September 29, 1996; and "Alexander the Great i n European A r t , "
Frel 1987, p. 79 n. 14, accepts.
Thessaloniki, September 22, 1997-January 11, 1998. The problem
23. LIMC i (1981), pp. 277-82, s.v. "Agathodaimon" (F.
o f keeping abreast o f the volume o f modern literature on Alexander
Dunand).
is addressed by J. Carlsen, "Alexander the Great (1970—1990)," i n
24. Cf. a Hellenistic marble relief from Delos, ibid., p. 278,
Alexander the Great: Reality and Myth, ed. J. Carlsen et al., pp. 41-52
no. 2.
(Rome, 1993). H e presents a selective survey o f the research on
25. For the form o f the portrait, cf. terra-cotta portrait medal-
Alexander the Great published between 1970 and 1990, listing 219
lions i n Athens, G. Richter, Portraits of the Greeks (London, 1965), 3:
citations. A conference titled "Alexander the Great: History and
256, no. 7, fig. 1739.
Romance" was held i n Newcastle, Australia, i n 1997; it was devoted
26. R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Sculpture (London, 1991), p. 20.
78 Grossman

27. C. Grandjouan, Hellenistic Relief Molds from the Athenian 50. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 179, no. 212, a tetradrachm from
Agora, Hesperia Supplement 23 (1989), pp. 32-33. Amphipolis.
28. Smith 1988, pp. 34-38. 51. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 178, no. 191, a tetradrachm from
29. Plin. HN 37.10. Amphipolis; Thompson 1986, p. 86, no. 904.
30. The standard reference for Lysimachos remains the article 52. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 179, no. 200, a tetradrachm from
by M . Thompson (Thompson 1968). Carmen A r n o l d - B i u c c h i , for­ Amphipolis; Thompson 1986, p. 86, no. 918.
mer Curator o f Greek Coins at the American Numismatic Society, 53. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 181, no. 243, a tetradrachm from
is w o r k i n g on a general study o f the Lysimachi. Pella. Obv. die link w i t h 80.NH.152.19, no. 11.22.
31. Strabo 17.1.43. 54. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 181, no. 243, a tetradrachm from
32. Smith 1988, p. 40. Pella. Obv. die link w i t h 80.NH.152.15, no. 11.21.
33. Closest to Thompson 1986, p. 76, no. 647, a tetradrachm 55. Closest to Thompson 1968, p. 181, no. 249, a tetradrachm
from Lysimachia. from Pella. Obv. die l i n k w i t h 80.NH.152.35, no. 11.24.
34- Cf. Thompson 19 68, p. 170, no. 3 i , a tetradrachm from 56. Closest to Thompson 1968, p. 181, no. 249, a tetra­
Sestos. drachm from Pella. Obv. die link w i t h 80.NH.152.29, no. 11.23.
35- Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 171, no. 50, a tetradrachm from Doublestruck.
Lampsakos. 57. Closest to Thompson 1968, p. 182, no. 256, a tetradrachm
36. Cf. ibid. from Perinthos. That coin does not have the monogram, but
37- Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 171, no. 47, a tetradrachm from Perinthos appears to be the only m i n t o f Lysimachos that used the
Lampsakos. symbol o f j o i n e d foreparts o f two horses.
38. Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 172, no. 70, a tetradrachm from 58. For the face and hairstyle, cf. the Schwarzenberg portrait
Abydos. head o f Alexander: Stewart 1993, p. 429, figs. 4 0 - 4 1 . There is a
39- Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 172, no. 75, a tetradrachm from bronze statuette very similar to this one i n M u n i c h , Staatliche A n t i -
Abydos. Obv. die l i n k w i t h ;80.NH .152.25, no. 11.8. kensammlungen 3003, E. Richardson, " T h e Types o f Hellenistic
40. Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 172, no. 75, a tetradrachm from Votive Bronzes from Central Italy," i n Eius Virtutis Studiosi: Classical
Abydos. Obv. die l i n k w i t h i80.NH .152.23, no. 11.7. and Postclassical Studies in Memory of Frank Edward Brown (1908—
4 1 . Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 172, no. 75, a tetradrachm from 1988), ed. R. T. Scott and A . R. Scott, pp. 283-84, fig. 2 (Hannover
Abydos. and London, 1993).
42. Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 173, no. 84, a tetradrachm from 59. G. Ortiz, The George Ortiz Collection (Berne, 1994), no.
Sardis. 168.
43- Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 173, no. 89, a tetradrachm from 60. Frel 1987, p. 79 n. 15; J. Charbonneaux, " U n e statue
Sardis. de bronze découverte à Agde," La Revue du Louvre et des Musées de
44. Cf. Thompson 19' 68, p. 173, no. 86, a tetradrachm from France 1 (1966): 1-4.
Sardis. 61. Istanbul, Archaeological Museum 1138; Stewart 1993,
45- Cf. ibid. p. 428, figs. 128-29.
46. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 174, no. 112, a tetradrachm from 62. Cf. M . Price, The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great
Magnesia. and Philip Arrhidaeus (London, 1991), p. 170, no. 861 ( = M i l l i e r
47. Closest to Thompson 1968, p. 178, no. 177, tetradrachms no. 281), a tetradrachm normally attributed to Greece, but probably
from Herakleia. o f Asia M i n o r .
48. Cf. Thompson 1968, p. 179, no. 213, a tetradrachm from 63. Plut. Vit. Alex. 2.1-2.
Amphipolis. 64. Price (supra, note 62), pp. 33-34, states that i t is unlikely
49. Closest to Thompson 1968, p. 179, no. 199, a tetradrachm that Alexander intended to depict himself w i t h the attributes o f
from Amphipolis, but the inner left monogram is not cut over a Herakles on the coinage; Palagia (supra, note 18), p. 141, seems to
caduceus as is the example i n Thompson. Cf. Thompson 1986, leave open the possibility that Alexander was shown i n the guise
p. 86, no. 916. o f Herakles before his death, even on his coinage.
HELLENISTISCHES G O L D U N D PTOLEMÀISCHE HERRSCHER

Michael Pfrommer

Hellenistisches Geschmeide wie der Schatz des J. Paul tràgt einen ovalen Chalzedon mit dem Bild einer ste-
5
Getty Museums (s. Abb. 17) gehort zu den Highlights henden Tyche (Abb. ia—b) . Die Fassung ist in vier
1
der Museumswelt . Doch wie bei jedem Komplex ohne Stufen getrieben. Legt man den Abdruck zugrunde, so
gesicherte Provenienz stellt sich auch hier die Frage der stiitzt sich die Schicksalsgottin mit dem linken A r m auf
archàologischen Wertung. Handelt es sich u m ein einen schlanken Pfeiler, ein Motiv, das sich gerade auf
antikes Ensemble, oder müssen w i r mit Kunsthandels- 6
hellenistischen Gemmen hàufiger fmdet . Tyche steht
zusàtzen rechnen? Fassen w i r das Inventar eines herr- auf ihrem rechten FuB mit stark ausschwingender reen­
schaftlichen Grabes, einen i n gróBter N o t verborgenen ter Hüfte. Trotz des Miniaturformats und einer leichten
2
Schatz oder antikes Plünderergut? Haben w i r Ge­ Beschâdigung sind die lange spitze Nase und das
schmeide einer oder mehrerer Personen vor uns? U n d überdimensionierte Auge unverkennbar. Die Haar-
auch wenn die zeitliche Homogenitât des Ensembles tracht folgt der klassischen Krobylos-Frisur, doch sitzt
durchaus naheliegt, ist doch zu fragen, ob unser K o m ­ über der Stirn eine niedrige Stéphane, wie sie vor allem
plex überhaupt vollstándig erhalten ist? I n jedem Fall auf Miinzportrats hellenistischer Koniginnen erscheint
gehort jedoch die Herkunftsfrage zu den groBten (Abb. 2a, 3).
Herausforderungen. Bei dem Getty-Gold kommt uns Die Gottin tràgt einen langen, auf beiden Schul-
allerdings die ptolemàische Ikonographie zu Hilfe. Das tern geschlossenen Chiton, den sie hoch unter den
Lagidenreich konfrontiert uns nicht nur mit dem kom- relativ kleinen Brüsten gegürtet hat. Er fállt i n langen
plexesten Religionssystem der hellenistischen Welt, w i r Falten auf ihre FüBe. U m ihre Hüften hat sie nach
treffen auch auf eine religios hinterfütterte Staats- hellenistischer Manier einen eleganten, dreieckig dra-
ideologie. Erhârtet sich die àgyptische Option, so ware pierten Mantel gezogen, der am oberen Saum zusam-
uns nach dem 1905 geborgenen Schatz von Tuch el- mengedreht zu denken ist. Obwohl die linke Hand
Karamus endlich ein weiterer, reprásentativer Schmuck- vollig entspannt ist, halt Tyche doch ihr Himation mit
3
fund des Ptolemâerreiches erhalten . dem Unterarm und Handgelenk auf dem Pfeiler. I n
Zickzackfalten fállt es ais schmale Stoffbahn vor der
D I E T Y C H E DER P T O L E M À E R Stütze herab. Wie i m Falle des Artemis-Rings handelt
Ungeachtet der prachtvollen Stéphane (s. Abb. 6a) und es sich nicht um die offene Seite des Chitons (s. Abb.
des nicht minder qualitátvollen Haarnetzes (s. Abb. 5a-b). Die langen Falten i m Bereich der Beine gehóren
15 a) sind es vor allem zwei Fingerringe, die den k u l - wohl zum Chiton und nicht zum Mantel.
turhistorischen Kontext sichern. Zwar sind sie formal Aus kulturhistorischem Blickwinkel hochst faszi-
nicht vollig identisch, doch reprásentieren sie beide den nierend ist das ptolemàische Attribut der Schicksals­
schweren Ringtypus des ausgehenden 3. und fmheren gottin. Sie pràsentiert i n der ausgestreckten Rechten
2. Jhs. v. Chr. (s. Abb. i b , 5 b ) .
4
einen "Dikeras", ein doppeltes Füllhorn mit Diadem
Der erste Ring ist aus Goldblech gearbeitet und oder Tànienschmuck. Dieses spezielle Attribut wurde
8o Pfrommer

Abb. i a. Ring mit dem Bild einer ptolemáischen Abb. i b . Tyche. Umzeichnung von dem A b d r u c k des
Tyche. Gold und Chalzedon. Malibu, J. Paul Getty geschnittenen Steins und dem Profil des Rings, Abb. ia.
Museum 92.AM.8.9. Zeichnung: Peggy Sanders.

i m Auftrag Ptolemaios' 11. eigens fiir seine Frau und sich allerdings auf eher bescheidenen Bronzemiinzen
1 0
Schwester Arsinoë entworfen. W i r kennen sogar ein Kleopatras v u . . A u f der Vorderseite dieser kyprischen
Gedicht, i n dem der Konig bei seinem Erscheinen Pràgungen erscheint die Konigin mit der schmalen
7
von Theaterleuten mit einem Dikeras begriiBt w i r d . Stéphane i m Haar und dem schwebenden Zepter hinter
Die enge Verbindung des Doppelhorns mit Arsinoë 11. der Schulter. Dargestellt ist sie w o h l als kyprische
bezeugen nicht nur die Ptolemaerkannen, sondern Aphrodite mit einem Erosknaben i m A r m , allem A n -
auch zahllose Münzen mit Portrátbüsten der Konigin schein nach eine Anspielung auf die altehrwiirdige
auf der Vorder- und einem Doppelfiillhorn mit dia- Aphroditedeifizierung Arsinoës 11.
8
demartiger Tànie auf der Rückseite (Abb. 2 b ) . Kallixei- Angesichts des Doppelhorns karne bei unserem
nos beschreibt das gôttlich-kônigliche Attribut bereits Ring allerdings auch eine Verbindung mit dem seleu-
unter den Exponaten der groBen Pompé Ptolemaios' 11., kidischen Kreis i n Betracht. D o r t erscheint der Dikeras
die der Kónig kurz nach seiner inzestuosen Eheschlie- i m 2. Jh. v. Chr. auf Pràgungen verschiedener Konige.
8ung i m Rahmen des Ersten Syrischen Krieges veran- Z u nennen sind etwa Demetrios 1. ( 1 6 2 - 1 5 0 v. Chr.),
9
staltete . Der Dikeras war derart charakteristisch fur Alexander 11. Zebina (128-123 v. Chr.), Antiochos v i n .
die K o n i g i n , daB es auf Ptolemaermünzen nahezu ( 1 2 1 - 9 6 v. Chr.) und vor allem Münzen Kleopatra
ausschlieBlich m i t Arsinoë 11. verbunden wurde, Theas, die i n ihrer flamboyanten Karriere zwischen 150
wáhrend andere K o n i g i n n e n einfache Füllhórner und 121 v. Chr. gleich mit drei Seleukiden verheiratet
bevorzugten. Eine hochst bedeutsame Ausnahme findet war. Bei den drei letztgenannten ist die Ptolemâer-
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 81

Abb. 2a—b. Dekadrachme mit dem Bildnis Arsinoës n . Gold. A u f der Vorderseite Portràtkopf der Kônigin, auf
der Riickseite Doppelfiillhorn. Trier, Sammlung des Archâologischen Instituts der Universitàt O L 1995.18.
82 Pfrommer

Abb. 3. Oktodrachmon m i t dem posthumen Bildnis Arsinoës i n . Gold. Diameter 2 . 6 cm ( 1 in.).

Glasgow, Hunterian Museum (G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection
[Glasgow 1 9 0 5 ] , 3: 3 8 1 , no. 2 2 ) . Photo: The University o f Glasgow.

11
bindung offensichtlich : Die beriihmte Kleopatra Thea schieden die ptolemàische Option. Zudem kennen w i r
war selbst eine ptolemàische Prinzessin, Alexander 11. eine stehende Tyche mit Doppelfüllhorn nahezu aus-
ware ohne die Unterstutzung Ptolemaios' v i n . gar schfieBfich bei Arsinoë 11. Z u nennen sind hier vor
nicht denkbar und Antiochos v m . war gar Sohn und allem die Ptolemàerkannen. D o r t erscheint Tyche z w i -
Mitregent Kleopatra Theas. schen einem Altar und dem charakteristischen Pfeiler-
Was spricht bei unserem Ring also gegen eine monument. A u f den Fayencekannen tràgt die Gottin
seleukidische Deutung? Zunâchst tràgt unsere Tyche ihr Füllhorn allerdings stets i n der linken Armbeuge,
nicht die charakteristische Frisur Kleopatra Theas, und und auch der statuarische Typus ist nicht mit unserem
die Ringtypologie widerràt ohnehin einem Ansatz i m Ringbild zu vergleichen. Die Vaseninschriften nennen
mittleren und spàteren 2 . Jh. Sodann unterstreicht die explizit Arsinoë 11., die Schwestergemahlin des zweiten
Ikonographie der übrigen Schmuckstücke ganz ent- Ptolemàers, lesen w i r doch unter anderem: Agathés
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 83

17
12
tyches Arsinoës Philadelphou Isios . Unser Ring zeigt also jedoch mit dem Schlangenzepter Arsinoës 1 1 . , dann
die Tyche der Ptolemàer. wird die Absicht des Gemmenschneiders unschwer deut-
Arsinoë 11. war für den Kult der Ptolemâerinnen lich. Die untere Verdickung reprâsentiert einen kleinen
von hôchster Bedeutung. Als die ominóse Frau auf der Kelch, auf dem eine Uràusschlange drohend die ge-
Flucht vor ihrem zweiten Ehemann und Halbbruder, spreizte Haube hebt. Der kleine Strich auf der Zepter-
Ptolemaios Keraunos, i n den friihen siebziger Jahren spitze steht für den eigentlichen Schlangenkopf, die
des 3. Jhs. Agypten erreichte, gelang es ihr nur allzu darunter angegebene Verdickung wohl für die ge-
bald, die legitime Gattin Ptolemaios' 11. zu verdrángen. spreizte Haube der kôniglichen Natter. Auch das für
Diese wurde nach Koptos exiliert. Danach ehelichte Arsinoë 11. so charakteristische Uràuszepter spricht also
Arsinoë 11. i n dritter Ehe ihren leiblichen Bruder i n unbedingt für eine Verbindung mit der Kônigin. Man
13
"heiliger Hochzeit" . Spàter "adoptierte" sie anschei- kann davon ausgehen, daB der Gemmenschneider mit
nend sogar seine Kinder aus erster Ehe, darunter den seiner koniglichen Tyche nicht allein die schicksalhaften
spàteren Ptolemaios 111. Euergetes, der i n der Folgezeit Qualitàten Arsinoës personifizierte, sondern die K o n i ­
14
stets als Sohn Arsinoës 11. bezeichnet wurde . Sie und gin als Tyche portràtierte.
ihr Bruder gingen als "Geschwisterliebende Gott- Aufgrund der jahrhundertlangen Geschichte des
heiten" (Theoi Adelphoi) i n die Geschichte ein. Arsinoë Dikeras bietet das Füllhorn nicht mehr als einen terminus
wurde bereits vor ihrem Tod i m Jahre 2 7 0 v. Chr. post von 2 7 5 — 2 7 0 v. Chr., dem Zeitrahmen für die
deifiziert und wie so viele Koniginnen mit Isis gleich- Heirat der Philadelphen. Sowohl der Ringtypus wie
gesetzt. Damit nicht genug, divinisierte man sie auch auch der Stil der Gemme sprechen jedoch für eine
15
als A p h r o d i t e . Dies hatte weitreichende Folgen, deutlich spàtere Entstehungszeit. Den Unterschied zu
drângte doch das neue Paar Aphrodite-Isis i m Laufe des statuarischen Typen des mittleren 3. Jhs. verdeutlichen
Hellenismus die altehrwürdige Gleichung Demeter- nicht nur die Ptolemàerkannen, er zeigt sich auch i m
Isis i n den Hintergrund. Vergleich mit dem i n dieser Zeit entstandenen Typus der
18
Sobald man das Ringbild unter àgyptischem Blick- Isis von Ras el-Soda . Die eponyme Statue zeigt uns
winkel betrachtet, zeigt sich, daB die so griechisch wohl Arsinoë 11. selbst und zwar als Isis mit der àgyptis-
wirkende Tyche durchaus auch àgyptische Vorstel- chen Isiskrone und der Stéphane. Die Konigin tràgt
lungen transportiert. So fungierten die makedonischen bereits einen Mantel mit dreieckig drapiertem Uber-
Lagiden zugleich als Pharaonen, und als Pharaonen schlag, doch steht sie hoch aufgerichtet und ohne die
waren sie aus àgyptischer Sicht i n überaus komplexer geschwungene Korperkontur ihrer Standbeinseite. Das
Weise für Wohl und Wehe ihres Landes verántwortlich. Original des Ras-el-Soda-Typus ist entwicklungsge-
Dies gait nicht nur für Krieg und Frieden, sondern schichtlich alter als unser Gemmenbild. Der statuarische
auch für Hungerkatastrophen und die Nilflut. "Tyche" Typus wurde nicht nur i n rómischer Zeit kopiert, w i r
19
umschreibt also i n überaus glücklicher Weise die kennen auch eine Adaption des 2 . Jhs. v. Chr. . Es
schicksalhafte Verantwortlichkeit ptolemàischer Konige. zeigt sich also, daB man die Standbilder der groBen
Dürfen w i r somit unsere Tyche primar als Kônigin Konigin noch nach Jahrhunderten zitierte und neu
oder eher ais Personifikation schicksalhafter Kráfte interpretierte.
begreifen? N u n trágt die Gottin nicht nur das Füllhorn Die überdeutliche Betonung der Hüfte findet sich
Arsinoës, der Künstler zitierte auch ungeachtet des bei Gewandstatuen nicht vor dem spàteren 3. und dann
winzigen MaBstabs "Portratzüge" der Monarchin. Das vor allem i m 2 . Jh. v. Chr. I n seiner bewegten Kontur
übergroBe Ptolemáerauge war bereits zu erwâhnen, verweist das Ringbild bereits auf Entwicklungen des 2 .
und auch die lange Nase, ja selbst M u n d - und K i n n - Jhs., doch entspricht es i n Details noch nicht dem
partie entsprechen durchaus Portràttypen Arsinoës 11. antiken Barock. So fehlen etwa die i m 2 . Jh. so
M i t Münzbildern zu verbinden ist die Stéphane und das beliebten überlangen Gewànder m i t den auf dem
charakteristische Zepter, das formlich hinter der Gottin Boden schleifenden Falten. Die schlanken Propor-
schwebt. Lange, stabàhnliche Zepter sind normaler- tionen unserer Tyche und ihre relativ schmalen Schul-
weise auf Gotterbilder beschrànkt, doch signalisieren tern entsprechen einem Schonheitsideal, das w i r bereits
sie auf Münzen den gottlichen Status der Lagiden . 16
i m mittleren 3. Jh. v. Chr. auf Gemmenbildern nach-
20
Der schlanke Stab tràgt eine kleine Kugel am unteren weisen konnen . Vergleichbar schlank ist auch die
Ende und eine Bekronung, die i m ersten Augenblick Artemis auf einem delischen Bronzerelief, das anschei-
wie eine Knospe wirkt. Vergleicht man die Bekronung nend aus einem Heiligtum der vergôttlichten Kônigin
84 Pfrommer

Abb. 4. Relief aus Delos m i t Artemis und zwei Satyrn. Bronze. Delos, Museum A 1719. Photo: E F A , Athen.
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 85

Abb. 5 a. Ring mit dem Bild einer Artemis-Aphrodite. Gold Abb. 5b. Artemis. Umzeichnung von dem Abdruck des
und Chalzedon. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 8 . geschnittenen Steins und dem Profil des Rings, Abb. 5a.
Zeichnung: Peggy Sanders.

stammt (Abb. 4). FaBt man zusammen, so entstand unspektakulár. Bogen, Kocher und Hirsch sichern die
unser Ring aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach i m ausge- Deutung. Die Gottin scheint ihre Hand nach dem Tier
henden 3. oder frühesten 2. Jh. v. Chr. auszustrecken, ohne es direkt anzusehen. M a n kônnte
beinahe von einem Zeichen verhaltener Zuneigung
E I N E K Ô N I G L I C H E ARTEMIS sprechen. Der Hirsch ist weit eher lebendes Attribut
Der zweite Getty-Ring trágt einen rotbraunen Chal­ denn Jagdbeute. Die Komposition charakterisiert Arte­
21
zedon mit dem Bildnis der Artemis (Abb. 5 a—b) . Aus mis also nicht primar als Jâgerin, sondern eher als Herrin
typologischem Blickwinkel gehort das Schmuckstück der Tierwelt.
ebenfalls i n das spâtere 3. oder frühere 2. Jh. v. Chr. Es Obwohl sich Artemis auf einen Pfeiler stiitzt, ist
ist geringfugig groBer als der Tyche-Ring und stammt das statuarische M o t i v komplexer als bei unserer Tyche.
definitiv aus anderer Hand. Es handelt sich nicht u m Die linke Hüfte wurde noch starker betont. Die Gottin
regelrechte Pendants. Zahlreiche Details des Artemis- steht auf dem verhüllten linken Bein. Das rechte ist
Bildes sind schárfer geschnitten, andere Faltenpartien entspannt gekreuzt, ein beinahe manieristisches Motiv.
zeigen wiederum eine groBere Flexibilitât der Linien- Artemis trágt einen Chiton, der hoch unter den Brüsten
führung, auch wenn beim M o t i v der aufgestützten gegürtet und auf der rechten Schulter geschlossen ist.
Gottin oder dem Schonheitsideal die Verwandtschaft Das Gewand ist allerdings von der linken Schulter
beider Schmuckstiicke nicht zu leugnen ist. geglitten und entblôBt die Brust, für die jungfráuliche
Das Artemis-Bild wirkt auf den ersten Blick eher Artemis eine extravagante Attitude. Der Steinschneider
86 Pfrommer

25
wâhlte auch hier ein tief drapiertes Himation m i t barenTitel "Konigin von Ober-und Unteràgypten" .
dreieckigem UmriB. Der aufgestiitzte Unterarm fixiert Als Analogie ware keine Geringere als Hatschepsut zu
den Mantel auf dem Pfeiler, die schmal herabfallende nennen. Festzuhalten ist jedoch, daB grundsátzlich
Stoffbahn ist an den Zickzackfalten unschwer auszu- keine Ptolemâerin ohne einen mannlichen Partner
machen. Unterhalb des Mantels fallen die Falten des regierungsfàhig war. Dies gait selbst für die berühmteste
Chitons über die Beine. von alien: Kleopatra vu. Leider hat Arsinoë i i . auf ptole-
Aufmerksamkeit verdient vor allem das Antlitz der máischen Münzen stets den Mantel über den Hinter-
Gottin mit der langen, scharf gezeichneten Nase. Das kopf gezogen, so daB w i r nicht wissen, ob sie analog
weit offene Ptolemàer-Auge spricht auch hier für eine zu ihrer ágyptischen Titulatur tatsàchlich ein gràko-
àgyptische Konnotation. W i e Tyche tràgt auch A r t e - makedonisches Diadem trug. Defmitiv Diadème mit
mis eine niedrige Stéphane, doch entschied sich der freien Enden erkennen w i r allerdings auf posthumen
Artemis-Meister für eine modische Melonenfrisur mit Portràtmunzen Arsinoës H I . (s. Abb. 3) oder auf Prà-
2 6
kleiner Kranzflechte, wie sie i n der Diadochenzeit und gungen Kleopatras v u . .
spàter bei Arsinoë n . und ihren Nachfolgerinnen Die staatsrechtliche Bedeutung so mancher K o n i -
22
bestens bezeugt ist . Anders als bei Tyche erkennen gin w i r d vor allem durch das Faktum unterstrichen,
w i r am Hals unserer Artemis zwei Venusringe, ein daB einige i n hieroglyphischen Texten Horusnamen
Detail, das sofort an das Aphrodite-Médaillon erinnert 27
führen . Aus religioser Sicht ist dies eine Absurditát, da
(s. Abb. i5d). Horus-Apollon natürlich stets mànnlich zu denken ist.
Des weiteren erkennt man auf der rechten Schulter Die herausgehobene Stellung einiger Ptolemàerinnen
und hinter dem Hals ein schmales Band, das abrupt verdeutlicht ein kurzer Blick auf das Palastschiff Ptole-
über der Schulter endet, zweifellos das Ende eines maios' i v . D o r t war der oikos der Konigin zwar kleiner
Diadems. Die scheinbare Inflexibilitât ist auf den ersten als der ihres Brudergemahls (zwanzig gegenüber neun
Blick ungewohnlich, doch beseitigt ein Vergleich mit Klinen), jedoch m i t gleichem Prunk ausgestattet.
den süperben Münzportráts Arsinoës H I . alie Zweifel Zudem gelangte man aus den Gemàchern der Konigin
23
(s. Abb. 3 ) . Bei der Schwestergemahlin des vierten zu einem Rundtempel Aphrodites, wàhrend das Kult-
Ptolemàers ist das konigliche Symbol i n ganz analoger gemach des Mànnertrakts ohne freistehenden Tempel
Weise arrangiert. Angebracht scheint hier zunâchst konzipiert war. W i r fassen hier eine geradezu ideolo-
eine Bemerkung zum Begriif des Diadems i m Rahmen gische Architekturkonzeption. Man sollte deshalb zo-
der Frauentracht. Bei Mânnern bezeichnet das Diadem gern, den Frauentrakt einfach als gynaikonitis i m Sinne
mit seinen i m Nacken fliegenden Enden durchweg den eines griechischen Privathauses zu begreifen. Die reprà-
24
regierenden Monarchen . Bei Koniginnen hat man sentativen Aufgaben der Ptolemâerin waren offenbar
sich jedoch daran gewohnt, bereits eine Binde i m Haar bedeutend. So ist für Ptolemaios i v . und seine Schwe-
als Diadem zu bezeichnen und zwar auch dann, wenn ster Arsinoë m . vor der Schlacht von Raphia sogar eine
i m Nacken keine freien Enden erkennbar sind. Hier ist Ansprache an das multiethnische Lagidenheer überliefert,
meines Erachtens Vorsicht angebracht. Zunâchst ist die offenbar nicht zuletzt die ágyptischen Kontingente
28
festzuhalten, daB Tànien bereits i n vorhellenistischer zu àuBerster Tapferkeit begeisterte .
Zeit zu zahlreichen Frauenfrisuren gehôrten. Solange Bei der koniglichen Artemis des Getty-Rings haben
die Bander nicht frei i m Nacken schwingen, sind w i r w i r somit eine Ptolemâerin vor uns. Handelt es sich
nicht berechtigt, sie als Insignien einzustufen. Zudem auch hier u m Arsinoë 11. oder doch eher u m die dritte
sollte man sich vor Augen halten, daB auch rein staats- Arsinoë, vor deren Regierungszeit die Ringe nicht ent-
rechtlich der Begriff basilissa keineswegs als reines standen sein konnen?
Àquivalent zum basileus zu verstehen ist. Regierende
Frauen waren i n hellenistischer Zeit extrem selten. DAS G E T T Y - G O L D U N D DER K U L T
Andererseits sind uns aus dem ptolemáischen DER P T O L E M A E R I N N E N
Agypten tatsàchlich einige Koniginnen überliefert, die Die Vergottlichung einer Konigin kennen w i r bereits
die Geschicke ihres Reiches mehr oder weniger eigen- bei einer als Aphrodite deifizierten Gattin des Deme-
29
verantwortlich lenkten oder zumindest als regierende trios Poliorketes und spàter bei einer reichsweit verehr-
30
Monarchinnen und nicht nur als konigliche Gemah- ten Gemahlin Antiochos' m. von Syrien . I m Gegensatz
linnen begriffen wurden. So führte etwa Arsinoë 11. zum ptolemáischen Agypten war die Vergottlichung der
den nur i n raren Ausnahmefállen bei Frauen beleg- Monarchin allerdings keine allgemeingültige Tendenz
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 87

des hellenistischen Herrscherkults. I m Lagidenreich Artemis von Ephesos. Die Verbindung von Gottheit
kônnen w i r demgegeniiber eine konsequente D i v i n i - und Monarchin liegt also klar auf der Hand, vor allem
sierung belegen—angefangen von den ersten Versuchen da auf verwandten Pràgungen der Kopf der Konigin
einer gottlichen Beiordnung bis hin zur vollstàndigen durch einen Artemiskopf ersetzt wurde.
Gleichsetzung mit einer Gottheit. Bereits Theokrit sah I n spàterer Zeit begründete der ptolemàische
die Mutter des zweiten Ptolemàers als synnaos i m Tempel Nesiarch Hermias mit den Philadelpheia auf Delos
Aphrodites. Die Gottin selbst hatte die entriickte K o n i - Feierlichkeiten zu Ehren des àgyptischen Konigspaares,
gin i n ihren Tempel versetzt, um ihr Anteil zu geben an auch wenn das Fest w o h l erst nach dem Tod der
31
ihrer W i i r d e . Derselbe Dichter feierte Ptolemaios 11. Konigin inauguriert wurde. I m Rahmen dieser Festivi-
fur sein Verdienst, als erster seinen verstorbenen Eltern tàten wurde Arsinoë ausdriicklich mit Apollon, Arte­
regelrechte Tempel mit gold-elfenbeinernen Gotter- mis und Leto assoziiert. Die Frage ist allerdings i n
bildern errichtet zu haben . 32
welcher Rolle? Die Konigin ist hier offenbar nicht nur
38
Arsinoë 11. wurde schlieBlich in aufwendigster Weise ein synnaos der Gotter . Für das zweite Ptolemàerpaar
in das gràko-âgyptische Pantheon integriert. I n ihrem muBte eine Verbindung mit Apollon und Artemis ver-
Tempel auf dem Kap Zephyrion westlich von Alexan­ führerisch sein, handelte es sich doch u m gottliche
dria verehrte man die Konigin als Arsinoë—Aphrodite Geschwister. Dariiberhinaus fand Apollon auf àgyp-
33
und als Schutzherrin der Seefahrt . Wie bereits ange- tischer Seite sein Gegenstiick i n Horus, dem jungen
sprochen, fungierte sie zugleich als Isis, die ewige Gattin Konig Agyptens und Sohn von Isis und Osiris. Der
des Osiris und Mutter des Pharao. Der ideologische Sohn war als harendotes dazu bestimmt, aile an seinen
Hintergrund liegt klar auf der Hand. Die Einbindung Eltern begangenen Verbrechen zu bestrafen. W i r ken-
der Isis sollte àgyptische Untertanen mit dem fremden nen i n der Tat eine ganze Reihe von Darstellungen des
Konigshaus versôhnen—zumindest i n der Théorie. Der koniglichen Apollon i m Kampf mit unterliegenden
39
Titel Thea wurde zu einer Standardmetapher ptolemà- Barbaren . Kein geringerer als Kallimachos feiert
40
ischen Herrscherkults, und die berühmtesten Kôni- Ptolemaios 11. als neuen A p o l l o n , und auch wenn der
ginnen erhielten sogar eigene Priesterschaften, die noch Dichter die Horus-Angleichung übergeht, schwingt
nach Generationen ihren Dienst versahen. Neben der doch die àgyptische Bedeutungsebene i m Hintergrund
Vergottlichung der Kônigspaare setzte sich auch die mit. Wenn Hermias auf Delos seine Philadelpheia
Aphrodite-Angleichung durch. Sie ist i m mittleren 3. Jh. etablierte, dann war die Verbindung von Arsinoë mit
34
offenbar bereits fur Berenike 11. bezeugt und k u l - Apollon nicht nur eine Referenz an den H e r r n der
minierte schlieBlich i m ausgehenden 2 . Jh. bei Kleo­ Insel, sondern auch eine Huldigung an Horus-Apollon,
patra n i . , die als nea Isis kai nea Aphrodite apostrophiert den ewigen Konig Agyptens.
35
wurde . Der Titel "Neue Isis" fmdet sich schlieBlich N u n beobachtete René Vallois bereits i m Jahre
auch bei Kleopatra v u . , die i n der Ôffentlichkeit nicht 1 9 2 1 , daB ein rares Bronzerelief pràzise i n maBgleiche
nur als lebende Isis, sondern auch als Aphrodite i n Er- Einarbeitungen zweier delischer Stelen paBte (s. Abb.
41
scheinung trat . 36
4 ) . Das Relief zeigt Artemis i n Begleitung zweier
I m Gegensatz zu Isis oder Aphrodite gehorte aber Satyrn vor einem Altar. Die Stelen standen nach einem
Artemis nicht zu den konventionellen Deifizierungs- Inventar der zweiten Hàlfte des 2 . Jhs. v. Chr. i m
formen ptolemàischer Kóniginnen. Dies schwàcht Pródromos des Tempels der Agathe Tyche, den die
allerdings nur auf den ersten Blick die ptolemàische Forschung mittlerweile mit dem inschriftlich überlie-
Deutung unseres Rings, fmden w i r doch gerade i m ferten Philadelpheion gleichsetzt. Eine Stele tràgt eine
Falle Arsinoës 11. einige hochst bemerkenswerte Kult- Inschrift des früheren 2 . Jhs. Man folgerte, daB es sich
verbindungen zur Gottin der Jagd. Als Arsinoë i m um eine für die Philadelpheia des Hermias errichtete
früheren 3. Jh. noch mit Lysimachos verheiratet war, Anlage handelte, die dem Kult von Arsinoë, Apollon
gründete der alternde Konig Ephesos aufs Neue. I n der und Artemis gewidmet war. I n spàteren Generationen,
Folgezeit emittierte die Stadt eine Reihe von Bronze- als die ptolemàische Vorherrschaft über die Agàis làngst
miinzen. Sie tragen allem Anschein nach den Kopf Geschichte war, mag das Heiligtum durchaus dem Kult
der Konigin mit Melonenfrisur und dem Schleier liber der Agathe Tyche gedient haben, die i m ptolemàischen
dem Hinterkopf sowie die Légende Arsi, wàhrend auf Denken ohnehin eng mit Arsinoë 11. verbunden war.
der Rückseite Bogen und Kocher erscheinen . Diese 37
Hinter dem delischen Kult von Artemis, Apollon
Attribute beziehen sich fraglos auf die weithin gefeierte sowie der als Isis-Aphrodite verehrten Arsinoë konnte
88 Pfrommer

zunàchst die ephesische Tradition gestanden haben. Aphrodite-Deifikation der Konigin. Zudem sollte man
Nicht minder bedeutsam scheint hier allerdings Hero- nicht vergessen, daB auch Isis des ôfteren mit entbloB-
dot. Zwar identifizierte er Isis mit Demeter, doch ter Brust dargestellt wurde, wie sie ihren Sohn Horus-
iiberliefert er andererseits, daB Isis als Mutter von Harpokrates stillt. Auch aus àgyptischem Blickwinkel
42
Artemis und Apollon zu betrachten sei . Isis schlüpft ware die entblôBte Brust also durchaus stimmig. Interes-
hier i n die Rolle Letos. Diese Légende ermôglichte nun santerweise handelt es sich bei Arsinoë-Aphrodite nicht
in beinahe perfekte Weise die Integration Arsinoës i n nur u m eine seebeherrschende Euploia, sondern auch
eine Kultgemeinschaft mit Artemis, Leto und Apollon. 43
um eine kyprische Aphrodite . Als "Kypris" schlieBt
Arsinoë als Emanation von Isis konnte unschwer als sie sich eng an Astarte und an die GroBe Mutter Klein-
"àgyptische Mutter" Apollons und seiner Schwester asiens an, zu deren Familie ja auch Artemis Ephesia zu
begriffen werden. D i e Philadelpheiai des Hermias rechnen ist. Der kyprische Hintergrund bringt uns nun
waren also wahrscheinlich Apollon, Artemis und den zu den bereits zitierten Münzen Kleopatras v u . Die hier
"Müttern" der beiden Gôtter gewidmet. als Aphrodite erscheinende Kleopatra benutzte auf Z y -
Sobald man die fackeltragende Artemis Soteira pern ganz folgerichtig die Attribute Arsinoë-Aphrodites.
unserer delischen Bronzeplatte (s. Abb. 4 ) mit ptole- Unser Ringbild kann also unschwer als Artemis-
màischen Augen betrachtet, erklàrt sich auch ein selt- Aphrodite verstanden werden, als eine Aphrodite-
samer Z u g des Reliefs, sehen w i r doch Artemis i n Kypris, die sich eng an Artemis-Astarte anschlieBt,
Gesellschaft zweier Satyrn. Ihre Gegenwart bedarf an die groBe Muttergottheit Kleinasiens. A u f diesem
eines dionysischen Hintergrunds, und der làBt sich Wege erklàrt sich vielleicht auch, daB der Stein-
aus ptolemàischer Sicht auch unschwer fmden. Nach schneider hier eher die H e r r i n der Tierwelt und nicht
àgyptischer Lesart waren Isis und Osiris die Eltern des die Jàgerin portràtierte. Die alte ephesische Kultver-
neuen Konigs Horus-Apollon, und nach Herodot war bindung Arsinoës fügt sich vorzüglich i n dieses Muster,
Osiris kein anderer als Dionysos. A u f diese Weise zumal bei unserem Artemis-Ring der Aphroditeaspekt
erklàrt sich nun ganz zwanglos, wie Mitglieder des natiirlich nur i m Hintergrund mitschwingt. Analog zu
Thiasos i n das Gefolge von Artemis kommen, war Ar sino ë-Ty che würde ich das Ringbild als Arsinoë-
doch Artemis (-Arsinoë) die Tochter von Isis und damit Artemis-Aphrodite deuten.
natiirlich auch eine Tochter von Osiris-Dionysos. A u f Diese komplexen Ikonographien sind sicher keine
dem Relief sehen w i r Artemis i m dionysischen Kreis Erfmdung der Gemmenschneider. Eher w i r d man
ihres "Vaters", Osiris, eine Perspektive, die sich erst annehmen, daB sich die Künstler auf allseits bekannte
auf àgyptischem Hintergrund erschlieBt. Skulpturen oder Gemàlde bezogen, so daB uns mit den
Es ist also keineswegs erstaunlich, daB man sich bei Ringbildern auch ein Reflex groBer Ptolemàerkunst
den Gesichtszügen der delischen Artemis seit langem erhalten ist. Zugleich demonstrieren die Ringe, daB der
an Arsinoë 11. erinnert fühlte. M i t Blick auf unseren Kult der vergóttlichten Arsinoë keineswegs mit dem
Artemis-Ring erklàrt sich nun auch das Diadem, dessen Tod ihres Bruders i m Jahre 2 4 5 v. Chr. erlosch, son-
dreigefranstes Ende auf dem Relief zwischen der dern noch Generationen spàter gepflegt wurde. Diese
oberen Fackel und der rechten Schulter sichtbar wird. ungebrochene Popularitàt unterstreicht ihre zentrale
Auch hier haben w i r wohl Artemis-Arsinoë vor uns, Rolle für den ptolemaischen Herrscherkult. Dabei ist
eine konigliche Gottheit. Die konigliche Artemis festzuhalten, daB sich nicht erst Kleopatra v i l . , sondern
unseres Fingerrings fügt sich also problemlos i n dieses auch so manch andere Ptolemàerin i n den Bildnissen
Kultgeñecht. DaB Artemis auf dem Ring auch die fiir wie i m Kult Arsinoës spiegelte. So ist es sicher kein
Arsinoë 11. so charakteristische Melonenfrisur trágt, Zufall, daB Arsinoë m . auf dem Palastschiíf des vierten
kann nun kaum noch überraschen. Ptolemàers einen eigenen Aphroditetempel besaB,
Beachtenswert bleibt darüberhinaus der liber bei dem man sich überlegen kann, ob er dem Kult
Schulter und Brust herabgleitende Chiton. Es handelt der vergóttlichten "GroBmutter" oder ihrer eigenen
sich fraglos u m ein aphrodisisches Motiv, u m die Aphrodite-Deifikation gewidmet war. Zudem besteht
Zurschaustellung weiblicher Schonheit. Unser Stein- auch bei dieser i m Jahre 2 0 4 v. Chr. ermordeten
schneider integrierte i n seinem Artemisbild somit nicht Monarchin eine Verbindung zu Artemis. So stiftete sie
nur Charakteristika Arsinoës, er zi tier te mit dem her- vor der Schlacht von Raphia i m Jahre 2 1 7 v. Chr. ihre
abgleitenden Chiton und den Venusringen auch die Locken i n einen Artemistempel, eine Wahl, die sicher
 Hellenistisches Gold una ptolemàische Herrscher 89

44
nicht ohne die Kulte Arsinoës zu verstehen ist . Dies mit drei Goldstreifen fixiert. Alie Teile sind reich mit
zeigt schon die berühmte "Locke der Berenike", die gedrehtem Golddraht, Spulendraht und Granulation
bei Ausbruch des Dritten Syrischen Krieges i m Jahre verziert. Der zentrale Knoten war w o h l einst m i t
245 v. Chr. von Berenike 11. i m zephyritischen Tempel weiBricher Glaspaste inkrustiert (s. Abb. 6c). Es handelt
45
Arsinoë-Aphrodites "alien Gôttern" geweiht w u r d e . sich u m das friiheste m i r bekannte Beispiel eines
Angesichts unseres dynastischen Bildthemas stellt "farbigen Knotens", der nicht wie bei dem Knoten
sich die Frage nach der einstigen Besitzerin des Getty- des Haarnetzes Karneole oder andere Ziersteine trug
Rings. Wer siegelte mit dem Bildnis einer kóniglichen (s. Abb. 15c). Die Stéphane besaB zudem urspriinglich
Gottin? Da sich unter dem Getty-Gold keine Konigs- acht Quastenanhànger, von denen jedoch nur f i i n f
insignien finden, besteht auch keine Notwendigkeit, i n erhalten blieben.
der Eigentümerin zwingend ein Mitglied des Konigs- Die Funktion unseres Schmuckstiicks verdeut-
hauses zu sehen, auch wenn dies natürlich moglich licht eine Terrakotte mit groBem Heraklesknoten iiber
ware. W i r haben hier allem Anschein nach eine Ange- 49
der Stirn . Verwandt ist auch das Bildnis Berenikes 11.
horige der ptolemâischen Oberschicht vor uns, viel- auf den Wandgemàlden von Boscoreale, obwohl die
leicht sogar eine "Verwandte der K o n i g e " . M a n Stéphane der Konigin mit einem Médaillon und nicht
erinnert sich unwillkürlich an das dreisprachige Dekret mit einem Heraklesknoten geschmückt w u r d e . Inte- 50

von Kanopus, das i m Jahre 238 v. Chr. unter dem drit­ ressanterweise erscheint ein Schmuckstiick mit steifem
ten Ptolemâer erging. Der i n mehreren Kopien erhal- Reif als Oberschenkelschmuck bei einer hellenistischen
tene Text inauguriert unter anderem eine neue Klasse Terrakottastatuette Aphrodites, doch ist diese Verwen-
dynastischer Priester, die man an ihren Fingerringen dung realiter selbst bei festlichem AnlaB so gut wie
40
erkennen sollte . Die Bedeutung derartiger Ringe undenkbar . 51

beleuchtet dariiberhinaus Polybios mit seiner Schilde- Der antike Terminus für unseren Kopfschmuck ist
rung der Thronwirren nach dem Tode Ptolemaios' i v . bisher nicht zu sichern. I n der modernen Literatur
Einer der eifrigsten Anhânger des Usurpators Aga- werden vergleichbare Stücke meist als Diadem bezeich-
thokles nannte nicht nur seine Tochter Agathokleia, er net. Dies ist jedoch ein reichlich unglücklicher Begriff,
lieB sich auch einen Ring mit dem Bildnis des neuen da das Diadem i n der Antike durchweg als Kônigssym-
47
Machthabers fertigen . bol begriffen wurde und letztlich aus einer schmalen
FaBt man zusammen, dann gehoren beide Ringe i n Tànie bestand. Man sollte unser Schmuckstück deshalb
das spàtere 3., allenfalls i n das friiheste 2. Jh. v. Chr., vielleicht eher als Stéphane bezeichnen. Der Begriff fállt
und somit i n die Regierungsjahre des vierten Ptole- nicht nur mehrfach beim Festzug des zweiten Ptole-
52
mâers oder seines Nachfolgers. Zudem unterstreicht máers , er fmdet sich auch anlàBlich des Kapitulations-
die einander ergânzende Ikonographie ihre ptolemài­ angebots Kleopatras v u . So übersandte sie Octavian
sche Konnotation. Der S til ist ausschlieBlich griechischen ihren Thron, das Zepter der Konigin und die Stéphane
Vorbildern verpflichtet, auch wenn sich die religiose 53
der Gottin . Es handelte sich wohl um das niedrige, si-
Botschaft gelegentlich erst auf àgyptischem Hintergrund chelformige Schmuckstück, das die vergôttlichten Ptole-
erschlieBt. DaB diese Ringe vorziiglich zu einer dyna­ máerinnen auf ihren Münzen tragen (s. Abb. 2a, 3).
stischen Priesterin passen wiirden, steht auBer Frage. Das Heraklesknoten-Motiv bietet eine reiche typo-
logische Entwicklung, auch wenn nicht jedes Detail
54
DER K O P F S C H M U C K EINER PRIESTERIN? chronologische Relevanz besitzt . So fmden sich für die
Die Stéphane gehôrt zu den bedeutendsten Stricken des antithetischen Palmetten i m Knotenzentrum über
48
Ensembles (Abb. 6a—d) . Das Schmuckstiick m i t Generationen hinweg immer wieder Parallelen . Nach 55

seinem zentralen Heraklesknoten und den zwei rah- gegenwàrtigem Kenntnisstand erscheinen goldene
menden Fackeln wurde iiber der Stirn seiner Tràgerin Prunkknoten i n den letzten Dekaden des 4. Jhs. v. Chr.,
nur scheinbar von dem Knoten zusammengehalten, da und es ist schwerlich Zufall, daB i n dieser Zeit Alexan­
dieser iiber Scharniere fest mit den Seitenteilen ver- der der GroBe und seine Makedonen ihre Herkunft ex-
56
bunden ist. Verschlossen wurde die Stéphane wie das plizit auf Herakles zurückführten . Die Knotenmode
Haarnetz: auf dem Hinterkopf der Tràgerin und zwar steht somit vor allem für ein herakleisches Zeitalter, i n
wohl mit Hilfe einer Haarnadel. Die aus Goldblech dem nahezu alie Dynastien ihre Legitimation mit Alex­
gearbeiteten Fackeln sind séparât gefertigt und jeweils ander und der makedonischen Herrschaft verknüpften.
 90 Pfrommer

Abb. 6a. Stéphane mit Heraklesknoten und Fackeln. Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.2.

Abb. 6b. Seitenansicht der Stéphane, Abb. 6a.

 Héllenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 91

Abb. 6c. Detail des Knotens der Stéphane, Abb. 6a.

Abb. 6d. Detail des Fackels der Stéphane, Abb. 6a.

Konsequenterweise spielten makedonische Elemente i m kannte ihn ais Beschützer der Schwangerschaft, wáh­
ptolemàishen Agypten immer wieder eine herausragende rend er bei Dionysos die gottliche Vereinigung be-
57
Rolle . 58
zeugte .
Bei der Tràgerin eines Heraklesknotens muB es sich Das mittlere 3. Jh. v. Chr. sieht den Aufstieg der
allerdings keineswegs u m eine Makedonin handeln. Der "farbigen" Knoten, die i n der Regel mit Schmuck-
Knoten zeigt nur, daB sich die Besitzerin an den herr- steinen verziert sind, wáhrend die alteren Beispiele aus
schenden Modestromungen hellenistischer Fürstenhófe Goldblech gearbeitet wurden. DaB es sich bei beiden
orientierte. Ein politisches Statement ist also denkbar, Getty-Knoten eher u m frühe Beispiele der "farbigen"
jedoch nicht zwingend. Der Knoten selbst erscheint Gruppe handelt, bestàtigt ein technisches Detail. So
bereits als apotropàisches Symbol bef Herakles. Plinius wurde die Glaspaste urspriinglich von schmalen Gold-
92 Pfrommer

Abb. 7 . Kopfschmuck mit Heraklesknoten, erworben i n Pantikapaion/Kerch, etwa 3 0 0 v. Chr. Gold und Karneol. Durchmesser
23 cm. Miinchen, Antikensammlungen SL 5 8 9 .

blechstreifen fixiert. Diese Bander mit ihrem winzigen ten, die i m Laufe des 2. Jhs. sogar die Form von
Zungendekor müssen als transitionelle Form zwischen 59
Pfeilerkapitellen annahmen . Diese spate Variante ist i n
der Frühphase der "farbigen Knoten" und spàten B e i - unserem Ensemble noch nicht vertreten.
spielen begriffen werden, bei denen die Ziersteine na- Die i m Kreise der "farbigen Knoten" relativ frühe
hezu durchweg von Zackenbândern gehalten werden Stellung zeigt sich auch i n der relativ zogerlichen
(Abb. 7). Z u der Frühphase ohne Zackenbànder ge- Verwendung von Ziersteinen. So sind die Diademarme
hort auch der "farbige" Knoten unseres Haarnetzes (s. mit ihren Fackeln und auch die Knotenmanschetten
Abb. 15c). ausschlieBlich aus Goldblech gearbeitet. Allein die
Von groBer chronologischer Bedeutung ist auch Quastenanhànger tragen farbige Perlen, eine Tradition,
60
das Aufkommen der Manschetten, mit denen die vor- die sich spàtestens i m mittleren 3. Jh. herausbildete .
mals offenen Knotenbânder zusammengeschnürt w u r - Jeder Anhànger bestand i m oberen Teil ursprünglich
den. I n unserem Fall sind die Manschetten beider aus einem mit Glaspaste gefüllten, scheibenformigen
Knoten noch ohne Ziersteine gearbeitet, wâhrend i m Element und daran hàngender Perle, die jeweils aus vier
2. Jh. v. Chr. die Tendenz zu farbigem Schmuck deut- Lagen zusammengesetzt war. Die eigentliche Quaste
lich hervortritt. Zudem bevorzugte man i n der Frühzeit setzt sich aus vier Kettenanhàngern zusammen. Die
einfache Rechteckmanschetten wie an dem Haarnetz, Gehànge tragen Perlen aus weiBlichem Cabochon(P),
wâhrend sich spàter trapezoide Spielarten durchsetz- blaugriinem Glas, Mondstein(?) und einer Perle unbe-
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 93

kannter A r t , die heute bei alien Anhàngern fehlt. Die parallel verlaufen, wáhrend sie sich i n anderen A b -
steigende Beliebtheit farbiger Elemente bietet nur einen schnitten sogar naturalistisch spreizen. Wieder andere
vagen terminus post nach dem mittleren 3. Jh. Die Ver- sind ornamental verziert und tragen Palmetten- oder Rau-
wendung kleiner Rundelemente (s. Abb. 6c) über tenschmuck, Schuppenmuster und Schraffuren sowie
den obersten Quastenperlen steht jedoch typologisch unter dem bekronenden Kelch ein Arrangement von
zwischen den frühen Quasten ohne vergleichbare Zier- Efeublâttern. Der Efeu ist auch das einzige Element mit
motive und den spàten Exemplaren des 2. Jhs. v. Chr. religiôsem Hintergrund, gait doch die Pflanze als heiliges
61
mit aufwendigeren Schmuckelementen (s. Abb. 7 ) . Symbol des Dionysos.
Die Knoten der Stéphane und des Haarnetzes Fackeln als Kopfschmuck sind meines Wissens bis-
gehoren somit zur frühen "farbigen" Stufe, die nicht lang unbekannt. Erhalten sind neben Stephanen mit
vor der Mitte des 3. Jhs. angesetzt werden kann. Ande- Rankenschmuck zwei Beispiele von der K r i m und dem
rerseits sind Exemplare des 2. Jhs. i n der Regel weiter Kuban, bei denen die seitlichen Arme als Wulstbinden
entwickelt. Die Malibu-Knoten datieren somit nach 6 6
oder Girlanden gestaltet sind (s. Abb. j ) . Sie entspre-
gegenwàrtigem Kenntnisstand i n das ausgehende 3. chen dem stemma, dem Kopfschmuck antiker Priester.
oder allenfalls i n das frühere 2. Jh. v. Chr. Sie ent- Fackeln lassen sich natürlich nicht mit einem spezi-
sprechen damit prâzise der typologischen Stellung der fischen Kult verbinden. W i r kennen sie bei Hochzeits-
Fingerringe. Die chronologische Koinzidenz unter- zeremonien, i n den Hânden von Eroten (s. Abb. 9a)
streicht die Homogenitât des Ensembles. oder als Attribute Demeters und sogar bei Artemis (s.
Ehe w i r den Heraklesknoten verlassen, lohnt ein Abb. 4). I m Falle des Getty-Goldes scheint angesichts
Blick auf den Schmuck der Scharniermanschetten. Der der Efeublàtter eine Verbindung mit Dionysos wahr-
Goldschmied entschied sich für einen Rapport sechs- scheinlich. Ganz generell darf man jedoch von einer
blâttriger Rosetten und kreuzfórmiger Elemente. Das priesterlichen Funktion der einstigen Besitzerin ausge-
Dekorsystem war i n der griechischen Welt weit hen, eine These, die sich ja auch angesichts der Fin­
verbreitet, obwohl es einem achamenidischen Typus gerringe aufdrángte. DaB dynastische Priester Fackeln
62
folgt . Aus chronologischer Sicht hat das M o t i v keine benutzten, zeigt sich vor allem i n der Etablierung einer
Bedeutung, doch gehort es zusammen mit dem orien- neuen Priesterschaft unter Kleopatra 111. ( 1 1 6 - 1 0 6 / 1 0 5
talischen Zinnenfries des Haarnetzmedaillons (s. Abb. v. Chr.). Die Kónigin firmierte als "Neue Isis" und
15 c!) zu einer ganzen Reihe achàmenidischer Reminis- "Neue Aphrodite", wáhrend ihre Priester als Fackel-
63
zenzen i m ptolemâischen Kunsthandwerk . M i t der tráger (phosphoroi) bezeichnet wurden . 67

Stéphane ware der Rapport hier allerdings zum ersten Die Fackeln der Stéphane werden jeweils von
Mal i m âgyptischen Raum belegt. Blütenranken gerahmt. Diese Rankenvariante kam i m
Das bemerkenswerteste M o t i v sind jedoch die bei- Laufe des 4. Jhs. auf, gewann i m Hellenismus an
den mâchtigen Fackeln (s. Abb. 6b, d). DaB es sich tat- Popularitàt, ehe sie sich zur beherrschenden Form
sàchlich um Fackeln handelt, lehren ihre i n Segmente 68
rômischen Baudekors e n t w i c k e l t e . Unser G o l d ­
untergliederten Schâfte, die sich an vielen Fackeldar- schmied erweist sich als souveràner Kenner griechischer
stellungen nachweisen lassen. Vergleichbarer Fackel- Ornamentik. So folgt er mit seinen zierlichen Reben
schmuck ist vor allem aus dem griechisch-rômischen nahezu durchweg dem Typus der i n Italien beliebten
64
Agypten uberliefert . Von besonderer Aussagekraft ist "Begleitranke", bei der die Blütenstiele den zentralen
dabei die Fackel i m A r m einer âgyptischen Terrakotta- Rankenstrang noch eine Strecke begleiten, ehe sie sich
Statuette. Es handelt sich u m Baubo, eine Gefáhrtin zu Blüten entwickeln. Bester Tradition entspricht auch
65
Demeters (Abb. 8 ) . Die Bezüge zu Demeter zeigen der rhythmische Wechsel der Blütenformen. Jedes
sich auch i n dem Schwein i n Baubos rechtem A r m . Rankenpaar steigt aus einem kleinen Akanthuskelch am
Sogar der blütenahnliche Kelch am Fackelkopf der Sta­ rückwártigen Ende der Seitenarme. Das ganze Arran­
tuette entspricht durchaus unseren goldenen Beispielen. gement rahmt schlieBlich noch ein Laufender H u n d . 69

A u f der Stéphane steigen aus den Kelchen noch zusâtz- Nicht zu über sehen ist allerdings, daB die Fackeln teil-
lich konische Gebilde aus zusammengedrehten Gold- weise die Ranken verdecken, so daB wohl davon ausge-
streifen, die w i r sicher i m Sinne flackernder Flammen gangen werden muB, daB sich der verantwortliche
und aufsteigenden Rauchs begreifen dürfen. Künstler schlicht verrechnete.
Die Fackelschâfte sind sicher als zusammenge- Unser Kopfschmuck datiert somit i n das ausgehende
schnürte Stengel zu deuten, die i n einigen Segmenten 3. oder frühe 2. Jh. v. Chr. Fackeln und Fingerringe
94 Pfrommer

Abb. 8. Statuette der Baubo. Terrakotta. Aus Alexandria/Àgypten. Alexandria,

Griechisch-Rômisches Museum. Photo: D A I Kairo, Neg. N r . 1 39657. Photo:
D. Johannes.

sprechen für eine sakrale Funktion der anonymen Ohrgehânge mit Eroten. Die Gehánge bestehen aus
Eigentümerin. Der Efeuschmuck der Fackeln insinuiert je drei Elementen, die sâmtlich an einem goldenen
7
zudem einen dionysischen Hintergrund. Angesichts die- Hàkchen aufgereiht sind (Abb. 9a-b) °. Unmittelbar am
ser Vorgaben kônnte auch dem normalerweise eher insig- Ohr der Trâgerin saB ein Stierkopfchen. Es ist aus zwei
nifikanten Knoten tiefergehende Bedeutung zukommen, Hâlften zusammengelôtet und mittels eines Kragens an
galten doch Herakles und Dionysos als Stammvater einer echten Seeperle befestigt, ein wahrhaft exquisites
derLagiden. Motiv. Darunter fixierte man Rosettenmedaillons aus
Goldblech und schlieBlich die beiden Erosfigürchen.
EROTEN M I T FACKELN Auch die Eroten bestehen aus jeweils zwei getriebenen
M i t dem Ensemble erwarb das Museum nicht weniger Hàlften, wâhrend die winzigen Bandoliers, Fackeln
als vier O h r r i n g e m i t Antilopenkopfen und zwei und Flügel séparât gearbeitet wurden.
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 95

Abb. 9a. Ohrgehânge m i t Eroten. Gold und Perlen. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum
92.AM.8.5.

Angesichts der Stéphane und der A r s i n o ë - Auch hier sind die winzigen Figiirchen an Tierkopf-
Fingerringe ist man natiirlich versucht, auch die Ikono- Ohrringen befestigt. Die schematisierten Tierkopfe
graphie der Gehànge zu hinterfragen, zumal die sind wohl als Lowen zu deuten. Die Bestattung datiert
Konigin selbst als lebende Aphrodite gait. Die Gehànge in das spáteste 3. Jh. v. Chr. und wurde wohl noch vor
erweisen sich bei náherer Betrachtung zunâchst als der romischen Zerstorung des Jahres 209 angelegt. Der
iiberaus seltene M i x t u r bekannter Typen: Eroten- Zeithorizont harmoniert somit mit unseren chronolo-
Ohrgehânge mit Rosettenmedaillons und Stierkopf- gischen Vorgaben. Ein noch bescheideneres Paar áhn-
Ohrringe. Sogar die aufrechte Position der Stierkopfe lichen Zuschnitts stammt aus der Nekropole von
erinnert noch an die Orientierung eines angelegten Metapont . 72

Ohrrings. Eine i n etwa verwandte Komposition bie- Die bekrónenden Médaillons mit ihren sechsblátt-
71
ten Eroten-Ohrgehànge aus einem Tarentiner Grab . rigen Rosetten bestátigen den relativ friihen Ansatz.
9 6 Pfrommer

Abb. 9b. Stierkopf mit Perle. Detail der Eroten-Ohrgehânge,

Abb. 9a.

Zunâchst sind isolierte Rosetten ohne rahmende konzentriert hatte. I m mittleren 3. Jh. erscheinen dann
Pflanzenornamente i n der Regel nicht mehr klassisch auch zum ersten M a i die Ohrringe mit Antilopen-
73
oder friihhellenistisch . A u f der anderen Seite vermiBt kópfen (s. Abb. ioa-b).
man die vor allem seit dem 2. Jh. v. Chr. so auBeror- Die Verbindung eines Tierkopfes mit einer gol-
dentlich popularen Schmucksteinintarsien. Dies stellt denen Perle findet sich vor allem bei Stierkopf-
die Malibumedaillons i n eine transitionelle Phase Ohrringen, so daB unser Paar i n diesem Punkt nicht
zwischen der frühhellenistischen Stufe und spàter- aus dem Rahmen fállt, auch wenn unser Goldschmied
hellenistischen Beispielen, so daB uns auch die Rosetten anstelle von Goldperlen echte Perlen bevorzugte. Rein
am ehesten i n das spàtere 3. Jh. oder friihere 2. Jh. formal ist die Seeperle nichts anderes als der Ersatz eines
führen. goldenen Elements durch farbige Steine, eine Tendenz,
Die Stierkopfchen iiber den Rosettenmedaillons die sich spátestens seit dem mittleren 3. Jh. abzeichnet.
entsprechen formal dem Typus des Stierkopf-Ohrrings . 74
Unser Paar stellt sich somit zu der begrenzten Zahl
Zusammen m i t Greifenkopf-, W i d d e r k o p f - oder entsprechender T i e r k o p f - O h r r i n g e m i t farbigen
75
Luchskopf-Ohrringen erweiterten sie seit dem mittleren Perlen . Unter den erhaltenen Exemplaren fmden sich
3. Jh. die Formenpalette, wáhrend sich die frühhelle- drei Varianten: Zuerst eine Spielart mit einer gol­
nistische Goldschmiedekunst vor allem auf Lowenkopfe denen oder bunten Perle i n der Kopfmanschette,
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemdische Herrscher 97

Beispiele mit zwei Perlen und schlieBlich eine per- Fl٧ssigkeit. Der zweite Ohrring zierte spβter als Kriegs-
lenlose Gruppe. Eine prβzise rιgionale Aufgliederung beute eine Venusstatue i m Pantheon von Rom. Die
ist nicht mτglich, doch lBt sich die mehrperlige Wahl fiel dabei sicherlich nicht zufαllig auf eine Venus,
Spielart vor allem i n Syrien fassen, whrend die an- verstand sich doch auch Kleopatra als lebende Aphro­
deren Varianten vordringlich i n Kleinasien, Zypern dite. Begreift man die Getty-Ohrgehαnge als genuinen
76
oder Agypten belegt sind . Bestandteil des Ensembles, dann ware uns hier einer der
Die Ero ten folgen dem hellenistischen Puttotypus. fr٧hesten Belege f٧r die Verwendung echter Perlen
Ihre vorderasiatischen Hakenflugel sind allerdings eher erhalten.
ungewτhnlich. Der ostliche Typus ist auch i m ptolema- War bei den Fingerringen die herrscherkultliche
77
ischen Agypten faBbar . Chronologisch ist das Detail Bindung noch ٧berdeutlich, so lαBt sich dies bei den
nicht zu verwerten, doch spricht die ungewσhnliche Ohrgehαngen nicht mit gleicher Sicherheit postulieren.
Form f٧r eine Region, i n der noch i m Hellenismus Zwar w٧rden Eroten vorz٧glich zum Kult einer als
vorderasiatische Traditionen gepflegt wurden. Aphrodite verehrten Konigin passen, doch war der
Eine Bemerkung verdient schlieBlich noch der 84
Schmucktypus weit verbreitet . Selbst i m Falle der
Eros mit Fackel. I n romischer Zeit konnte ein Eros mit Getty-Gehβnge kommen w i r schwerlich ٧ber Spekula-
78
gesenkter Fackel sogar sepulkral verstanden werden . tionen hinaus. Sucht man jedoch erst einmal nach
DaB bereits i m Hellenismus verwandte Darstellungen einem ptolemaischen Zusammenhang, so eroffnet die
bekannt waren, zeigt etwa eine Silberpyxide des 2. Jhs. Vergesellschaftung von Eros und Stier einen weiten
79
v. Chr. . Der sepulkrale Hintergrund ist allerdings Raum f٧r Hypothesen. Dabei ist es durchaus reizvoll,
noch nicht zu fassen. Dies gilt selbst angesichts der Tat- entsprechende Optionen genauer durchzuspielen, ver-
sache, daB die ٧berwiegende Mehrzahl entsprechender deutlichen sie doch, wie problemlos Herrscherkult und
Schmuckst٧cke aus Grbern stammt, da Goldschmuck "normale" Religion vereinbar waren. Ginge man etwa
primar i n Grbern erhalten blieb. Da aufwendiges Ge- davon aus, daB Eros i n unserem Fall als Sohn einer als
schmeide kaum je f٧r Bestattungszwecke angefertigt Aphrodite verehrten Ptolemerin zu begreifen sei, dann
wurde, sollte man bei hellenistischen Eroten m i t ware der Liebesgott automatisch ein Aquivalent f٧r
Fackeln eher an Feste oder Hochzeit denken. Dies zeigt Horus, den Sohn der Isis und jungen Konig Agyptens.
auch der heute verschollene "Kantharos Rothschild" Die Basis bietet die bekannte Ptolemaer-Gleichsetzung
aus Tarent. D o r t erscheinen unter den hohen Henkeln der Isis mit Hathor-Aphrodite. A u f diese Weise erhielt
zwei Eroten, der eine mit Weinamphora, der andere der normalerweise vτllig unpolitische Eros gelegentlich
80
mit Kranz und Fackel . Wein, Kranz und Fackel spre- Attribute des kσniglichen Horus. So kennen wir etwa
chen weit eher f٧r die heilige Hochzeit von Dionysos Harpokrates mit Erosfl٧geln und dem Dikeras Arsinoλs
und Ariadne, fmdet sich doch der Pokalkantharos i n 11. oder Harpokrates-Eros mit Isiskrone . 85

hellenistischer Zeit oftmals i n der Hand des Dionysos. Zudem identifizierten die Griechen interessanter-
Zudem enthielt der Rothschildsche Tempelschatz zwei weise den Apisstier aus dem gyptischen Memphis
81
Schalen mit B٧stenmedaillons . Die k٧ssenden Paare 86
mit Epaphos . Als Sohn von Zeus und Io war Epaphos
sind wohl als Dionysos und Ariadne zu deuten. einer der mythischen Pharaonen. Sein Vater entspricht
Die Datierung unserer Eroten-Ohrgehαnge paBt damit dem Stammvater der Ptolemaer, so wie es die
vorz٧glich zu den bisher diskutierten Schmuckst٧cken. 87
Inschrift von Adulis formuliert : "Abstammend von
Die Verwendung von echten Perlen ist allerdings irritie- Dionysos, dem Sohn des Zeus". U n d Io, die Mutter von
rend, verbindet man Perlen doch bisher mit spαthelle- Epaphos, ist wiederum eine der Deifizierungsformen
nistischen Goldarbeiten. So erscheinen in Rom die ersten Arsinoλs 11., womit sich unsere Mythenzirkel i n w i l l -
82
Beispiele i n der Zeit Jugurthas (112—106 v. Chr.) . Be- kommener Weise schlieBt. Arsinoλ erreichte Agypten
r٧hmt waren auch die Perlenohrringe Kleopatras v u . , ganz wie lo ais Fl٧chtling und "gebar" nach hofischer
von denen eine Perle allein zehn Millionen Sesterzen Fiktion wie Io einen Pharao: Ptolemaios m. Euergetes . 88

83
wert gewesen sein soil . Die Schmuckst٧cke hatten sogar Nat٧rlich existiert keinen Beweis, daB unsere
ihre eigene Lιgende. So wettete die Kτnigin einst mit einigermaBen singulβren Ohrgehαnge so interpretiert
Mark Anton, daB sie allein ein Abendessen dieses Wer- werden sollten, doch muB man sich fragen, ob einem
tes verzehren konne, und der Romer nahm die Heraus- gebildeten Untertanen bei derartigen Schmuckst٧cken
forderung lachend an. Daraufhin loste die Konigin nicht ganz automatisch entsprechende religions-
angeblich eine der Perlen i n Essig auf und trank die ideologische Konstrukte i n den Sinn kamen?
?? ????????

Abb. ioa-b. Antilopenkopf-Ohrringe. Zwei Paare. Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty

Museum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 3 - . 4 .

OHRRINGE M I T ANTILOPENKΤPFEN Schwerpunkten auf Zypern und i n gypten, so daB

Z u unserem Ensemble gehoren auch vier goldene einer gyptischen Provenienz nichts i m Wege stent .91

89
Antilopenkopf-Ohrringe (Abb. i o a - b ) . Die Ring-
b٧gel sind aus gezwirbeltem Golddraht, die Tierkopfe DIE SCHLANGENARMREIFEN
aus zwei Hlften zusammengesetzt. DerTypus lBt sich Unser Schatz enthβlt nicht weniger ais vier vorz٧glich
nicht i n engen Grenzen datieren. Zusammen mit der gearbeitete Schlangenarmreifen. Ungeachtet ihrer
Stierkopf-Variante w i r d er seit dem mittleren 3. Jh. technischen wie stilistischen Verwandtschaft gehoren
90
faBbar . Die Laufzeit deckt zumindest noch das 2. Jh. beide Paare jedoch nicht nur zu unterschiedlichen
v. Chr. ab, so daB sich uns allenfalls ein terminus post Typen, auch die Durchmesser divergieren u m etwa
bietet. Die Verbreitung konzentriert sich i m Wesent- einen Zentimeter. Das groBere Paar (Abb. n a - b )
lichen auf das ostliche Mittelmeer m i t besonderen besteht aus je einer einzelnen Schlange und kσnnte ais
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 99

Abb. 11a. Schlangenarmreifen m i t der Darstellung j e ernes einzelnen Reptils. Paar. Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum
92.AM.8.6.

Abb. 11b. R٧ckseite und VerschluB der Schlangenarmreifen, Abb. 11 a.

100 Pfrommer

Abb. 12. Schlangenarmreifen mit der Darstellung je zweier Reptile. Paar. Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 7 .

92
Oberarmschmuck gedient haben . Die etwas kleineren windungen, eine i m ausgehenden 3. Jh. aufkommende
Doppelschlangen-Armreifen lieBen sich hingegen als Mode, die sich besonders i m 2. Jh. grτBerer Beliebtheit
Unterarmreifen interpretieren (Abb. 12), wenn man nicht erfreute. Aus diesem Blickwinkel folgen unsere Malibu-
gleich von zwei verschiedenen Besitzerinnen ausgehen paare sogar noch einer konventionelleren Formtradition.
will, oder von Schmuckst٧cken, die gar nicht gleichzei- Bei den Schlangenarmreifen orientieren sich allein
tig getragen wurden . 93
die W i n d u n g e n unterhalb der Tierkopfe und die
Bei dem groBeren Paar sind die Reptilien aus funf Schwnze an konventionellen Typen hellenistischen
Goldstreifen zusammengesetzt, wαhrend die Doppel­ Schlangen-Armschmucks, und dies ermτglicht ihre
96
schlangen-Armreifen aus je sechs Goldstreifen gefertigt typologische Klassifizierung . Generell lαBt sich beo-
wurden. Die Tierkorper sind an der AuBenseite gewolbt bachten, daB die Tierkorper immer starker mandrieren,
und an der Innenseite abgeflacht. I m Bereich der Reife bis zum Teil mehrfache Uberschneidungen entstanden.
endet jede Schlangenwindung i n verzierten Goldblech- Dies gilt vor allem f٧r barocke Beispiele des 2. Jhs. v.
Manschetten mit SteckverschluB. Eine der Kupfernadeln Chr. Einschrnkend ist allerdings zu sagen, daB die
ist noch heute erhalten (s. Abb. 11b, links). Die M a n - formal alteren Entwicklungsstufen auch noch injiinge-
97
schetten selbst ziert ein Zungensaum und gegenstβndi- ren Horizonten gefertigt werden . Das aus einzelnen
ger Schlaufenschmuck. Alie Tierleiber wurden mit dem Schlangen konzipierte Paar vermittelt entwicklungs-
Hammer geformt und an zahlreichen Punkten verlτtet. geschichtlich zwischen den einfacheren Exemplaren der
Der i n der hellenistischen Schmuckkunst iiblicherweise ersten Hβlfte des 3. Jhs. und den barocken Armreifen
als flexible Spirale gestaltete Schlangenreif ist hier des 2. Jhs. Bei dem Doppelschlangen-Paar w i r d man
zugunsten einer starren Konstruktion aufgegeben, eine bereits an die barocke Stufe erinnert, doch stellt sich
βuBert ungewτhnliche Technik. Das gleiche gilt f٧r die die Frage, ob die ineinandergewundenen Kτrper nicht
VerschlieBbarkeit der Schmuckst٧cke. Die Konstruktion nur aufgrund der Vereinigung zweier Reptilien zustande
der Verschliisse lBt sich auch an zwei Armbndern des 2. kamen. Angesichts der typologischen Stellung darf man
Jhs. nachweisen, die mit west-syrischer Provenienz i m beide Paare unseres Ensembles i m ausgehenden 3. Jh.
Kunsthandel erschienen . 94 oder fr٧hen 2. Jh. ansiedeln.
Das iiberaus rare Konzept eines versteiften Schlan-
genreifs findet sich auch bei einem winzigen Fingerring FRAGMENTE V O N H A L S S C H M U C K ?
des spteren 3. Jhs. aus einem angeblich i n Tarent ge- Wie bereits angesprochen, fehlen i n unserem Schatz
95
fundenen Komplex . Auch dieses Stuck ist als Doppel- die i m Hellenismus so beliebten Tierkopf-Halsketten.
schlangenreif ausgelegt. Zwar kann man den Ring nicht Vorhanden ist jedoch eine eher bescheidene Kette
offnen, doch entspricht er i n der Komposition durchaus goldener Kauri-Muscheln, die wohl als Halsschmuck zu
unserem Doppelschlangen-Paar. Andererseits trgt der 98
deuten ist (Abb. 1 3 ) . Sie besteht heute noch aus zwτlf
Fingerring bereits Granatintarsien i n den Schlangen- Muscheln, die mittels Golddraht verbunden sind. Da
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 101

Abb. 13. Kettenfragment aus goldenen Kaurimuscheln. Abb. 14. Zierperlen, goldene Kettenglieder und O h r -
Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.11. schmuck(?). Gold, Smaragde, Karneole und Amιthyste.
Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.10.

ein VerschluB fehlt, ist die Kette auf jeden Fall unvoll- wenn das Schmuckst٧ck dafiir etwas massiv wirkt. Ver-
stβndig. Aus chronologischer Sicht sind die Muscheln gleichbare Beispiele gyptischer Provenienz sind i n der
102
wenig ergiebig. Sie dokumentieren vor allem, daB dieser Regel zierlicher .
pharaonische Typus noch i m Hellenismus verwendet
w u r d e " . Zugleich besttigt die Kette die gyptische E I N GOLDENES H A A R N E T Z U N D SEINE G Τ T T E R
Affmitt unseres Ensembles. Das prachtvolle Haarnetz ist als flexible Kuppel gestaltet
103
AuBer dem mutmaBlichen Kollier erwarb das (Abb. I 5 a - b ) . Konstruiert ist es aus goldenen Kett-
Museum auch eine Reihe von Perlen aus Halbedel- chen und acht Bαndern, die wieder aus je drei Reihen
100
steinen und Edelsteinen (Abb. 1 4 ) . Das abgebildete spulenformiger Zierglieder zusammengesetzt wurden.
Arrangement ist modern. Das "Kollier" besteht aus drei Das Kuppelzentrum schmiickt ein goldenes Mιdaillon
hellgriinen Smaragden, f i i n f rot-orangen Karneolen, mit dem B٧stenbildnis Aphrodites. A u f ihrer Schulter
f٧nf purpurnen Amethysten und acht hohlen Perlen zerrt ein kleiner Eros am Gewand seiner Mutter. Die
aus Goldblech. Daneben finden sich auch acht Ket­ kleine Kuppel wird am unteren Rand von einem schma-
tenglieder, die aus je zwei Reihen kleiner Goldperlen len Goldband ofFengehalten, i n dessen Zentrum ein
zusammengef٧gt wurden. Die Smaragde sind eher unre- Heraklesknoten plaziert ist (Abb. 15c). Wie bereits i m
gelmaBig, die Goldperlen hingegen i n etwa hexagonal. Fall der Stιphane (s. Abb. 6a) ist auch hier der Knoten
Die Amιthyste sind beinahe symmetrisch geschliffen. rein dekorativ. Das goldene Band wurde an der Riick-
Die Steine konnten tatschlich zu einer Kette gehort seite mit Hilfe zweier Goldschlaufen geschlossen und
haben, doch entsprechen sie definitiv nicht dem kon- mit einer Nadel festgesteckt, von der jedoch allein das
ventionellen Typus griechischen Halsschmucks . 101
Quastengehnge erhalten ist.
Angekauft wurde auch ein rσtlich-oranger Kar- Das Aphrodite-Mιdaillon ist aus Goldblech getrie-
neol(?) inPilzform (s. Abb. 14, Mitte). Das kleine Loch ben und auf einem grτBeren Goldrund befestigt (Abb.
i m "Stiel" konnte f٧r Ohrschmuck sprechen, auch 15 c!). Gerahmt w i r d es von einem Rundstab, von dem
102 Pfrommer

Abb. 15b. Seitenansicht des Haarnetzes, Abb. 15a.

Abb. 15 a. Haarnetz m i t Aphrodite-Mιdaillon. Gold und
Granaten. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.1.
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 103

Abb. 15c. Heraklesknoten. Gold und Karneol. Detail v o m "Diademband" des Haarnetzes, Abb. 15a.

jedoch nur die winzigen goldenen Rτhrchen erhalten dritten Ptolemαers (245-222 v. Chr.) vergesellschaftet
blieben, whrend die einst aus Glaspaste oder Halb- 107
w a r . Auch an griechischen Goldarbeiten des 2.
edelsteinen gearbeiteten Elemente verloren sind. Das vorchristlichen Jhs. sind sie hinlβnglich belegt . 108

Schmuckglied erinnert unmittelbar an gyptische Unmittelbar unter der Buste hβngt an zwei gol­
104
Ornamentik . Z u m Rahmen gehoren auch zwei deko- denen Schlaufen ein etwa sechzehn Zentimeter langer
rative Friese: innen ein ionisches Kymation und auBen Quastenanhαnger (s. Abb. 15b). Er besteht aus zwei
105
orientalische Stufenzinnen . Das Zinnenmotiv ist Strβngen spulenformiger Perlen, die alternierend aus
auBerhalb des Vorderen Orients relativ selten. I m Granaten und Gold gefertigt sind. Etwa i n der Mitte
Lagidenreich gehτrt es i n den Kreis achmenidischer werden sie von einem kleinen Mιdaillon zusammenge-
Reminiszenzen. Auch das ionische Kymation bietet halten, das einst wohl eine Gemme trug. Jede der
eine kunstlandschaftliche Perspektive. So verzierte der Ketten endet i n einer sphrischen Granat-Perle(?) und
Kiinstler die rein zweidimensional dargestellten Ovoli bildet dann jeweils eine vierteilige Quaste, die ihrerseits
mit feinen Palmetten. Diese Variante erfreute sich seit wieder i n Granatperlen endet. Die Quaste bestβtigt
der Archaik i m Bereich der agaischen Inselwelt letztlich die Verwendung des Netzes als Haarschmuck,
106
betrβchtlicher Beliebtheit , und man sollte nicht ver- kann sie doch nur am Hinterkopf i n annαhernd h o r i -
gessen, daB viele dieser Inseln i m 3. Jh. unter ptolem- zontaler Lage des Netzes frei nach unten hngen. I n
ischer Kontrolle standen. Die Kenntnis dieses Motivs dieser Position ist auch das Mιdaillon gut zu erkennen.
kann also i n einer ptolemaischen Werkstatt nicht weiter Das aufwendige Schmuckstiick wurde also auf einem
٧berraschen. Haarknoten befestigt.
Die acht Spulenbβnder der kleinen Kuppel sind Eine technisch und stilistisch iiberaus verwandte
mittels feiner Goldkettchen verbunden, die acht Thea- Quaste gehτrte wohl urspriinglich zu der Haarnadel
termasken tragen (Abb. 15e—g). Der Kiinstler bevor- des Netzes. Sie hing offenbar unmittelbar auf dem
zugte dreifach geflochtene Ketten, doch ist i n einem Hinterkopf der Trαgerin. W i e bereits bei der Stιphane
Fall auch eine doppelte Goldkette verwendet, vielleicht sind auch die Quastenanhαnger des Netzes ohne ein
ein Hinweis auf eine antike Reparatur. Die Spulen- zustzliches Zierelement unter der Aufhngung gear-
glieder zeigen sich zum ersten Mai i n einem Kunsthan- beitet. Da die aufwendigere Variante i n Komplexen
delskomplex, der angeblich m i t einer Miinze des des 2. Jhs. reich vertreten ist, whrend die einfachere
104 Pfrommer

Abb. 15 c!. Mιdaillon m i t einer Biiste Aphrodites des Haarnetzes, Abb. 15a.

Spielart i n der zweiten Hlfte des 3. Jhs. bevorzugt naten und Gold, die seit dem ausgehenden 3. Jh. v. Chr.
110
109
w u r d e , besttigt sich auch hier der chronologische immer wieder nachzuweisen sind .
Rahmen i m spβteren 3. oder friiheren 2. Jh. v. Chr. Wie bereits angesprochen, wurden Haarnetze unse-
Eine Datierung i n das 4. oder friihere 3. Jh. scheidet res Typs auf einem Haarknoten getragen. Die Haar-
aus, da bei fr٧hen Quastengehangen nahezu ausschlieB- tracht selbst ist bereits i n der Klassik reich bezeugt,
lich goldene Perlen verwendet wurden. Den spten doch kennen w i r keine Darstellungen entsprechender
111
Ansatz besttigen auch die "bunten" Ketten aus Gra- Netze . Andererseits kσnnen Haarnetze anderenTyps
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 105

Abb. i 5 e - g . Masken des Haarnetzes, Abb. 15a.

io6 Pfrommer

Abb. 16. Haarnetz mit einem Eros-Medaillon. Gold und Granaten. Angeblich aus Tarent. Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin—PreuBicher Kulturbesitz, Antikensammlung 1 9 8 0 . 2 2 . Photo: Johannes Laurentius.

i m griechischen Raum auf eine lange Tradition zuriick- N e w Yorker Netz zu erschlieBen, das angeblich aus
116
blicken, auch wenn klassische Vorlufer bisher nur auf Agypten, vielleicht sogar aus Alexandria stammen soil .
112
Darstellungen bekannt sind . Die antike Bezeichnung Die Nacken-Anhαnger erinnern i m ersten Augen-
113
lαBt sich nicht mit letzter Sicherheit eruieren . blick an einen kurzen Zopf, doch war diese Mode i n
Eines der friihesten hellenistischen Netze gehort Griechenland ungebrαuchlich. W i r kennen allenfalls
zu dem bereits angesprochenen Berliner Inventar aus lose, aus einem Haarknoten "herausgezogene" Haar-
117
Tarent (Abb. 16), das wo hi noch vor der romischen strβhnen, die i m Nacken frei herunterhingen . Lange
114
Zerstorung von 209 v. Chr. unter die Erde k a m . Zopfe trug man hingegen i m achmenidischen Kreis,
Auch wenn es sich i n der Machart von unserem Netz doch ist eine Verbindung mit den weit k٧rzeren hel­
unterscheidet, so verbindet beide das diademartige Band. lenistischen Ketten-Gehngen hτchst zweifelhaft. Ein
Dieses Konstruktionsprinzip war keineswegs allgemein- kurzes Gehαnge am Hinterkopf fmdet sich allerdings
verbindlich, so fehlt es etwa an den Netzen des thessa- bereits auf einem grαko-persischen Relief des fr٧heren
115 118
lischen Carpenisi-Komplexes . Der Verfasser hat bei 5. Jhs. aus dem lykischen Xanthos . I n spterer Zeit
dem Berliner Fund bereits an anderer S telle auf die erkennt man bei Frauenkopfen mit Melonenfrisur i m
Moglichkeit alexandrinischer Bindungen hingewiesen. Nacken mitunter eine A r t Schlaufe, die gelegentlich
119
So besaB auch das Berliner Netz einst ein Gehαnge, das mit einem Kopftuch verbunden wurde . Die auf Klapp-
an zwei Osen unter dem bekrτnenden Medusenkopf spiegeln erhaltenen Darstellungen datieren ٧berwie-
befestigt war. Ein βhnliches Arrangement ist auch f٧r ein gend i n das 4. und fr٧here 3. Jh. v. Chr., auch wenn sie
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher 107

in Ausnahmefαllen noch i n spthellenistischem Kontext m i t Ptolemaios Kaisar (Kaisarion) verbinden. Der

gelβufig waren. Es ware immerhin denkbar, daB die Idee ungl٧ckliche Sohn Iulius Caesars fungierte spter
zu den kurzen Gehβngen auf vergleichbare Anregun- oifiziell als Mit-Herrscher. Da die Konigin als Aphro­
gen zuriickging. dite dargestellt wurde, konnte der "kleine Caesar"
Das Malibu-Netz bietet uns eine bemerkenswerte konsequenterweise nur i n die Rolle des Eros schliipfen.
Kombination von Gottheiten und gτttlichen A t t r i ­ Auch bei unserem Haarnetz scheint eine dynastische
butes So verzierte der Goldschmied das goldene Band Deutung intendiert.
zu beiden Seiten des Heraklesknotens mit einem Efeu- FaBt man zusammen, so feiert das Haarnetz mit
zweig (s. Abb. 15b). DaB hier tatschlich eine diony- Dionysos und Herakles die dynastischen Gτtter der
sische Anspielung vorliegt, besttigen auch die Lagiden und mit Aphrodite die beliebteste Deifikati-
goldenen Theatermasken. W i r erkennen neben Diony­ onsform ptolemischer Koniginnen. Die Gτttlichkeit
sos, Silenskopfe und anscheinend Satyrn. Ein Frauen- der Dynastie manifestiert sich i n Monumenten wie
kopf entspricht eher dem Hetβrentypus (s. Abb. 15e—g). der heute verlorenen Inschrift von Adulis, i n der
Das B٧stenmedaillon mit Aphrodite und Eros ist Ptolemaios m . nicht nur seine gτttlichen Ahnen her-
auf hellenistischen Goldarbeiten bestens bezeugt . 120
ausstellt, sondern auch gleich noch i m Stile einer ach-
Aphrodite ist reich gekleidet: Chiton, Himation sowie menidischen Reichsinschrift die Grenzen seines Reiches
i m Ausschnitt eine schβrpenartige Bandolierkette, die auslotet:
vielleicht mit einer Biene geschm٧ckt war. Zumindest
fmden sich auf beiden Seiten des Bandoliers fl٧chtige Der groBe Konig Ptolemaios, der basileus megas, der
Gravierungen, die ais Fl٧gelkonturen eines Insekts ver- Sohn des Kτnigs Ptolemaios und der Konigin Arsinoλ,
standen werden kτnnten. Die etwas nach links ge- der ,,Geschwistergottheiten", ihrerseits Kinder des Kτnigs
Ptolemaios und der Konigin Berenike, der „Rettenden
wandte Gottin trgt eine Melonenfrisur und dar٧ber
Gottheiten"; vβterlicherseits abstammend von Herakles,
die auf Ptolemαerm٧nzen belegte Stιphane (s. Abb. 2a,
dem Sohn des Zeus, und m٧tterlicherseits von Dionysos,
i f d ) . I m Gegensatz zur normalen Melonenfrisur mit
dem Sohn des Zeus. Nachdem er von seinem Vater das
Kranzflechte am Hinterkopf flutet das Haar frei iiber
Kτnigreich Agypten, sowie Libyen, Syrien, Phτnikien,
Schultern und Riicken. I m Nacken offenes Haar, aller- Zypern, Lykien, Karien und die Kykladen, geerbt hatte,
dings ohne Verbindung mit einer Melonenfrisur, ken- machte er sich auf zu einem Z u g gen Asien . 125

nen w i r vor allem vom GroBen Altar von Pergamon

121
oder von der Florentiner N i o b e . Die Verbindung Die asiatische Kampagne ist der Dritte Syrische Krieg,
beider Frisuren ist allerdings hochst ungewτhnlich. der gemB hτfischer Fiktion den dritten Ptolemer als
Oifenbar insinuierte der Kiinstler mit Melonenfrisur alexandergleichen Eroberer Asiens sah. Alexander war
und Stιphane Beziige zum ptolemischen Kτnigsportrt, nach ptolemischer Lesart ohnehin ein Halbbruder
ohne auf die Lockenpracht eines idealen Gotterbildes Ptolemaios' 1 . . Angesichts des aufwendigen Dynastie-
126

zu verzichten. Zudem ist festzuhalten, daB w i r auch bei kultes ist auf unserem Haarnetz die Vergesellschaftung
einigen Ptolemerportrts frei flieBende Locken nach- von Aphrodite, Dionysos und Herakles schwerlich
122
weisen k o n n e n . Der Goldschmied unterstrich somit Zufall. So ist mir bis heute kein anderes Schmuckst٧ck
die dynastische Konnotation seines Aphroditebildes. N u n
m i t einem Heraklesknoten und einer A p h r o d i t e -
ist das Mιdaillon zu klein, u m eine sichere Portrtzu-
darstellung bekannt, auch wenn festzuhalten ist, daB i m
weisung zu wagen, doch zeigt ein Vergleich des leicht 127
Knotenzentrum des τfteren Eros dargestellt w u r d e .
dreieckigen Antlitzes mit mutmaBlichen Bildnissen Arsi-
123
Durchaus un٧blich ist auch die Verbindung eines
noλs m. (222—204 v. Chr.) durchaus verwandte Z i i g e .
Heraklesknotens mit einer Efeuranke. W i r kennen aller­
Wie schnell eine Darstellung Aphrodites i n den dings einige Knoten mit Satyrmasken aus Kleinasien,
Bereich des Herrscherbilds hin٧bergleiten konnte, Unteritalien und Agypten, die diese rare Verbindung
lehren nicht zuletzt die kyprischen Bronzem٧nzen herakleischer und dionysischer Motive wiederholen . 128

Kleopatras v u . , auch wenn die Komposition von Auch bei diesen Beispielen fmden sich mitunter intιr­
M٧nze und Mιdaillon nicht identisch ist. A u f den essante Aspekte. So zeigt ein nach Kunsthandelsangaben
M٧nzen charakterisieren Frisur, Stιphane und Zepter aus Westkleinasien stammendes Knotenpaar i m Zen-
die gτttliche K o n i g i n , die i n Tarsos tatschlich als t r u m Thyrsos-schwingende Eroten. Der dionysische
124
lebende Aphrodite auftrat . I m Falle Kleopatras kann Bezug wird zudem von einer winzigen Silensmaske un-
man den Baby-Eros an ihrer rechten Schulter unschwer terstrichen. Z u allem UberfluB enden die Knotenbn-
io8 Pfrommer

der i n Frauenkτpfen mit Melonenfrisur. FaBt man all gerin nicht notwendigerweise zu einer Prinzessin, oder
diese Elemente zusammen, dann kann an einem gar zu einer Konigin, doch w i r d man nicht fehlgehen,
ptolemβischen Bezug kaum gezweifelt werden, zumal unser Haarnetz als Loyalittserklrung i n Gold zu
die kleinasiatische Westkiiste i m 3. Jh. ohnehin zu erheb- begreifen.
lichen Teilen unter ptolemischer Kontrolle stand.
In welchem AusmaB Geschmeide auf herrscher- DAS G E T T Y - G O L D ZUSAMMENFASSUNG
kultliche Vorgaben Bezug nehmen konnte, zeigt auch Wie bei den Einzelanalysen dargelegt, ist die ptolem-
ein Armreif gnzlich anderen Stils. Er gehort zu einer ische Affmitt des Geschmeides nicht von der Hand zu
i m ausgehenden Hellenismus verbreiteten Gruppe, die weisen. Angesichts der Ausdehnung des ptolemβischen
durch ihre Ikonographie auf gyptischem Hintergrund Machtbereichs i m ausgehenden 3. Jh. v. Chr. muB dies
zu sehen ist. Die aus dickem, mandrierenden Draht nicht zwingend f٧r einen αgyptischen Fundort spre-
hergestellten Schmuckstiicke mit Heraklesknoten erin- chen, doch sollte man bis zum Beweis des Gegenteils
nern sofort an Reptilien. Uber den Knoten erscheinen von einer αgyptischen Provenienz ausgehen.
Gottergestalten wie Isis, Serapis oder Thermutis, die In dem Haarnetz mit seinen Gτttern spiegeln sich
teilweise sogar aus den stilisierten Schlangen wach- somit die Vorgaben ptolemβischen Herrscherkults.
129
sen . Bei einem N e w Yorker Armschmuck steht auf Aphrodite war eine der gngigsten Deifizierungsfor-
dem Knoten eine winzige Aphrodite und neb en ihr men ptolemischer Kτniginnen, whrend Herakles und
Tyche mit einem Steuerruder und dem goldenen Korb vor allem der Asiensieger Dionysos als Stammvαter der
(kanoun) Arsinoλs 1 1 . . Der dynastische Bezug w i r d
1 3 0
Lagiden galten. Die ausschlieBliche Konzentration auf
schlieBlich noch von zwei rahmenden Uren unter- griechische Ikonographie entspricht dabei den Vorlie-
strichen. Wie bei den zitierten kleinasiatischen Knoten, ben der grko-makedonischen Oberschicht. I n den
so miiBte man auch bei dem N e w Yorker Armreif Gemmen der Fingerringe manifestierte sich dann eine
oder unserem ikonographisch so auBergewohnlichen noch intimere Kenntnis ptolemischer Idιologie. Dies
Haarnetz selbst ohne die Hilfe der assoziierten Finger- gilt sowohl f٧r Arsinoλ-Tyche mit dem Doppelf٧ll-
ringe auf einen ptolemβischen Hintergrund schlieBen. horn wie auch f٧r unsere Arsinoλ-Artemis-Aphrodite.
Aus ptolemischem Blickwinkel erklren sich selbst Angespielt ist dabei stets auf Arsinoλ 11., auch wenn die
Details wie die winzigen Theatermasken. So wissen wir, Ringe etwa zwei Generationen nach ihrem Tod ent-
daB kein geringerer als Ptolemaios 11. und seine Schwe- standen. Angesichts der Ringbilder und der Stιphane
stergemahlin ganz w i e Dionysos als Patrone des mit ihren Fackeln w i r d man der einstigen Besitzerin
131
Theatervolks firmierten . Es erstaunt also nicht weiter, priesterliche Funktionen zubilligen d٧rfen. Der Gedan-
daB bereits Ptolemaios iv. wie spter auch Ptolemaios x n . ke, Siegelringe mit dem Bildnis gτttlicher Potentaten zu
Auletes als "Neuer Dionysos" verehrt w u r d e . 132
schm٧cken, ist als Loyalittsbekundung einzustufen.
Die Dionysos-Osiris-Angleichung umfaBte zudem Der Typenschatz des Schatzes folgt dem Repertoire
auch politisch-ideologische Aspekte, da man beide des ausgehenden 3. und fmheren 2. Jhs. v. Chr. Dabei
Getter i m Sinne Alexanders als mythische Indiensieger ist festzuhalten, daB dies nicht notwendigerweise ein
133
b e g r i f f . Konsequenterweise erhoben mehrere Ptole- Vergrabungsdatum i m 2. Jh. impliziert. I m Gegenteil,
mαer i m Sinne ihrer gτttlichen Ahnen auch Herrschafts- der Komplex konnte ebensogut kurz vor 200 v. Chr.
anspr٧che ٧ber Asien. Diese Fiktion zeigte sich nicht unter die Erde gekommen sein. Der Verfasser ist nur
nur i m mittleren 3. Jh. auf dem Monument von Adulis, der Ansicht, daB der gegenwαrtige Kenntnisstand keine
sie manifestierte sich sogar noch i m Jahre 34 v. Chr. i n Differenzierung zwischen dem spten 3. und dem
1 3 4
den Tagen Kleopatras v u . . Angesichts dieses poli- beginnenden 2. Jh. erlaubt. Die zeitliche Homogenitt
tischen Hintergrunds darf man sich fragen, ob es wirklich des Ensembles impliziert nicht, daB alie Schmuckst٧cke
Zufall ist, daB unser Goldschmied sein Aphrodite- zu ein-und derselben Zeitpunkt i n Auftrag gegeben
Mιdaillon m i t einem vorderasiatischen Zinnenfries wurden oder gar i n einem einzigen Atelier entstanden.
rahmte? M a n konnte sie durchaus auf mehrere Jahrzehnte
Wie man diese Details auch immer wertet, die verteilen. Dennoch spricht die zeitliche Nhe unbe-
gτttlichen Signale unseres Haarschmucks verbanden dingt f٧r ein antikes Ensemble (Abb. 17). Eine wesent-
sich eng mit den Vorgaben dynastisch-ptolemischer liche Verfαlschung durch moderne Zustze ist nicht
Kulte. Wie bereits angesprochen, macht das die Tr- festzustellen, auch wenn einige der kleineren Objekte,
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 109

Abb. 17. Ensemble hellenistischer Schmuckst٧cke aus Gold. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 9 2 . A M . 8 .

wie etwa die Kaurikette oder die Tierkopf-Ohrringe, eine Prβferenz, die sich i n einer besonderen Fundhβu-
dem Vernehmen nach spβter i n Privatbesitz erschienen. fung niederschlαgt.
Das fσrmale Repertoire bestβtigt i n vollem Umfang Die Frage nach dem urspriinglichen Fundcharakter
die vom Verfasser i n seinen Untersuchungen zur Chrono­ muB zwangslβufig hypothetisch bleiben, doch spricht
logie früh- und hochhellenistischen Goldschmucks entwickelte das vorliegende Geschmeide f٧r einen Schatzfund
135
Chronologie . Auch die Studien W. Heilmeyers und und gegen ein Grabinventar. Z u m einen sind so auBer-
137
E. Formiglis zum Tarentiner Gold kamen zu ganz αhn- gewohnlich reiche Grabfunde hτchst selten , zum
136
lichen Ergebnissen . N u n fuBte das seinerzeit vom anderen sind einzelne Formen wie der Ohrschmuck
Verfasser vorgestellte Chronologiemodell grτBtenteils oder die Schlangenarmreifen mehrfach vertreten. Selbst
auf auBer-ptolemαischen Funden, da hochhelleni- reichen Verstorbenen gab man i n der Regel nur ein ein-
stisches Ptolemβergold damais kaum bekannt war. Es ist ziges Schmuckset ins Grab. Zudem ist unser Ensemble
also mehr als bemerkenswert, daB sich der Getty-Schatz nicht einmal vollstβndig. So fehlen nicht nur hellenis-
so nahtlos i n das Entwicklungsmodell f٧gt. Dies tische Halsketten, sondern auch die Nadeln. Andererseits
beweist zunchst die Existenz einer hellenistischen ist das Ensemble keinesfalls reich genug, um zwingend
koine. Andererseits lBt sich nicht verkennen, daB auf mehrere Eigent٧mer zu schlieBen. Es scheint sich
einige Formen landschaftlich differenzierbar sind. Diese also u m den Inhalt einer Schmuckschatulle zu handeln,
These bezieht sich allerdings nicht auf alie Schmuck- die von der einstigen Besitzerin i n hochster N o t vergra-
formen der fraglichen Pιriode, sie konzentriert sich ben wurde. Ihr Tod sicherte das Gold f٧r die Moderne.
eher auf Ohrringe oder Schlangenarmschmuck. Auch Agyptische Provenienz und ein Vergrabungsdatum
in diesem Punkt entspricht das Getty-Gold dem seiner­ i m ausgehenden 3. oder fr٧heren 2. Jh. v. Chr. bieten
zeit entwickelten Konzept. Hierbei ist nochmals zu eine zwanglose Erklβrung f٧r die Existenz eines so
betonen, daB es bei einer landschaftlichen Differenzie- prachtvollen Schatzes. Nach demTode Ptolemaios' i v .
rung niemals u m Exklusivitt geht, sondern nur u m wurde Agypten von einem Staatsstreich und einer
110 Pfrommer

jahrzehntelangen Unsicherheit erschüttert. Den Lagi- grausame Rache übten. Angesichts der Fingerringe
den entglitt mitunter sogar die Kontrolle iiber weite sollte man die anonyme Eigentümerin i n einem ver-
138
Landesteile . Selbst die überaus beliebte Gattin des gleichbaren Umfeld suchen, i n jenem Zirkel, aus dem
vierten Ptolemàers fiel gegen 204 v. Chr. einem sich auch die Mehrzahl der dynastischen Priesterinnen
Attentat zum Opfer, und w i r wissen, daB die Gefàhr- rekrutierte. Záhlte unsere Dame zu den "Verwandten"
tinnen Arsinoës an der Familie eines Attentáters der Kônige?

Archàologisches Institut
Universitàt Trier

Abkürzungen Museum (Stuttgart, 1989), 145, N r . 173, Taf. 32 (wiederverwendet

Formigli u n d Heilmeyer E. F o r m i g l i u n d W . - D . H e i l m e y e r , i n einer Fibel des 1. Jhs. v. Chr.).
Tarentiner Goldschmuck in Berlin, W i n - 7. D. B. Thompson, Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience:
ckelmannsprogramm der A r c h à o l o - Aspects of Ruler-Cult (Oxford, 1973), 32—33, 54 m i t Bezug auf
gischen Gesellschaft zu B e r l i n , N r . Athenaios n . 4 9 7 b - c . Thompson betont überzeugend, daB es sich
130/131 (Berlin, 1990). bei der Passage nur u m den Dikeras handeln kann. I n diesem Sinne
Fraser, Alexandria P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, B d . auch: D. Berges, Rundaltare aus Kos und Rhodos (Berlin, 1996),
1-3 (New York, 1972). 3 8 - 4 1 , Taf. 1-3, 6, 7.3-4 usw.
G r i m m , Alexandria G. G r i m m , Alexandria: Die erste Konigs- 8. Ais Beispiel für viele vgl. man: Pfrommer, Alexandria, 63,
stadt der hellenistischen Welt, Zaberns Abb. 77b.
Bildbânde zur A r c h à o l o g i e ( M a i n z , 9. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 62-68; Kallixeinos von Rhodos bei
1998). Athenaios 5.i97c-203b.
Hoffmann und Davidson H . Hoffmann und P. F. Davidson, Greek 10. R. S. Poole, The Ptolemies, Kings of Egypt, Catalogue of the
Gold: Jewelry from the Age of Alexander Greek Coins in the British Museum (1883; Nachdruck, Bologna,
(Brooklyn, 1965). 1963), Taf. 122.2-3; H . Heinen, Historia 18 (Wiesbaden, 1969):
Pfrommer, Alexandria M . Pfrommer, Alexandria: Im Schatten 189-90 (47-44 v. Chr.).
der Pyramiden, Zaberns Bildbânde zur 11. Demetrios 1.: A . H o u g h t o n , Coins of the Seleucid Empire
Archàologie (Mainz, 1999). from the Collection of Arthur Houghton (New York, 1983), 10, N r .
Pfrommer, Goldschmuck M . Pfrommer, Untersuchungen zur Chro- 165—66, Taf. 10. Alexander 11. Zebina: P. Gardner, The Seleucid Kings
nologie früh- und hochhellenistischen Gold- of Syria, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum (1878;
schmucks, Istanbuler Forschungen, B d . Nachdruck, Bologna, 1963), 82, N r . 7, Taf. 22.3; Houghton, 19, N r .
37 (Tubingen, 1990). 306-7, Taf. 17. Antiochos V I I I . : Gardner, 99, N r . 11, Taf. 26.6;
Houghton, 22, N r . 3 5 0 - 5 1 , Taf. 19. Kleopatra Thea: Gardner, 85,
1. F ü r die generóse Publikationserlaubnis u n d die v o r - Nr. i , Taf. 23.1; H o u g h t o n 27, N r . 407, T a f 22 (versehentlich N r .
ziiglichen Arbeitsbedingungen i m J. Paul Getty Museum ist der 408) und S. 80, N r . 803, Taf. 47.
Verfasser M a r i o n True zu ganz auBerordentlichem D a n k ver- 12. Für diese Kannen vgl. Thompson, Oinochoai (o. A n m . 7),
pflichtet. Dies gilt auch für aile Mitarbeiter des Stabes. Z u nennen 20, 171-73, N r . 142, 144, 146, Taf. 50.
sind v o r allem B é n é d i c t e G i l m a n für ihre M ü h e bei der 13. Z u r heiligen Hochzeit des Paares vgl. zuletzt G r i m m ,
Drucklegung sowie M a r y Louise Hart, Elana Towne-Markus und Alexandria, 70.
John Papadopoulos. Jerry Podany gilt mein besonderer Dank für 14. vgl. etwa die Inschrift von Adulis (s. A n m . 87).
zahllose technische Belehrungen, und Lisbeth Thoresen für die 15. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 239, sah i n einer F o r m u l i e r u n g
Bestimmung der Steine. "Konigin-Arsinoë-Aphrodite'" w o h l zu Recht einen Hinweis auf
2. DaB ein Schatz durchaus Besitztümer mehrerer Einzel- eine Deifikation zu Lebzeiten.
personen enthalten kann, zeigt etwa der sog. Carpenisi-Komplex i m 16. H . Kyrieleis, Bildnisse der Ptolemáer, A r c h á o l o g i s c h e
Athener Nationalmuseum: P. Amandry, Collection Hélène Stathatos, Forschungen, B d . 2 (Berlin, 1975), 103, Taf. 88 (Arsinoë i n . ) ;
B d . i , Les bijoux antiques (StraBburg, 1953), 97if.; Pfrommer, R.R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits (Oxford, 1988), 9 1 , Taf. 75.8
Goldschmuck, 215-20, F K 2 1 . Denkbar ware, daB es sich hier u m (Arsinoë i n . ) ; Poole (o. A n m . 10), 42-44, Taf. 8 (Arsinoë 11. und
Plünderergut handelt. spàtere Ptolemáer; Rückseite m i t doppeltem Füllhorn), 67, Taf. 15.6
3. Z u dem Gold von Tuch el-Karamus: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, (Arsinoë m . ; Rückseite m i t einfachem Füllhorn) und 122, N r . 2,
208-9, F K
6; Pfrommer, Alexandria, 4 0 - 4 3 , Abb. 47-48, 74-76. Taf. 30.6 (Kleopatra v u . ; Rückseite m i t doppeltem Füllhorn).
4. Z u r Typologie: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 226-29, Abb. 42, 17. Z u dem Zepter: W. Cheshire, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und
besonders N r . i - k . Epigraphik 48 (1982): i 0 5 - n , T a f . 4.
5. J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 9 . MaBe des Rings: 18. Z u m Typus: G. G r i m m und D. W i l d u n g , Gôtter Pharaonen
4,46x3,26 cm; MaBe der Gemme: 3,5 X 2 , i cm; Bügeldurchmesser: (Mainz, 1978), N r . 149 m i t Abb.; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 138-40,
1,8x1,1 cm; Gewicht: 35,59 g. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 126-28, Abb. 21.5, Taf. 23.1.
Abb. I 7 i - 7 2 b . 19. Alexandria, Griechisch-Rômisches Museum 23840: A .
6. Als Beispiele seien zitiert: J. Boardman, Intaglios and Rings: Adriani, Repertorio d'arte delVEgitto greco-romano, Serie A , B d . 2
Greek Etruscan and Eastern, from a Private Collection (London, 1975), (Palermo, 1961), 37-38, N r . 145, Taf. 72, Abb. 237; Pfrommer,
19, 92, Abb. 56, und Farbtaf. S. 17. Von der Kuban-Halbinsel: Gold Goldschmuck, 139.
und Kunsthandwerk vom antiken Kuban, Ausstellung Mannheim, Reiss- 20. Fingerringe aus Izmit/Kleinasien i n Istanbul, Archàolo-
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemàische Herrscher i n1

gisches Museum: N . Firatli, Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Yilligi 11/12 44. Epigramm des Demagetos: Fraser, Alexandria 2: 329, A n m .
(1964): 213-14, Taf. 45.3; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 239, FK 67. Neben 35; Thompson, Oinochoai (o. A n m . 7), 6 1 .
dem Schonheitsideal ist allerdings auch der Stil unterschiedlich. 45. G r i m m , Alexandria, 79; Pfrommer, Alexandria, 33 (Kalli-
2 1 . J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 8 . MaBe des Rings: machos Aitia 4.7).
4 , 2 3 x 3 , 1 cm; MaBe der Gemme: 3,8x2,6 cm; Bügeldurchmesser: 46. A . Bernard, La prose sur pierre dans l'Egypte hellénistique et
2,2x1,6 cm; Gewicht: 40,31 g. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 127—28, romaine (Paris, 1992), 1: 22, Zeile 18.
Abb. 172a, 173. Z u weiteren Artemisdarstellungen m i t kóniglichem 47. G. G r i m m , Antike Welt 28 (1977): 454 (Polybios 15.31).
Hintergrund vgl.: G. Platz-Horster, Niederdeutsche Beitrage zur Kunst- 48. J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 2 . Durchmesser: ca.
geschichte 34 (1995): 9-25. 15,2 x 16,7 cm; Lange der seitlichen A r m e jeweils: ca. 25 cm (bei
22. I . N . Svoronos, Ta nomismata tou kratous ton Ptolemaion, B d . •1,2 cm Dicke); groBte Breite: 4,0 cm; geringste Breite: ca. 1,2 cm;
i (Athen, 1904), Taf. 15; P R . Franke und M . Hirmer, Diegriechische Lange des Heraklesknotens m i t Manschetten, jedoch ohne Schar-
Miinze, 2. Aufl. (Miinchen, 1972), 165, N r . 802, Taf. 219. niere: ca. 3,7 cm; Hohe des Knotens: 1,6 cm; Hôhe der Manschet-
23. o. A n m . 16. ten: 1,4 cm. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 131-32, Abb. 175.
24. vgl. generell: H . - W . Ritter, Diadem und Konigsherrschaft 49. M i i n c h e n , Antikensammlungen SL 246: Pfrommer, Gold-
(Miinchen, 1965). Nach dem Zeugnis antiker Quellen iibernahm schmuck, 72-73, Taf. 14.1-2 (mit Parallelen). vgl. weiterhin Terra-
Alexander das Diadem aus dem Insignienschatz der GroBkonige. vgl. kotten aus Gràbern des mittleren 2. Jhs. v. Chr.: The Search for
auch M . Pfrommer, Untersuchungen zur Chronologie und Komposition Alexander, Ausstellung, Washington, Chicago, Boston, San Francisco
m r t
des Alexander mo s aïks auf antiquarischer Grundlage, Aegyptiaca Treve- (New York, 1980), 174, N r . 143-44, Abb. (aus Veria).
rensia, Bd. 8 (Mainz, 1998), 36, 58, 1 9 0 - 9 1 , 197. Bezeichnend auch 50. N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 03.14.5:
eine N o t i z bei Polyainos (11.8): "Darius stieB sein Zepter i n die Erde M . L . Anderson, BMMA 45.3 (1987/1988): 28, A b b . 34; M .
und w a r f seine Kandys [Mantel], seine Tiara und das kónigliche Pfrommer, Gottliche Fiirsten in Boscoreale: Der Festsaal in der Villa des R
Diadem darüber". Fannius Synistor, 12. Trierer Winckelmannsprogramm (Mainz, 1993),
25. S. Albersmeier und M . Minas, i n Egyptian Religion: The Last 1 9 - 2 1 , Taf. 2, 3.1-2.
Thousand Years, B d . 1, Orientaba Lovanensia Analecta, B d . 84 51. vgl. Hoffmann und Davidson, 7, 211, Abb. c—D; Pfrommer,
(Leuwen, 1998), 6-7. Goldschmuck, 7-8.
26. Kyrieleis, Bildnisse (o. A n m . 16), 124-25, Taf. 107.1-4. 52. Der Terminus w i r d vor allem auch für Krànze verwendet:
27. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 43, 85, A n m . 132; G r i m m , Alexan- Athenaios 5.197-98, I98a-b, 199b, 20od-e, 2 0 i d - e , und 202b.
dria, 80. 53. Cassius D i o 51.6. 5.
28. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 106-7 (Polybios 5.83). 54. Z u r typologischen Entwicklung und zu Parallelen: Pfrom-
29. Ais Beispiel für eine Deifizierung vgl. man Athenaios und mer, Goldschmuck, 4—80.
seine Bemerkungen zu Phila, der Gattin des Demetrios Poliorketes: 55. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 55, Abb. 13, Taf. 2.2—3, 4.2—3.
Athenaios 6.254a (Aphrodite Phila bei einem Trinkspruch); A t h e - 56. Z u dieser gut bezeugten Généalogie vgl. N . G. L . H a m -
naios 6.255c (" . . . erbaute einenTempel und stellte Statuen i n Tria m o n d und G. T. Griffith, A History of Macedonia (Oxford, 1979), 2:
auf, die als Aphrodite-Phila bezeichnet wurden. Sie benannten auch 3-4, 13, 16-17.
einen O r t Philaeum nach Phila, der Frau des Demetrios"); vgl. 57. Z u r Bedeutung makedonischer Elemente i m ptolemàischen
Pfrommer, Alexandria, 4 1 , A n m . 63. Agypten vgl. Fraser, Alexandria, 3: 49 (Index s.v. Macedonia). Z u r
30. H . H . Schmitt, i n J. Seibert, Hrsg., Hellenistische Studien: makedonischen Garde vgl. Fraser 1: 80; G r i m m , Alexandria, 103;
Gedenkschrift für Hermann Bengtson, Münchner Arbeiten zur alten Pfrommer, Alexandria, 23, 142, Abb. 33-34 (mit Verweis auf
Geschichte, B d . 5 (Miinchen, 1991), 75-86. Plutarch Ant. 54). Weiterhin: J. Lesquier, Les institutions militaires d'E-
31. Theokrit Id. 17.49-50; Fraser, Alexandria 1: 666-67; 2 :
39 1
gypte sous les Lagides (Paris, 1911), 2-5; G. Gagsteiger, Die ptolemài-
A n m . 403 und 934 A n m . 390. schen Wajfenmodelle aus Memphis, Hildesheimer àgyptologische
32. T h e o k r i t Id. 17.121—22. Beitràge, N r . 36 (Hildesheim, 1993), 62. Z u makedonischen
33. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 239, m i t Verweis auf Poseidippos; Elementen i n àgyptischer A r c h i t e k t u r v g l . M . Pfrommer, i n
A. S. F. Gow und D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology. Hellenistic Epigrams Alexandria and Alexandrianism, Acta o f the International Symposium,
(Cambridge, 1965), 1: 169—70, N r . 12, Zeile 3 110—19; 2: 491—92. The J. Paul Getty Museum 1993 (Malibu, 1996), 178-79, Abb. 9-10;
34. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 240. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 72—73, 98—101.
35. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 244. 58. Plin. NH 28.63. Z u weiteren Deutungen des Knotens vgl.
36. Plutarch Ant. 26 (als Aphrodite), 54.6 (als Isis). M . Grant, LIMC 4 (1988), 729, s.v. "Herakles" (J. Boardman).
Kleopatra (Bergisch Gladbach, 1977), 228. 59. Z u typologischen Details vgl. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck,
37. Svoronos (o. A n m . 22), 1: 133, Taf. 26.11-12, 14; (Athen, 36—43, Taf. 8, 9.1—3 (frühere Goldknoten m i t rechteckigen oder
1908), 4: 136. bandfbrmigen Manschetten, m i t oder ohne Zungenbànder aus der
38. Ph. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l'époque hel- ersten Hàlfte des 3. Jhs. v. Chr.; 63—66, Taf. 10—11 (frühere farbige
lénistique et à l'époque impériale (Paris, 1970), 528—30; G. H o l b l , Knoten m i t rechteckigen Manschetten der zweiten Halfte des 3. Jhs.
Geschichte des Ptolemàerreiches (Darmstadt, 1994), 98, 304. v. Chr.); 66-72, Taf. 12-13 (Knoten des fortgeschrittenen 2. Jhs. m i t
39. vgl. H . Kyrieleis, "Katháper Ermés kai Hóros", Antike Kapitellmanschetten) und 14, Abb. 2.1-5 (Layout früherer und
_
Plastik (Berlin, 1973), 12: 133-47, Taf. 4 5 4 8 . spáterer Knoten). Das Bànderlayout entspricht früheren "farbigen"
40. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 657—58 (mit Verweis auf Kallimachos Knoten: ebenda 64-66, Taf 11.
und seinen Hymnus an Apollon). 60. vgl. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 18, Taf. 3.2-4.
4 1 . Delos, Museum A 1719. Wahrscheinlich aus dem Temp el 61. Z u r spàteren Entwicklung von Anhángern vgl. Pfrommer,
der Agathe Tyche: M . Bieber, The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age Goldschmuck, 262, A n m . 2249 (bei Nadeln) und 6 9 - 7 1 , Taf. 12.3
(New York, 1961), 153, Abb. 651; J. Marcadé, Au Musée de Délos (Heraklesknoten des 2. Jhs. v. Chr.). Ais dekorative Elemente fmden
(Paris, 1969), 214, Taf. 39, A 1719. sich nicht nur kleine Scheiben, man verwendete auch Efeublatt-
42. Herodot 2.156. I n dieser Légende fungiert Leto nurmehr formige Intarsien oder kleine Blattkelche.
als A m m e von A p o l l o n und Artemis. 62. Z u m achámenidischen Rapport vgl. M . Pfrommer, IstMitt
43. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 239. 36 (1986): 59-76, Taf. 2 0 - 2 2 .
 112 Pfrommer

63. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 37—40, 43—48. G Bastís (Mainz, 1988), 304, N r . 181 m i t Abb. (ohne Provenienz).
64. v g l . besonders ágyptische Terrakotten: C. Ewigleben, Amsterdam, Sammlung Zintilis 449: St. M . Lubsen-Admiraal und
Getter, Graber und Grotesken, Bilderhefte des Museums für Kunst und J. Crouwel, Cyprus and Aphrodite fs Gravenhage, 1989), 92, 184—85,
Gewerbe Hamburg, N r . 52 (Hamburg, 1991), 32, Abb. 72 (Athena- Nr. 260, Abb. 92 rechts; S. 185 (3. Jh.; moglicherweise aus Zypern).
Neith), Abb. 79 (Eroten). Fackeln auf alexandrinischen Lampen: London, British Museum: F. H . Marshall, Catalogue of the Jewellery,
G r i m m u n d W i l d u n g (o. A n m . 18), N r . 1 5 6 - 5 7 m i t A b b . Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Department of Antiquities, British
("Lichterhàuschen"). Museum (1911; Nachdruck, London, 1969), 205, N r . 1888, Taf. 32.
65. Die Statuette ist friihestens spàthellenistisch. Z u r Baubo vgl. Ehemals Luzern, Sammlung Kofler-Truniger: K . Schefold, Meister-
LIMC 3 (1986), 87-88, s.v. "Baubo" (T. Karaghiorga-Stathacopoulou). werke griechischer Kunst (Basel-Stuttgart, i960), 310, N r . 371 m i t Abb.
Z u Schweinen als G o t t e r a t t r i b u t bei agyptischen Terrakotten: Athen, Benaki Museum: B. Segall, Katalog der Goldschmiede-Arbeiten,
H . Rubensohn, AA, 1929: 195-204. Für Photo und weitergehende Museum Benaki Athen (Athen, 1938), 67, N r . 65, Taf. 22 (ein Eros
Hinweise b i n ich G. G r i m m zu groBem Dank verpflicfitet. m i t Lyra, der andere m i t einer Fackel).
66. Eine goldene Stéphane i n F o r m eines stemma aus Kerch, 85. Bronzestatuette eines Harpokrates m i t Erosflügeln und
München, Antikensammlungen SL 589 ("DiademLoeb"): Hoffmann Doppelfüllhorn aus Qaryat al-Fau: A . R. al-Ansary, Qaryat al-Fau: A
und Davidson, 51-55, Abb. i a - e ; B. Deppert-Lippitz, Griechischer Portrait of Pre-Islamic Civilisation in Saudi Arabia (Riad, 1982), 24-25,
Goldschmuck (Mainz, 1985), 275, Abb. 212, Taf. 28-29; Pfrommer, 104—5, Abb. 1—3; K . Parlasca, i n L Arabie préislamique, A k t e n eines
Goldschmuck, 65, 68, 73, H K 144 (erste Hàlfte 2. Jh. v. Chr.). Ü b e r - Symposions i n StraBburg 1987 (StraBburg, 1988), 286, Tafelabb. 11;
aus verwandt ein Beispiel aus dem Artiuchov-Kurgan 1 auf der Ders., Niirnberger Blatter zur Archaologie 11 (1994/1995): 121, Abb. 6.
Kuban-Halbinsel. St. Petersburg, Eremitage A r t 1: Hoffmann und Terrakottastatuette eines Harpokrates-Eros m i t Isiskrone aus M y r i n a
Davidson, 54, Abb. i f ; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 52-73, H K 99. i n Athen, Nationalmuseum 4925: G. Kleiner, Tanagrafiguren, Jdl
67. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 221, 225 (mànnliche oder weibliche Ergànzungsheft, N r . 15 (Berlin, 1942), 245, Taf. 46b; K . Parlasca,
Priesterschaft?). i n Artibus Aegypti: Studia in honorem Bemardi V. Bothmer (Brüssel,
68. Z u r hellenistischen Blütenranke: M . Pfrommer, Metalwork 1983), 102.
from the Hellenized East, Catalogue o f the Collections, The J. Paul 86. I n der Ptolemàerzeit muBte der Apisstier nicht immer m i t
Getty Museum (Malibu, 1993), 26-30. Sonnenscheibe dargestellt werden (Hinweis S. Nakaten). M a n vgl.
69. Ebenda, 39. etwa die Stele eines Traumdeuters i n Kairo, Agyptisches Museum
70. J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.5: Lange: 4,5 cm; Breite: CG 27567: G. G r i m m , i n G r i m m und Wildung (o. A n m . 18), Nr. 106
I , 6 cm; G e w i c h t : 4,2 cm; Durchmesser der Perle: 0,34 c m . mit Abb; La gloire d Alexandrie, Ausstellung Paris, Petit Palais, 7 M a i - 2 6
Pfrommer, Alexandria, 132, Abb. 177. Juli, 1998 (Paris, 1998), 101, Abb. 101.
7 1 . Grab 5 i n Rione Sólito, Tarent, M u s e u m 119.352/3. 87. E. R. Bevan, The House of Ptolemy (Chicago, 1968), 1 9 2 -
T. Schojer, i n Gli ori di Taranto in eta ellenistica, Hrsg. M . De Juliis, 93; Fraser, Alexandria 1: 203, 208; 2: 344, A n m . 106.
Ausstellung Mailand 1984-1985 (Mailand, 1984), 186-87, N r . 119, 88. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 32-34.
Abb. 119 (frahes 2. Jh. v. Chr.); Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 145, 153, 89. J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.3—4. Durchmesser: ca.
r
OR 201, Taf. 30.21. 2,0x 1,4 cm; Gewicht: 1,8—1,9 g - Pfrommer, Alexandria, 132, Abb.
72. Metapont, Museum: J. C. Carter. The Chora of Metaponto: 176.
The Necropoleis (Austin, 1998), 2: 815-17, Abb. 20.18 (gegen 200 90. Z u m Typus v g l . Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 168-72; zur
nach Parallèle Tarent). Verbreitung 171—72, A b b . 3 1 . Z u unserem Malibu-Paar: M .
73. Z u m konventionellenTypus vgl.: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, Pfrommer, i n Alexandria and Alexandrianism (o. A n m . 57), 182,
201-5, Taf. 27.1-4. D i e einzige zeitgenossische Ausnahme bildet Abb. 18.
eine einfache Rosette: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 2si (mit Parallelen). 91. Z u r Verbreitung, M . Pfrommer, i n D. Williams, Hrsg., The
74. Z u T i e r k o p f - O h r r i n g e n u n d ihrer E n t w i c k l u n g v g l . Art of the Greek Goldsmith (London, 1998), 79—84, Abb. 2 (Antilope)
Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 143—96. und Abb. 1 (Stier).
75. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 164, Taf. 30.5, 17-18, 39, 42, 49 92. J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.6.1—2. Pfrommer, Alexan-
usw. dria, 132, Abb. 179. Durchmesser (geschlossen): ca. 7,6x6,9 und
76. Z u r Verbreitung jetzt auch meine ergànzenden Bemer- 7,1x6,7 cm; Hohe ohne K o p f - u n d Schwanzende der Reptilien:
kungen i n D. Williams, Hrsg., The Art of the Greek Goldsmith (Lon- 2.3 cm; Breite der Tierkôrper: ca. 3,8 m m ; Dicke: ca. 1,9 m m ; Hohe
don, 1998), 79-84, Abb. 1-6, 10. einschlieBlich der Reptilien: 5,8 und 6,0 cm; Gewicht: 177,6 bzw.
77. M . Pfrommer, Studien zu alexandrinischer und grof>'griechischer 178,9 gr. Als Beispiel für eine Statue m i t einem Schlangenarmreif
Toreutik, Archáologische Forschungen, B d . 16 (Berlin, 1987), 31, 33. unter einem Mantel am Oberarm vgl. man eine Statue i n Venedig:
78. Z u Eros m i t Fackel vgl. LIMC 3 (1986), 881-82, N r . L. Alscher, Griechische Plastik (Berlin, 1957), 4: 117-19, Taf. 50.
366-87, Taf. 628-29 (A. Hermary, H . Cassimatis und R. V o l l k o m - 93. J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 92.AM.8.7.1—2: Pfrommer, i n
mer); ebenda, 974-77, 1047, N r . 1 4 6 - 7 1 , Taf. 688-90 ( N . Blanc Alexandria and Alexandrianism (o. A n m . 57), 182, Abb. 17; Pfrommer,
und F. Gury). Alexandria, 132, Abb. 178. Durchmesser (geschlossen): ca. 6,9x6,6
79. N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 1984.11.3. und 6,8 x6,7 cm; Hohe ohne K o p f - u n d Schwanzende der Reptilien:
Z u dem Ensemble vgl. D. v. Bothmer, BMMA 42 (Sommer 1984): 1.4 und 1,5 cm; Breite der Tierkôrper: ca. 5,0 m m ; Dicke: ca. 2,3
54-59- m m ; Hohe einschlieBlich der Reptilien: 4,0 und 4,2 cm; Gewicht:
80. P. Wuilleumier, Le trésor de Tárente (Paris, 1930), 43, Taf. 5; 88,7 b z w 89,0 g. Als Beispiel für Statuen m i t Schlangenarmreifen
Pfrommer, Studien (o. A n m . 77), 11-22, Taf. 31c. am U n t e r a r m v g l . etwa Grabskulpturen aus Kyrene: L . Beschi,
81. Wuilleumier (o. A n m . 80), 34-40, Taf. 3.4; Pfrommer, ASAtene 47/48, N . S. 31/32 (1969/1970): 253, N r . 46, Abb. 80; S.
Studien (o. A n m . 77), 163—64, Taf. 34a—b. 274-77, N r . 95, Abb. 93; S. 281, N r . 105, Abb. 96; S. 291, N r . 124,
82. vgl. J. Ogden, Jewellery Studies 7 (1996): 37ÍT. Abb. 100.
83. Plin. NH 9.119-21. 94. Chicago, The Oriental Institute A 29788: Hoffmann und
84. Zitiert seien hier nur einige Beispiele: N e w York, Brooklyn Davidson, 159-60, N r . 56, Abb. 56a-d ("perhaps Alexandrian");
Museum L 67.11.2: A . Oliver, Antiquities from the Collection of Ch. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 289, FK 173, A n m . 2728.
 Hellenistisches Gold und ptolemaische Herrscher 113

95. Berlin, Antikenmuseum 1980.21: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 117. vgl. etwa Frauenkτpfe auf Klappspiegeln: R. A . L . Scheur-
132—33, 136, 231, Abb. 17, i 8 , T a f . 22.3; Formigli und Heilmeyer, leer, AA, 1922: 223, Abb. 8; B. Segall, Zurgriechischen Goldschmiede-
58-60, Abb. 35-37- kunst (Wiesbaden, 1966), 4, 18, Taf. 1. E i n hellenistisches Beispiel,
96. Z u r typologischen E n t w i c k l u n g vgl. Pfrommer, Gold­ angeblich aus Tarent, London, British Museum: D. E. Strong, Greek
schmuck, 126-38, Abb. 18; Pfrommer, i n Alexandria and Alexan- and Roman Gold and Silver Plate (London, 1966), 103, Taf. 29B.
drianism (o. A n m . 57), 182, Abb. 16. 118. F . N . Pryce, Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of
97. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 129—32 (konservative Armreifen). Greek and Roman Antiquities of the British Museum 1.1 (London,
98. J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.11. Lange der Kette: 12,2 1928), 143-44, B 310, Taf. 29.
cm; Lαnge der Muscheln: 1,0 cm; Gesamtgewicht: 7,74 gr. 119. vgl. Spiegel i n Boston, Museum o f Fine Arts 01.7496a-b:
99. ZumTypus vgl. Pfrommer, Studien (o. A n m . 77), 159, K T K M . Comstock und C. Vermeule, Greek Etruscan and Roman Bronzes in
92, Taf. 30b (aus Tuch el-Karamus). the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Boston, 1971), 258, N r . 371 m i t
100. J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.10. Abb. Aus Hermione i n Athen, Nationalmuseum 14326: W. Z i i c h -
101. Z u einer Gazellenkopfkette des 2. Jhs. v. Chr. m i t "far- ner, Griechische Klappspiegel, J d l Ergnzungsheft, N r . 14 (Berlin,
bigen" Perlen weit bescheideneren Zuschnitts vgl. man etwa ein 1942), 82, KS 129, Abb. 112. Berlin, Privatbesitz: Ziichner, 84, 205,
Kollier aus dem Artiuchov-Kurgan. St. Petersburg, Eremitage A r t . 5 : KS 139, Abb. 109 (mit Kopftuch). Sehr αhnlich ein Beispiel i n
M . I . Maksimova, Artichovskij Kurgan (Leningrad, 1979), 57, N r . 4, Boston, Museum o f Fine Arts 03-992a-b: Ziichner, 83-84, KS 138,
A r t . 5, Abb. 11; Farbabb. S. 28. Z u r Bestattung vgl. Pfrommer, Taf. 32 (angeblich aus Kleinasien oder den vorgelagerten Inseln);
Goldschmuck, 89-90, 92, 262, A n m . 594, FK 121, TK 10. Comstock und Vermeule, 259, N r . 372 m i t Abb. Spiegel aus Kreta
102. vgl. etwa: Egypt's Golden Age: The Art of Living in the New i n Kopenhagen, Nationalmuseum 4736: Ziichner, 83, 205, KS 136,
Kingdom 1558-1085 B.C. (Boston, 1982), 2 3 0 - 3 1 , N r . 298 m i t Abb. Abb. 110, und i n London, British Museum: H . B . Walters, Catalogue
103. J. Paul Getty Museum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 1 : GettyMus] 21 (1993): of Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the Department of Greek and
108-9, N r . 12, Abb. 12; Pfrommer, Alexandria, 1 2 8 - 3 1 , Abb. Roman Antiquities (London, 1899), 376-77, N r . 3211, Taf. 32 rechts.
174a—c. Hohe der Kuppel: ca. 6,5 cm; Unterer Durchmesser der Eine angeblich aus Olympia stammende Terrakotta-Imitation i n St.
Kuppel: ca. 8 cm; Hohe des Diadembandes: 1,45 cm; Herakles- Petersburg, Eremitage 10099: Ziichner, 109, TKS 13, Abb. 53.
knoten: 1,9 x 1,4 cm; Lange der Manschetten: 1,0 cm; Durchmesser 120. U . Axmann, Hellenistische Schmuckmedaillons (Berlin, 1986),
des Aphrodite-Mιdaillons: ca. 2,5 cm; Hτhe des Mιdaillons: ca. 0,9 169, N r . i , Taf. 7.2; S. 178, N r . 7, Taf. 7.4; S. 187-88, N r . 13-14,
cm; Durchmesser des ionischen Kymations: ca. 4,1 cm; Durchmesser Taf. 3.3; S. 196-98, N r . 19-20; S. 204-6, N r . 24-25, Taf. 6.1-2; S.
der Stufenzinnen: ca. 5,9 cm; Lange des Anhngers: ca. 16,5 cm; 210—11, N r . 28, Taf. 6.4; S. 224, N r . 35; S. 235-36, N r . 43, Taf. 7.1;
Durchmesser der Gemmenfassung des Anhngers: 1,2x0,9 cm; S. 240, N r . 46; S. 279, N r . 75.
Lange der Quastenketten: ca. 4,25 cm bzw. 5,5 cm. 121. E. Schmidt, Le grand autel de Pergame (Leipzig, 1962), Taf.
104. Ais Beispiel f٧r viele vgl. etwa den rahmenden Rundstab 17, 26, 33, 35, 57, 58; G. A . Mansuelli, Gallería degli Uffizi: Le scul-
eines Reliefs Sethos' 1. i m Tal der Konige bei Theben: K . Lange und ture (Rom, 1958), 1: n o — 1 1 , N r . 70, Taf. 70b.
M . Hirmer, gypten (M٧nchen-Z٧rich, 1967), Farbtaf. X L V I . Das 122. Pfrommer, Alexandria, 33, Abb. 55, 112.
u n
M o t i v fmdet sich an Mσbeln (ebenda, Taf. 226-27) d selbst am 123. Boston, Museum o f Fine Arts 01.8207: Kyrieleis, Bild-
Krummstab des Pharaos (ebenda, Taf. 233). nisse (o. A n m . 16), 104-12, 181, L i , T a f . 89.
105. M . Pfrommer, Metalwork (o. A n m . 68), 39 (mit Parallelen). 124. Plutarch Ant. 26. Grant, Kleopatra (o. A n m . 36), 163. vgl.
106. vgl. als Beispiel das Propylon Ptolemaios' 1. auf Samo- die Aphrodite von Boscoreale, Neapel, Nationalmuseum: B. Andreae,
thrake: A . Conze, A . Hauser und O. Benndorf, Neue archaologische i n B. Andreae und H . Kyrieleis, Hrsg., Neue Forschungen in Pompeji
Untersuchungen auf Samothrake (Wien, 1880), 2: Taf. 29. (Recklinghausen, 1975), 71-83, Abb. 62; Pfrommer, Gottliche Fürsten
107. N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t : C. R. (o. A n m . 50), 4, Abb. 2; Pfrommer, Alexandria, 91-92, Abb. 120-21.
Clark, BMMA 30 (1935): 162-64, Abb. 2 oben. 125. o. A n m . 87.
108. T. Schojer, i n Ori di Taranto (o. A n m . 71), 166—70, Nr. 80, 126. T h e o k r i t 17.12—33. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 45, 215.
84-86 m i t Abb. 127. Z u Beispielen vgl. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 15, 18, 24,
109. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 34, 47, 65, 67-68, 7 0 - 7 2 , 194, 31-34, 37, 52-54-
262, 264, 278-79. 128. Fingerring des friiheren 3. Jhs. mutmaBlich gyptischer
110. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 66, 9 1 , 94, 210, 216, Taf. 9.5, Provenienz m i t einem Silenskopf (Satyrkopf?) i m Knotenzentrum.
10.2; Formigli und Heilmeyer, 46—48. London, British Museum 1917.5-1.913: Williams und Ogden (o.
i n . Z u einer hellenistischen Terrakotte vgl. Formigli und A n m . 113), 253, N r . 196, m i t Abb. (ca. 300 v. Chr.); Pfrommer,
Heilmeyer, 85, Abb. 69. Alexandria, 11, Abb. 7. A r m r e i f derselben Pιriode, mutmaBlich aus
112. Z u syrakusanischen M٧nzen vgl. P R . Franke und M . Westkleinasien. Privatbesitz: Hoffmann und Davidson, 152—55, N r .
Hirmer, Die griechische Miinze, 2. Aufl. (Miinchen, 1972), 52, Taf. 54, Abb. 54a-h; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 18-19, 59-60, 239, H K 63,
41-43 (412-407 v. Chr.). Taf. 29.5. Einzelne Goldknoten der ersten Hlfte des 3. Jhs., angeb­
113. Formigli und Heilmeyer, 74 (Tarantinidia); D. Williams lich aus Reggio di Calabria, m i t Silensmasken ais Anhαnger. N e w
und J. Ogden, Greek Gold: Jewellery of the Classical World, Ausstellung York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 13.234.6: C. Alexander,
London, British Museum (London, 1994), 254 (Kekryphalos); O n di Jewelry: The Art of the Goldsmith in Classical Times (New York, 1928),
Taranto (o. A n m . 71), 45 (Sakkos). 7, Nr. 27 mit Abb.; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 9, 36, 63, HK45, Taf. 7.3.
114. Berlin 1980.22. Formigli und Heilmeyer, 66—78, Abb. Kollier m i t sieben Knoten des spten 4. Jhs. v. Chr. I n den K n o -
48-68; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 60-66, 69, 218, 231, H K 39. Meine tenzentren Silenskopfe. Ohne Provenienz. Athen, Nationalmuseum:
Vermutung, daB das Netz teilweise modern sein kτnnte, ist hinfαllig. Amandry (o. A n m . 2), 216, N r . 151, Abb. 120, Taf. 33; Pfrommer,
115. o. A n m . 2. Goldschmuck, 52, H K 166. Stιphane n i c h t ganz zweifelsfreier
116. N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 1987.220: Authentizitαt, mτglicfierweise des spteren 3. Jhs., m i t einem
Williams und Ogden (o. A n m . 113), 254, Nr. 197 mit Abb. (mit w e i - Dionysosmedaillon zwischen zwei Knoten. Ohne Provenienz: Athen,
teren Parallelen); Pfrommer, Alexandria, 11, Abb. 5. Z u alexandri- Benaki Museum 3743-55: Axmann (o. A n m . 120), 11, 71, i n , 116,
nischen Beziigen des Berliner Ensembles: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 232. 171-73, N r . 4, Taf. 5.1-2; Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 6 1 , A n m . 448.
114 Pfrommer

2 :
129. Athen, Benaki Museum 104/4: Segall (o. A n m . 84), 132. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 204-5; 347> Nr. 117. Ptolemaios iv.
118-20, N r . 180, Taf. 39. Berlin, Agyptisches Museum 20428: F. lieB sich gar einEfeublatt eintαtowieren (ebenda, 1: 204).
Dunancl, Le culte d'Isis dans le basin oriental de la Méditerranée (Leiden, 133. D i o d o r 1.19.1-5 und Arrian Indika 5.5; Pfrommer, Alex­
!973)> 3-' 322, Taf. 15. Berlin, Antikenmuseum, Mise. 30219,523: A . andria, 49—52.
Greifenhagen, Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall, Bd. 2, Einzelstücke (Berlin, 134. vgl. etwa Pfrommer, Alexandria, 66.
1975), 76, Taf. 57.8, 10. London, British Museum 1814.7-4.1183: 135. Die von St. G. Miller, AJA 97 (1993): 5 8 0 - 8 1 , und teil-
F. H . Marshall, Catalogue of the Finger Rings, Greek, Etruscan and Roman, weise auch von B. Deppert-Lippitz, Gnomon 65 (1993): 751-53,
in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum (1907; Nachdruck, geuBerten Zweifel und teilweise sogar grundsαtzliche K r i t i k an der
London, 1968), 42, N r . 244, Taf. 6. N e w York, The Metropolitan Mιthodologie des Verfassers sind durch das Getty-Ensemble weitest-
Museum o f A r t 26.7.1458 und 23.2.1: N . E . Scott, BMMA 22 (1963/ gehend entkrftet.
1964): 229, Abb. 15. vgl. Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, 300, 305, 315-17, 136. Formigli und Heilmeyer, passim.
H K 11 (mit Parallelen). 137. A u c h bei dem Tarentiner Gold i n Berlin (Formigli und
130. N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 26.7.1458 Heilmeyer) konnte es sich durchaus u m ein i n Notzeiten verstecktes
und 23.2.1: Scott (o. A n m . 129), 229, Abb. 15. vgl. Pfrommer, Ensemble handeln.
Goldschmuck, 300, H K I I . 138. G r i m m , Alexandria, 90—117; vgl. Polybios 15.25—35.
131. Fraser, Alexandria 1: 203 ("Die Techniten des Dionysos
und d e r T h e o i Adelphoi").
T w o B R O N Z E P O R T R A I T BUSTS OF SLAVE B O Y S

FROM A S H R I N E OF C O B A N N U S I N G A U L

John Pollini

In 1989 the J. Paul Getty Museum acquired two excep­ interest because o f not only their unusual style and
tional bronze portrait busts o f two adolescent males method o f manufacture but also the sort o f individuals
1
(figs. 1-4). These sculptures, along w i t h other bronze they portrayed. The relationship o f these busts to the
objects, were said to have been found before World other bronzes from the Cobannus cache w i l l be dealt
War 11 i n some Transalpine area, possibly i n the vicinity w i t h i n a more comprehensive work that I am prepar­
2 4
o f ancient Vesontio (Besanηon, France). I f so, the ing for publication.
hoard would have been buried i n the territory o f the The most distinguishing feature o f both Getty
Sequani, that is, i n the eastern part o f France, not far portraits is the unusual hairstyle: the hair o f both is
from the Swiss border. It is clear from inscriptional evi­ parted from ear to ear over the top o f the head (Bust A:
dence, style, and method o f manufacture that all the figs, i b - c , 3; Bust B: figs. 2b—c, 4), w i t h hair brushed
bronzes from this cache are products o f Roman Gaul, forward and backward from this part. Separately fash­
although both Getty busts are o f rather high quality by ioned missing sections o f long bronze hair locks were
comparison w i t h the vast majority o f bronze objects once attached along the hairline at the nape o f the
3
made i n that area. neck (see figs. 7-1 oc). This distinctive femalelike, or
A l l the bronze items from this cache appear to have "feminized," hairstyle is characteristic o f a certain type
5
been associated i n some way w i t h a provincial shrine to of slave boy. Because o f their beauty and youthfulness,
an otherwise unknown local syncretistic Celto-Roman these slave boys, sometimes called delicati, were often
war god identified as Cobannus i n the dedicatory their master's cherished "pets." Their duties might
inscriptions on votive warrior-god figures from this include gratifying their master sexually, serving h i m at
group and on a bronze situla, or olla extaris. The table, and assisting h i m i n carrying out sacrifices. I n
inscription on this vessel mentions the dedicator as scenes o f public and private sacrifices i n Roman relief
coming from a locale i n the civitas o f Augustodunum, art, such slave boys are usually shown carrying various
in the territory o f the Aedui, which lies to the imme­ cult paraphernalia, such as acerrae (incense boxes), lances
diate west o f the territory o f the Sequani. Therefore, it (trays), gutti, urcei (pitchers), and paterae, often w i t h a
is likely that the postulated Shrine o f Cobannus from mantele (woolly and/or fringed towel) over their left
6
which the hoard derives was either i n the civitas o f the shoulder. I n past literature, such a servile priestly assis­
Aedui or i n that o f the Sequani, the region o f the tant has often been called a camillus, a term that gener­
rumored fmdspot. It is, o f course, also possible that ally refers to a freeborn priestly assistant. A more
the hoard ended up where it did quite by chance, as a appropriate name for a servile priestly assistant would
result o f having been hastily buried while it was i n be minister (ministrant), since this term is used w i t h
7
transit to another location. Because o f limitations o f reference to slaves. Internal and external evidence
time and space, I shall focus only on the two portrait provided by the Getty busts themselves, as well as by
busts from the hoard, which I was invited to publish i n the other objects from the Cobannus cache, suggest
this volume. These two bronze busts are o f particular that both these adolescents may have acted as priestly
116 Pollini

Figure ia. Portrait A , bronze bust o f an adolescent. Front view. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 89.AB.67.1.
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 117

Figure ib. Right profile of Portrait A, figure ia. Figure ic. Left profile of Portrait A, figure ia.

Figure i d . Back of head of Portrait A, figure ia.

118 Pollini

Figure 2a. Portrait B, bronze bust of an adolescent. Front view. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 89.AB.67.2.
 Iwo Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 119

Figure 2b. Right profile of Portrait B, figure 2a. Figure 2c. Left profile of Portrait B, figure 2a.

Figure 2d. Back of head of Portrait B, figure 2a.

120 Pollini

Figure 3. Top o f head o f Portrait A , figure ia. Figure 4. Top o f head o f Portrait B, figure 2a.

10
ministrants i n the cult o f Cobannus. Inscriptional and slightly different dates. As we shall see, stylistic, icono-
other evidence further indicates that this cult was associ­ graphical, and other considerations suggest that both
ated w i t h the so-called imperial cult, which i n turn may Getty busts date from the late Claudian—earlier Flavian
have been connected w i t h a protomilitary youth organ­ period (ca. A . D . 50-80), or perhaps more narrowly to
ization commonly known as the iuventus that is found i n the late Neronian period, based on comparisons w i t h
the colonies and municipalities of the Roman West. 8
Nero's later hairstyles.
The striking resemblance between the two adoles­
cents represented i n the Getty portraits might suggest ANALYSIS OF T H E GETTY PORTRAIT BUSTS
that these individuals were closely related, even broth­
9 Portrait A : acc. no. 89.AB.67.1
ers, one slightly older than the other. However, this
(see figs, ia—d, 3, 5a—e, 7, 9)
apparently "fraternal" resemblance may be misleading.
It may simply be the result o f the provincial idealization
Total height o f portrait: 40 cm (ca. 15% in.)
of the portraits of two youths close i n age and w i t h 7
Height from top o f head to chin: 17.5 cm (ca. 6 /s in.)
similar iconographie hairstyles. To differentiate the two Height (at center) o f acanthus attachment: 8.2 cm
busts, I have designated the adolescent w i t h the decora­ (ca. 3% in.)
tive acanthus-leaf attachment as Portrait (or Bust) A W i d t h o f acanthus attachment: 25.1 cm (ca. 9% in.)
(figs, i a - d , 5a); the other, without the acanthus orna­ Thickness o f bronze: 2—6 m m (ca. V16— % in.)
ment (now lost), as Portrait (or Bust) B (figs. 2a—d). 3
Average thickness o f bronze: ca. 5 m m (ca. /i6 in.)
Despite the strong resemblance o f the busts to one
another, it is likely that they were actually created by Portrait A is well preserved. Casting imperfections are
two different artisans. Because there are notable differ­ evident i n the irregular hole at the base o f the hairline
ences i n composition of the bronze, i n casting methods, on the right side o f the nape o f the neck and i n the
and i n artistic approach, the two portraits may have vertical crack i n the shoulder at the base o f the bust
been produced i n two different workshops and at two below the left side o f the back o f the neck. A n elon-
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 121

Figure 5a. Acanthus calyx o f Portrait A , figure ia. Photo: Author.

gated oval fracture on the upper right side o f the back holes i a, 3 a, 4a) and two on the right (see fig. 5 c, holes
of the head and a zigzag, horizontal hairline fracture i b and 3 b)—are near the margin of the plastron, while
running across the middle o f the right side of the back the remaining two holes (one on each side) are further
of the head (not readily visible i n the photo) resulted away from the margin (see fig. 5c, holes 2a and 2b).
11
from the process of making the cast. The oval shape is Two o f the lower holes on the left side o f the plastron
a "hot repair," as indicated by drip marks on the inte­ are covered by the acanthus attachment (see fig. 5 c,
rior o f the head. Among the repairs to the bronze sur­ holes 2a and 3 a). As we shall see, the pattern o f holes
face after casting are the numerous small rectilinear and the use o f two rivets (in holes 4a and 3 b) suggest
patches on the forehead, the lower part o f the face, the that there were at least two phases i n the production o f
neck, and the right side o f the chest. this bust.
The r i m o f the "plastron"—the bib-shaped part o f O n the upper back between the shoulders o f
the bust—has been hammered over on the back side Portrait A the surface o f the bronze is somewhat con­
(figs. 5b—c). The separately cast trefoil acanthus calyx- cave, suggesting that hammering caused this deforma­
leaf decoration on the lower part of the plastron is tion. Also located here is a single square hole about
attached by means o f two bronze rivets (see figs, ia, 7 x 7 m m (fig. sd). 12
Such holes, usually considerably
5a-c [holes 4a and 3b]). A rough patch, approximately smaller than this one, generally indicate the use o f
3.3 cm long (ca. 1 % in.), located at the base o f the cen­ "chaplets," or suspension pins, i n the casting process. I n
tral leaf o f the acanthus attachment but slightly to the antiquity chaplets were square pins that were pushed
right o f its central axis, is probably a result o f the cast­ through the modeled wax "skin" into the clay core at
ing process (see fig. 5a). Seven small round holes, rang­ 13
several points. After this clay core w i t h its overlying
ing i n size between about 4 m m and 5 m m i n diameter, modeled wax "skin" was encased within a clay "invest­
were drilled i n a fairly distinctive pattern i n the plastron ment," the chaplets served to keep the inner clay core
of the bust (see figs. 5a-c). Five o f the holes—three on suspended w i t h i n its outer clay investment after the
the left side o f the back o f the plastron (see fig. 5 c, intervening wax lining was melted out (the cire perdue,
122 Pollini

Figure 5b. Back o f plastron o f Portrait A, figure ia. Photo: Author.

Figure 5c. Back o f plastron o f Portrait A, figure ia. 4a and 3b are rivets; the other numbers are holes.
2a and 3 a are covered on the front by the acanthus leaf. Drawing: Peggy Sanders, based on a drawing by
the author.
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 123

Figure 50!. Square hole i n the back o f Portrait A, figure ia. Photo: Author.

or "lost-wax" process) and the molten bronze poured A careful examination o f the interior and exterior
in. After the casting o f the sculpture, the chaplets were surfaces did not reveal the use o f chaplets i n casting the
14
plugged or patched to conceal the holes. One telltale head. The number of chaplets necessary to suspend the
sign o f a chaplet hole is a slight rise or flange around core i n its encasement during the casting process varies
the hole on the inside surface o f the bronze resulting in such busts. We would expect at least three chaplets
17
from the bronze pin being pushed through the wax to have been used for such a bust. These may once
skin covering the core. I n the case o f Getty Portrait A , have been located where the nostrils are now hollow,
however, the square hole lacks any signs o f a flange on leaving no signs o f the use o f chaplets. Also, the clay
15
the interior surface o f the bust. The inner walls of used for the outer investment filled the hollows o f the
this hole appear to have been cut through wax w i t h a eyes, so that the clay i n these hollows acted like chap­
18
sharp, pointed instrument before the bust was cast. lets. The square hole between the shoulders i n the
Sometimes round holes were drilled i n this position upper part o f the bust o f Portrait A would also have
16
behind the bust for mounting the plastron on a h e r m . been filled w i t h clay, so that it, too, functioned like a
However, the number o f small drilled holes i n the plas­ chaplet, although this does not seem to have been the
tron for mounting would make this square hole rather primary use o f this square hole. As for the interior o f
superfluous, unless the square hole were made first, and Portrait A , the surface o f the head is rather uneven and
it was later decided to drill holes i n the plastron for the lumpy, w i t h a network o f radiating "flashings" (fig. 5 e).
mounting. There may also have been another explana­ These distinctive flashings on the inside surface o f the
tion for the square hole. As we shall see, this hole may bronze are not traces o f seams resulting from the j o i n ­
have been employed for the attachment o f a square ing together o f sections o f wax, but were caused by the
bronze pin that would have served to support a sepa­ seepage o f molten bronze into cracks i n the core dur­
rately cast section o f hair locks attached to the back o f ing the casting process. Wax drip lines on the interior
the head. surface (see fig. 5 e) provide some evidence that the
124 Pollini

Figure 5e. Flashings and molten wax drips i n the interior o f head o f Portrait A, figure ia. Photo: Antiquities Conservation,
J. Paul Getty Museum.

indirect rather than the direct method o f casting was on top and at the back o f the head (see figs. 2d, 4),
19
used for this portrait. areas that would not have been readily visible. Six
small chaplet holes are evident on the head and face, as
well as one on the upper back between the shoulders
Portrait B: acc. no. 89.AB.67.2
(see fig. 10c). There are dents on top o f the head, on
(see figs. 2a-d, 4, 6, 8, ioa-c)
the right side over the right ear, and at the back. This
Total height o f portrait: 40.5 cm (ca. 16 in.) denting indicates that the head sustained damage at
Height from top o f head to chin: 18.5 cm (ca. 7% in.) some point, most likely as the result o f a fall. The lack
Thickness o f bronze: 2-6 m m (ca.Xσ-/^ in.) of repairs on the lower part o f the front o f the plas­
3
Average thickness o f bronze: ca. 5 m m (ca. /i6 in.) tron, where there are numerous casting holes and irreg­
ularities, suggests that this area was to be concealed by
Portrait B is only slightly less well preserved than an affixed decorative ornament. The lack o f rivets and
Portrait A . A jagged missing section on the right lower the high concentration o f lead along the lower front
front edge o f the plastron o f the bust was the result not part o f the chest clearly indicate that leaded tin solder
of a break but o f cracking during the casting process. was used for the attachment o f an ornament, most
There are cracks also on the right side o f the bust, a likely an acanthus calyx similar to that affixed to
large jagged section missing on the back o f the right Portrait A . There are numerous small rectilinear patches
shoulder, and a horizontal crack on the mass o f hair on the bust just below the juncture o f the neck and
locks over the left eye. Small irregular casting holes chest. O n the interior surface o f Bust B are traces o f
resulting from porosity i n the casting process are found drips o f molten wax, as well as fingernail marks and
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 125

Figure 6. Fingernail marks and finger smears around the eye on interior o f
Portrait B, figure 2a. Photo: Antiquities Conservation, J. Paul Getty Museum.

finger smears around the eyes (fig. 6), resulting from compositions (ca. 75% copper, 8-10% tin, and 14-18%
pressing sections o f wax into place i n the molds. A l l lead) and support a date i n the first century A . D . 2 2

these traces are clear signs o f the indirect method o f By comparison w i t h the more plastically rendered
casting. hair patterns o f the front half o f the head, the hair at
the back o f the head appears very linear and artificial.
CHARACTERISTICS C O M M O N Long, parallel, slighty curving vertical lines were scored
TO B O T H PORTRAITS in the wax before casting. T h i n incisions were made to
The patina o f both portraits is generally dark green indicate individual strands o f hair, while thicker inci­
except for the interior and underside, which support sions were made at roughly equal intervals to suggest
carbonate corrosion products (malachite and azurite) as larger divisions, or skeins, o f hair. These hair patterns
well as some copper oxides and copper sulfides. Traces were further incised during the cold-working process
of these same corrosive products and the numerous fine following the casting. Across the entire back o f the
scratch marks on the exterior surfaces indicate that head where the cap o f scored hair overlaps the neck, a
both busts were thoroughly cleaned w i t h abrasives at zigzag pattern was cut i n the wax (cf. Portrait A , fig. 7,
20
some point after their discovery. The uncorroded and Portrait B, fig. 8). I n the case o f Portrait A , traces
bronze surface appears originally to have been a brass of chisel marks during cold-working can be seen along
color. After being cast and cleaned, both busts were the base o f the hairline on the far left side o f the head.
"cold-worked" through a process o f chasing and incis­ Leaded tin residue along the zigzag hairline o f both
21
i n g . The percentages o f alloys employed i n both por­ portraits indicates that sections o f hair locks were cast
traits are consistent w i t h those o f known Roman alloy separately and attached by means o f soldering (see
126 Pollini

Figure 7. Zigzag cuts i n hairline o f Portrait A , figure ia. Figure 8. Zigzag cuts i n hairline o f Portrait B , figure 2a.
Photo: Author. Photo: Author.

Figure 9. Reconstruction o f postulated section o f back hair Figure 10a. Reconstruction o f postulated section o f back
locks o f Portrait A, figure ia. Drawing: Peggy Sanders, based hair locks o f Portrait B, figure 2a. Drawing: Peggy Sanders,
on a drawing by the author. based on a drawing by the author.

reconstructed drawings: Portrait A , fig. 9; Portrait B , that is, the front and back sections o f the heads were
fig. 10a). Because o f the nature o f these iconographical not cast separately and pieced together, leaving a seam
hairstyles, the now-missing hair locks would have been from ear to ear over the top o f the head, as is the case
long. These locks undoubtedly reached but were not with a figure of a Celtic warrior from Saint-Maur-en-
affixed to the shoulders, for there is no evidence on the Chaussιe i n the Musιe Dιpartemental de l'Oise (see
shoulders for the soldering on o f individual hair locks. fig. 14).23

The parting o f the hair from ear to ear over the top In both Getty portraits the neck is elongated,
o f the head (see figs. 3, 4) is a feature o f the hairstyle, tapering down unnaturally to where the neck meets
not the result o f the way the heads were manufactured; the shoulders. This feature appears to be i n keeping
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 127

Figure 10b. Cold-working o f hair behind left ear o f Portrait B , figure 2a. Photo: Author.

24
w i t h abstracting tendencies i n provincial works of art. fingernail marks and finger smears around the eyes
The comparatively thicker upper part o f the neck, a (see fig. 6) resulting from wax having been pressed into
feature apparent only i n the profile views, would have a mold. N o chaplets are evident i n Portrait A , while at
been masked by the attached section(s) o f hair locks at least six were found on Portrait B. I n Portrait A the sin­
the back o f the head. The inside parts o f the ears o f uous pattern o f hair locks over the forehead and the
both portraits are hollow, while the entire pinnae (ear large sidelocks curling forward i n front o f the ears
25
rims) are solid bronze. The eyebrows are incised i n a (especially evident i n front o f the left ear) are treated
feathery herringbone pattern. The now-missing eyes, more naturalistically and are more finely incised than i n
probably once framed by copper eyelashes, were most- Portrait B. The individual hair strands o f B are thicker,
likely fashioned out o f different-colored materials and w i t h more rounded ends. The thick flat skeins o f hair
attached (from behind) to the hollow eye sockets that at the back o f the head are different i n number and
26
were cut out i n the wax model. Although there is less detail: i n Portrait A there are ten individual skeins o f
evidence i n the case o f Portrait A , drip lines and other hair, while i n B there are only eight. I n A the incisions
traces on the interior surface o f the two bronze busts dividing the hair mass into sections are generally deeper
indicate, as already noted, that both were produced by and more distinctive than i n B. Cold-worked incisions
the more complicated indirect method o f casting rather at the end o f the hair skein behind each ear o f Portrait
27
than the simpler direct casting method. B are made directly onto the neck (see, e.g., figs. 8,
10b), a feature absent i n Portrait A . The pattern o f
DIFFERENCES B E T W E E N zigzag cuts along the hairline at the nape o f the neck
T H E T W O P O R T R A I T BUSTS differs somewhat i n the two portraits (cf. figs. 7 and 8),
The surface o f the interior o f Bust B is more even than w i t h the zigzag line being cut more diagonally i n
that o f Bust A . O n the interior o f B is other evidence Portrait A . I n B there is a distinct forking o f the locks
for indirect casting besides drip lines, most notably the to the left and right o f the center o f the hairline (see
128 Pollini

Figure ioc. Chaplet hole i n the back o f Portrait B, figure 2a. Photo: Author.

figs. 8, ioa), a feature absent i n Portrait A . The part whereas that o f A is rendered i n a fairly naturalistic
from ear to ear over the top o f the head o f B (see fig. 4) fashion. The shoulders o f B are more rounded and
is further back on the head than i n A (see fig. 3). I n B, cupped than those o f A . The ornamental attachments at
the division o f this part is narrower and more sharply the front were affixed differently i n each portrait: that
cut, while i n A it is wider w i t h a rounded contour. of A was riveted on the base o f the bust, while the
The face o f Bust B is somewhat longer and wider missing ornament of B was once soldered on. Unlike A ,
than that o f A , and the individual features are slightly Bust B lacks any holes i n its plastron or at the base o f
larger and less subtly modeled. The hollowed eyes o f the neck. The r i m o f the plastron o f A is hammered
Portrait B are slightly wider (by ca. 2 mm) than those over on the back side, a feature absent i n B . And,
of A and the eyelids are thicker. The herringbone pat­ finally, the ca. 7-mm hollow square hole between the
tern o f the eyebrows o f B is more deeply incised, while shoulders at the back o f the bust i n Portrait A (see
the incision work on A is more delicate and refined. fig. 5d) appears to have been cut i n the wax, while the
The nostrils o f A are hollowed out, while those of B are ca. 3-mm filled square hole i n the corresponding loca­
not. Bust B'S mouth is slightly wider (by ca. 2 mm) tion at the back o f Bust B (fig. ioc) is a chaplet hole.
than that o f A , w i t h lips that are more protruding and
more sharply defined. The corners o f B'S mouth are PRELIMINARY TECHNICAL CONCLUSIONS
deeper and less well executed. The slightly longer ears Given the differences i n the physiognomy and propor­
of B are less carefully articulated, especially i n the area tions o f the facial features, the Getty portraits were evi­
of the inner structure o f the ear. I n addition, the ear- dently not meant to represent the same individual. 28

lobes o f Bust A are clearly articulated, while those o f B Furthermore, these and other differences, such as the
are not. Portrait B'S collarbone is unnaturally rounded, position o f the hair part from ear to ear over the head
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 129

(cf. figs. 3 and 4), clearly indicate that the same mold and 3 a) are covered by the acanthus decoration and
29
was not used for both portraits. However, i n view o f would have served no purpose unless one or both had
the overall similarity i n size, bust form, hairstyle, and been used for affixing the bust to a herm before the
facial features, either the same model was used for acanthus ornament was added.
both, w i t h alterations introduced to suggest different Two sets o f holes i n the plastron line up horizon­
30
individuals, or the higher-quality Portrait A served as tally: i a - i b and 3a~3b, while a roughly symmetrical
the basic model for Portrait B. I n the case o f both por­ pattern is formed by ia—2a and ib—2b, as well as by
traits, the back o f the head was not meant to be seen, ia-2a-4a and ib—2b~3b. Four holes would certainly
since there is a great contrast between the more careful have been sufficient to affix the bust to a wooden
and more organic treatment o f the hair at the front and herm; six holes, more than enough. Why, then, are
the less detailed, more linear treatment o f it at the there seven holes? We can only postulate various sce­
31
back. For this reason, both Getty busts were most narios. I f only four holes (ia, 2a, i b , 2b) were used to
likely meant to be set against a wall or i n a niche. affix the bust to a wooden herm, an additional two
The great similarities i n appearance between Busts holes would have been made to attach the acanthus
A and B suggest that they were produced either con­ ornament to the plastron. A t that time 3 a and 3b may
temporaneously or within a few years o f each other. have been drilled. However, hole 3 a would not have
However, the subtle differences i n dιtail and quality o f been used i n the end for a rivet, possibly because the
the two works indicate that they were created by two decorative ridge o f the acanthus is rather thick at this
different sculptors. Furthermore, the percentages o f point. There may also have been a weakness or a slight
trace elements i n the alloys o f the two busts are not casting crack at the back o f the acanthus leaf where it
sufficiently close to establish that they were produced was to be joined w i t h hole 3a i n the plastron. I f there
from the same batch o f bronze and hence i n the same is a crack behind the leaf here, it can no longer be
32
workshop. I n fact, the quite different approaches and seen, although there appears to be a hairline fracture on
techniques employed i n casting the two busts strongly the front o f the acanthus leaf at this very point. I n
suggest that they were produced i n different work­ either case, a seventh hole, 4a, would then have been
shops. It would have been highly unlikely for one drilled to take the rivet.
workshop to employ such different methods and Alternatively, i f six holes had originally been
approaches i n bronze casting, especially i f the busts drilled for attaching the bust to a wooden herm, the
33
were produced just a short time apart, as is clearly pattern would have been ia—2a~4a and i b - 2 b ~ 3 b or
indicated by their iconographie and stylistic similarities. ia—2a—3a and ib—2b~3b. I f the original pattern were
Moreover, the different manner o f attaching the acan­ ia-2a-4a, then hole 3 a might have been drilled parallel
thus ornament and the introduction o f small drill holes to 3b to give support at the outer edge o f the acanthus,
in the plastron o f Portrait A , but not i n B, would also before taking into account the problematic thickness o f
be easier to explain i f the two portraits were produced the acanthus leaf at that point. But i f the original pat­
in different workshops. tern were ia—2a—3a, then 4a would have been drilled
Based on the associated finds and the internal evi­ for the rivet because o f the same problem involving
dence o f the busts themselves, there are various ways to hole 3 a and the thickness o f the decorative ridge o f the
interpret the production and display o f the two Getty acanthus.
portraits. From the holes i n the plastron o f Portrait A , After the attachment o f the acanthus ornament,
as well as their pattern (see figs. 5b—c), we may postu­ Portrait A may have been mounted or remounted on a
late that this bust originally could have been affixed by wooden herm. The two uppermost holes, ia and i b ,
34
nails to a wooden h e r m . Because it is apparent that and possibly 2b, could have served for fastening the
the finds i n this cache o f bronzes are from Roman bust to such a herm. The other holes could not have
Gaul, a wooden herm would be understandable, given been used to affix the bust to a wooden herm i n the
the great abundance o f wood and the lack o f local second phase, since holes 2a and 3a are covered over
sources o f marble or other high-grade stone i n Gaul i n by the acanthus ornament, while 4a and 3 b have rivets
3 5
the first century A . D . A t a somewhat later date (possi­ in them.
bly at the time Portrait B was commissioned), Portrait A As noted earlier, Bust B has no holes i n its plastron
may have been removed from its herm i n order to add for attachment w i t h nails, as we might expect i f it
an acanthus calyx ornament: two holes (see fig. 5c: 2a were attached to a wooden herm. The rounded and
130 Pollini

cupped shoulders o f B may have helped hold the bust

in place. But whether i t were attached to a wooden or
stone herm, we would expect some sort o f fixative
such as pitch or plaster to have been used. I f such a
fixative were used, it has completely disappeared over
the centuries.
Although the two exposed drill holes i n the plas­
tron o f Portrait A may have been used to mount it on a
wooden herm, this bust may also have been affixed to a
stone herm. A portrait bust o f C. Norbanus Sorex from
the Iseum at Pompeii, now i n the Museo Nazionale i n
36
Naples, provides evidence for just such a bust w i t h
holes i n its plastron being affixed to a stone herm. This
portrait o f Sorex, an actor and (later) magister o f the
pagus o f Augustus Felix Suburbanus, has been dated to
3 7
the last two decades o f the first century B . C . Three
large holes were made i n the plastron o f Sorex's por­
trait: two at the level o f the shoulders and one at the
base o f the plastron. N o nails, however, were used to
attach the bust to its cipollino-marble herm, only a
cementing agent. It is therefore conceivable that this
bust was originally set on a wooden herm and later
38
remounted on its present marble h e r m . However,
the use o f such holes i n the plastron o f a bust might
also be explained as standard practice i f this portrait
were to have been replicated i n sufficiently great
number, so that it was left to the purchaser to decide
whether he wanted the bust on a wooden or stone
herm. This may indeed have been the case w i t h Sorex, Figure i i . Back o f bronze bust o f " R i m i n i M a t r o n "
who appears to have been a popular actor: N o t only (Empress Livia). H , w i t h base: 2 4 . 1 cm. N e w York, The
does the inscription on his herm indicate that his bust Metropolitan Museum o f A r t , Edith Perry Chapman Fund,
39
was officially set up i n a designated place, but two 1952, 5 2 . 1 1 . 6 .

other headless herms w i t h the name o f Sorex have

come to light—one from the Eumachia at Pompeii, 40
either at the back o f the bust or i n the plastron, as we
the other from the Sanctuary o f Diana at N e m i i n know i n the case o f other bronze portraits, like that o f
43
41
Latium. Unlike the portraits o f Sorex, the Getty busts an unknown man i n the Cleveland Museum o f A r t ,
would i n all likelihood not have been replicated i n any or of the so-called T. Caecilius Iucundus from Pompeii,
44
great number, since the individuals represented were, now i n the Museo Nazionale i n Naples, the latter still
as we shall see, slave boys. Furthermore, we would affixed to its stone herm.
expect Portrait B to have had holes i n its plastron i f it In a few approximately half life-size portrait busts
were a replicated bust. decorated w i t h an acanthus ornament and mounted on
Another technical element that may be pertinent, bronze bases, one or two round holes are found on
at least to the display o f Portrait A , is the square hole the upper back between the shoulders: one round hole,
on the upper back between the shoulders (see fig. 5<i). for example, i n the bust o f an unknown woman from
Life-size busts that were meant to be mounted on Rimini (fig. 11) i n the Metropolitan Museum i n N e w
45
herms sometimes have a single hole on the upper back York, w h o m I shall call the "Rimini M a t r o n ; " and
between the shoulders. Normally, this would have been two round holes i n the bust o f another unidentified
a round drilled hole, as i n the case o f a bronze bust o f woman from ancient Alesia (figs. 12a—b) i n the Musιe
an unknown boy i n the Metropolitan Museum o f A r t , Alesia, Alise-Sainte-Reine (Dijon), w h o m I shall call
46
42
N e w Y o r k . I n other cases, no such hole was drilled the "Alesia Lady." I n his discussion o f these two
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 131

Figure 12a. Bronze bust of the "Alesia Lady." Front view. Figure 12b. Back of bust of the "Alesia Lady," figure 12a.
Total H. of bust: 22.5 cm. Alise-Sainte-Reine, Musιe Alesia
912 98 0001.

female portrait busts, Hans Jucker postulated that the bust, some sort o f thin, straplike metal armature might
holes were for the attachment o f wires that would have have been employed behind the bust both to give it
secured the bust to the back wall o f a niche or a greater stability and to allow it to lean back, so that the
47
wooden aedicula. He hypothesized further that the use face would be i n a more upright position than it
of wires i n this manner would have prevented the bust appears i n old photos. This postulated ancient armature
from either falling over or being stolen. Neither sug­ may have looked somewhat like the modern one now
gestion, however, seems likely. First, the busts are not used to support the figure on its unsoldered base (see
top-heavy, so there was little risk o f their being top­ fig. 1 1 ) . This modern armature consists o f a thin, strap­
pled, nor do the majority o f other small bronze por­ like vertical metal element ending i n a pin that curves
traits have such holes. Second, these two busts are not back and passes through the hole i n the base o f the
48
in precious metals, so there was little need to secure neck. A curving, straplike metal element (not seen i n
them by wire to a wall. I n the case o f the Rimini Mat­ the photo) is joined at the top o f the vertical support
ron, the single hole may have served for the pin o f a to form the horizontal arm o f a cross. I n the case o f
supporting armature at the back o f the bust. The bot­ the Alesia Lady, a heavy concentration o f solder is
tom o f the plastron o f this bust is not soldered to its used to secure the bust to the acanthus calyx. Although
acanthus calyx but slips into a concave groove i n the probably not needed because o f the ample use o f sol­
upper part o f the acanthus ornament. To support the der, the two holes on either side o f the plaited braid o f
132 Pollini

Figure 13. "Chatsworth Apollo." Note the attached sections o f

locks at back o f the head. London, The British Museum 1958.4-
1 8 . 1 . Photo: Author.

hair at the back o f the Alesia Lady may have been present attached acanthus ornament, would have been
intended for two pins o f some sort o f (bifurcated?) sup­ more than sufficient to secure the bust to some sort o f
porting armature before it was decided to solder the postulated wooden herm. There is another more likely
bust to its acanthus ornament. The only other explana­ use for the square hole i n the upper back o f Portrait A .
tion for the two holes at the back o f the Alesia Lady is Such a hole may have been used for a now-missing
that they may have been for the attachment o f some short, square bronze rod that would have supported a
necklace i n gold or silver, i n which case the two holes separately cast section o f long hair locks that was once
might have been a security measure. attached to the zigzag cut along the baseline o f the hair
As for the square hole at the back o f Bust A (see at the nape of the neck (see figs. 9 and 10a). Neither
fig. 5d), such a hole would not have served for the in Bust A nor i n B do the zigzag cuts correspond neatly
attachment o f some neck ornament, for slave boys of to the vertical skeins o f hair (see figs. 7—8). Rather,
49
this sort did not wear such adornments. It is also the cuts occur i n the middle o f them, suggesting the
unlikely that the plastron o f Portrait A would have attachment o f a large section or sections o f hair locks,
slipped into a concave groove o f a separate acanthus rather than several individually cast skeins. The so-
ornament such as that used for the half life-size bust o f called Chatsworth Apollo from Tamassos on Cyprus,
the Rimini Matron, since several o f the drill holes i n now i n the British Museum (fig. 13), provides a good
the plastron o f Bust A , which obviously predated the parallel for the addition o f long locks not touching the
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 133

shoulders. These locks were soldered onto the hairline busts are significantly smaller than the life-size Getty
at the back o f the head as separately cast groups or portraits. Unfortunately, we have very little comparative
50
clusters rather than as individual hairlocks. As i n the evidence for large bronze busts w i t h some sort o f tang
case o f both Getty portraits, the baseline o f the hair at cast as part o f the plastron itself or as part o f some sort
the back was cut i n a somewhat irregular fashion rather of ornamental floral attachment soldered onto the plas­
52
than i n a perfectly straight line. t r o n , and none has an extant bronze base. The only
W h y might the artists who produced the two other life-size bronze portrait bust known to me w i t h
Getty portraits have created zigzag cuts along the base­ any sort o f ornamental floral attachment is a portrait
line o f the hair? I would propose that these zigzag pat­ of an unknown man from Laus Pompeia (Lodi Vecchio)
53
terns were made i n order to facilitate the positioning in the Museo Archeologico o f M i l a n . I n this bust,
and steadying o f one large, separately cast section o f however, the crudely fashioned acanthus ornament
hairlocks i n the soldering process. I n short, the zigzag was cast as part o f the plastron. Because there is no
cuts served as an interlocking device. Only i n the case evidence for a tang, the Laus Pompeia bust was most
of Portrait B is there a distinct forking o f the locks likely set on a stone herm.
to the left and right o f the center o f the hairline (see A rare use o f a tang for a life-size bronze bust is
fig. 8). O n the two hair sections several vertical skeins, found i n a portrait o f Juba 11 o f Mauritania from
probably ending i n points, would have been delin­ Volubilis i n the Musιe de Prιhistoire et d'Antiquitιs
54
eated (cf. reconstruction: see fig. 10a). In Portrait A, the Classiques, Rabat. I n this case, a short, thick metal
lack o f any forking of the hair along the baseline at the tang was not part o f a floral ornament at the base o f
nape o f the neck (see fig. 7) suggests that one large the bust but was cast as part o f the plastron. Either
curving section o f hair w i t h delineated vertical skeins another now-missing, flat, straplike metal element i n
of hair was cast separately and attached (cf. reconstruc­ the form of a right-angle bracket was soldered onto the
tion: see fig. 9). I f one large separately cast section o f back o f the tang w i t h the end o f the upright arm o f
55
hair was added i n this fashion, then the centrally posi­ the bracket supporting the back o f the plastron, or
tioned square hole on the upper back between the the short tang was set i n a corresponding metal slot that
shoulders o f Bust A (see fig. $d) might have been used was fused w i t h lead into the top o f a heavy marble
for the attachment o f a short bronze rod that i n turn base. I n the case o f the Getty portrait busts, there is an
would have supported the added cast hair section. If, as approximately 3.3-cm-long (ca. 1% in.) rough patch
I have postulated, Portrait A were made before Portrait at the base o f Portrait A'S acanthus calyx (see fig. 5a).
B, the artist w h o produced the latter might have However, because o f the shortness and narrowness o f
decided to divide the fringe o f long locks at the back this rough patch and the lack o f any deformation o f
into two separate sections so as to obviate the need for the metal i n this area, it is highly unlikely that there
a short supporting rod. As we shall see, such a forking was once a vertical tang o f sufficient thickness to sup­
of the hair at the back was not a distinctive icono­ port the bust on a bronze base or stand. Moreover,
graphie feature o f this particular hairstyle. there is no evidence on the back o f the plastron o f
In light o f the fact that the Rimini Matron is either bust for the attachment o f any kind o f right-
mounted on a bronze base, as was the Alesia Lady, angle bracket. I n conclusion, it is highly unlikely that
could the two Getty busts likewise once have been either Getty bust once had a tang (or bracket) support
placed on bronze bases rather than wooden or stone or was set on a bronze base. The busts were, therefore,
herms? I n order for them to have been attached, there most likely set on some sort o f herm, possibly w i t h the
56
would have to have been a vertical tang projecting from names o f the individuals inscribed.
the base o f the decorative attachment that was added to Why an acanthus calyx ornament might have been
the bottom o f the plastron. I n the bust o f the Alesia added some time after the manufacture o f Bust A
Lady, the acanthus calyx, which is soldered onto the remains something o f a puzzle. The use o f acanthus
base o f its plastron, has a tang w i t h a vertical slot. Most motifs to decorate portraits was especially popular i n
57
likely, some sort o f flat wedge or bolt was once inserted Greco-Roman Egypt and Roman Gaul. Moreover,
through this slotted tang to fix the bust to its base. 51
acanthus motifs, which can be found already on Clas­
58
The bust o f the Rimini Matron gives us an idea o f sical Greek grave stelai, were common i n funereal
how the bust o f the Alesia Lady would have looked contexts. Such usage is understandable, since acanthus
w i t h its attached bronze base. However, both these appears to be an Apolline and Dionysiac symbol o f
134 Pollini

59
regeneration and immortality. Because o f the limited the head is not a true hair part from ear to ear like that
nature o f our information about the Getty bronzes, we on the Getty busts. The hairstyle of the Celtic warrior
cannot establish definitively—nor rule out—a funereal also lacks the vertical skeins at the back o f the head
association. The individual represented i n Portrait A seen i n the Getty portraits. I n short, we are to under­
might have died i n his youth, w i t h the acanthus orna­ stand the long hair o f the warrior figure as being
ment's being added i n recognition o f his death. I f so, pulled straight back from the forehead to the back o f
the presumed acanthus attachment for Bust B would the head i n a fashion described as Celtic by Diodorus
probably have conveyed the same sentiment. I n general, Siculus (5.28). The treatment o f the hair o f the Celtic
death at an early age was a far more common occur­ warrior figure has a linear emphasis characteristic o f
60
rence i n preindustrial societies than it is today. Gaius artistic products o f both higher and lower quality from
and Lucius Caesar, the adopted sons o f Augustus, are northern Italy and the western/northern provinces,
67
examples o f two individuals who died i n their youth Gaul i n particular. I n many other works from these
61
w i t h i n two years o f one another. Nevertheless, the same areas, the mass o f hair takes on the appearance o f
acanthus ornament on Portrait A (and presumably on B) an artificial cap, w i t h individual strands o f hair sche­
68
need not signify that the individual represented is matically delineated i n low relief. I n both Getty por­
deceased, since acanthus was also used purely deco- traits there is a considerable difference between the
62
ratively. I n view o f the association o f these busts linear, but still organically treated long, sinuous hair
w i t h objects o f clear cultic significance from the same strands over the front o f the head and the inorganically
bronze cache, i t is even possible that the acanthus rendered hair at the back o f the head. To be sure, the
ornament had some sacral significance, since acanthus hair at the back o f the head o f Roman portraits was
63
was believed to have potent apotropaic powers. often treated more summarily and linearly than that at
the front because the backs were generally not meant
69
P R O V I N C I A L PORTRAITURE to be seen. Unlike the majority o f portraits i n bronze
A N D W O R K S H O P STYLES or marble, both Getty portraits display a great difference
The physiognomic similarity between the two Getty between the organically delineated hair of the front half
portraits, as well as their general Julio-Claudian look, of the head and the abstractly linear treatment o f the
pairing, apparent closeness i n age, and high quality o f hair o f the back half o f the head.70

workmanship for provincial products might at first Although fairly well articulated, the organic forms
glance suggest that the busts represent youthful mem­ of both Getty portraits have been somewhat simplified
64
bers o f the Julio-Claudian family. I n the case o f pro­ and abstracted. Frontally, the faces appear slightly mask­
vincial works, it is at times difficult to know whether like, an impression that contrasts w i t h the more per­
certain portraits do represent the princeps or members sonalized appearance o f the facial features i n profile
of his family, for provincial workshop styles do not view. This variance between frontal and profile views
always accurately follow Rome portrait models. There also creates a different impression o f the individuals'
w i l l often be divergences i n both physiognomic features relative ages; that is, i n the frontal (optimum) view
and hairstyles from the Rome models, as we know both Portrait A seems younger than Portrait B , while i n
from ancient literary evidence and from extant provin­ profile view, the opposite is true. The penchant for
65
cial works themselves. Nonetheless, the iconographie abstracting organic form, which is typical o f Gallo-
hairstyle of the Getty portraits is so distinctive as to pre­ Roman workmanship, is particularly evident i n the for­
clude the possibility that either represents a member o f mation o f the collarbone o f both, although the artist
the imperial family. As we shall see, the hairstyle of both who fashioned Portrait A showed relatively greater skill
is characteristic o f young males o f servile status. in attempting to articulate natural forms. I n its more
Notwithstanding the provincial nature o f the Getty abstractly constructed collarbone, Portrait B shares cer­
portraits, their hairstyles are essentially Roman, not tain affinities w i t h other provincial works such as a
Celtic, as is evident from comparison w i t h a typically Trajanic-Hadrianic bust o f Ceres(?) from Colonia
Celtic hair fashion such as that w o r n by the figure o f 71
Augusta Raurica (Augst, Switzerland), and w i t h a
a Celtic warrior from Saint-Maur-en-Chaussιe i n the mid-first-century-A.D. statuette o f Mercury from the
6 6
Musιe Dιpartemental de l'Oise (fig. 1 4 ) . I n this war­ 72
same site. I n the latter example, the abstraction o f the
rior figure, the front and back sections o f the head collarbone is even more pronounced than i n Portrait B.
were pieced together, so that the seam over the top o f The hollowed-out eyes o f both Getty portraits, once
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 135

Figure 14. Head o f a Celtic warrior, from Saint-Maur-en-

Chaussιe, Oise. Sheet brass, first century A . D . Beauvais, Musιe
Dιpartemental de l'Oise. Photo from S. Moscati et al., The Celts,
P- 330.

filled w i t h colored glass paste and/or colored stone, Getty portraits, therefore, we must take into considera­
appear somewhat large. This tendency to enlarge the tion not only the general stylistic treatment o f the
eyes is a trait shared w i t h other works o f provincial works but also other elements such as the distinctive
manufacture, especially from Italy and the provinces o f hairstyle and bust form. One o f the closest parallels for
73
the Roman West. Many o f these provincial works, the style and treatment o f the hair as a whole is a mar­
often w i t h unnaturalis tic ally large eyes, abstract natural ble portrait head o f an unknown young girl i n the
74
forms even more than do the Getty portraits. Museo Civico i n Cremona, dated to the later Julio-
77
Provincial works, especially from the Roman West, Claudian period (figs. I 5 a - b ) . However, unlike the
75
can often be difficult to date, particularly i f they Getty portraits' coiffure or any other feminized male
depended on a "Romacentric" concept o f stylistic hairstyle, that o f the Cremona girl has a hair braid
"evolution." Such a view has led, for example, to the running from the forehead to the crown o f her head.
misidentification and/or misdating to the late Antique The back o f her head also lacks the larger divisions, or
period o f the portrait bust of Marcus Aurelius from skeins, o f hair that characterize the hairstyle o f the
76
Avanches (Aventicum Helvetiorum). I n dating the Getty portraits.
136 Pollini

As far as dating the Getty portraits on the basis o f their curling tops is on the whole naturalistic, although
the bust form is concerned, the style, shape, and size the quality o f workmanship o f the acanthus ornament
of the bust (relative to the proportions o f the head attached to the bust o f the Alesia Lady is higher than
and neck) find close parallels i n the Alesia Lady (see that o f Getty Portrait A .
figs. 12a—b), which dates to the Neronian—early Flavian I f the bust o f the Alesia Lady were made i n one o f
period. 78
the workshops that produced the Getty bronzes, it
Numbers o f general stylistic and technical similari­ would be difficult to establish which o f the two it was
79
ties between the Alesia Lady and the two Getty busts because o f the relatively close stylistic affinities o f the
suggest that the former may have been created by one Getty busts to one another. Unfortunately, there are no
o f the workshops that produced the Getty busts, scientific reports analyzing the interior o f the Alesia
although not by either o f the artists who created the Lady or discussing any other technical matters related
Getty portraits. First o f all, the quality o f workmanship to its casting. Moreover, the percentages o f the trace
of the Alesia Lady is roughly comparable to that o f the elements used for the alloys i n the Alesia Lady are not
Getty bronzes. I n all three portraits, there is a general close enough to establish that the bronze was from the
similarity i n the surface treatment, the shape o f the same batch as either Getty bust—a highly unlikely cir­
86
face, and the long neck, as well as individual physiog­ cumstance, i n any case. Therefore, the trace elements
nomic features. The tendency to abstract forms is more of alloys used i n the Alesia Lady cannot be used to
80
evident i n frontal view than i n profile. The nose, lips, establish a workshop attribution. Any final assessment
philtrum (supralabial furrow), and eyebrows of all three of the possible relationship between the workshop that
portraits also share a strong, chiseled, angular quality. produced the Alesia Lady and those that created the
The eyebrows have been carefully incised i n a feathery, Getty busts must await future scientific examination o f
herringbone pattern. Although the hair o f the Alesia the Alesia Lady. A l l that can be established is that three
Lady is obviously treated far more plastically, there is different artists produced the two Getty portraits and
in all three portraits a strong emphasis on decorative the bust o f the Alesia Lady.
patterns, which is typical o f Celtic and Gallo-Roman As far as the ancient town o f Alesia itself is con­
81
works i n particular. As i n the Getty bronzes, the hair cerned, Pliny the Elder (NH 34.162) tells us that it was
at the back o f the head o f the Alesia Lady has a a center for metalworking, or at least for a certain type
strongly linear emphasis and has been cold-worked. 82
of plating: Pliny speaks o f a special type o f white-lead
However, i n the case o f the Alesia Lady, the individual plating (incoctilia) that had been invented i n Gaul to
hair strands are organically delineated, w i t h no addi­ make bronze objects look indistinguishable from sil­
87
tional sections o f hair. As i n the Getty busts, the Alesia ver. He then goes on to say that a similar plating
88
Lady's hair is brushed forward and backward from a process was further developed later on i n Alesia for
part running from ear to ear over the crown o f her various types o f small decorative objects. Although
head. A n d finally, her partially preserved left eye and there is no trace o f plating on the Alesia Lady or the
eyelashes give us some idea o f how the now-missing Getty portraits, Pliny's comments w i t h regard to metal-
eyes o f the Getty portraits may once have looked. The working i n the area are supported by a great deal o f
preserved eyeball o f the Alesia Lady is made o f a hard, archaeological evidence. Bronze foundries, crucibles,
opaque material, while the shallow, circular depression numerous casting molds, and related smelting equip­
in the eyeball was probably once set w i t h dark stone or ment have been found i n an artisans' quarter southeast
89
83
glass paste to form the iris and p u p i l . Framing the of the forum o f Alesia. Despite this evidence, it is not
eyes are thin copper sheets, the ends o f which were cut certain whether works o f high quality comparable to
to form eyelashes. The Alesia Lady and Getty Bust A the Getty portraits and the Alesia Lady were produced
show a general similarity i n the form, relative size, 84
here. The bronze finds from Alesia, now i n the local
and style o f the trefoil-shaped acanthus ornament that museum, are mostly small works o f art o f no particu­
85
was cast separately and attached. I n both these busts, larly high quality and articles o f everyday use, such as
90
the stylized, spikelike stalk o f the central leaf o f the bronze fibulae. Moreover, the fact that the Alesia
acanthus meets perpendicularly two other spikelike Lady was found i n Alesia does not necessarily mean
stalks o f the half acanthus leaves forming a trefoil that this sculpture was produced there. The Alesia Lady,
calyx. The plastic modeling o f individual leaves w i t h as well as fragments o f drapery and leg, may have been
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 137

Figure 15a. Marble portrait o f a girl. Front view. H . : 21 cm. Figure 15b. Right profile o f girl, figure 15a.
Cremona, Museo Civico 'Ala Ponzoñe," inv. 237.

91
brought from elsewhere to be resmelted, a fate that viving evidence that high-quality bronze portraits exe-
befell many life-size and over-life-size bronze sculp- cuted i n a Gallo-Roman style were also created i n the
tures. Our impression that the number o f high-quality northern provinces. Three Gallo-Roman portraits may
bronze portraits created i n the northern provinces was be cited as examples o f this high-level Gallo-Roman
not particularly great may, indeed, be somewhat artistry: the so-called Prilly Youth, dating from the
92
skewed because such bronzes were often melted down. Neronian to the Trajanic period, i n the Bernisches
Works from the northern provinces were some- Historisches Museum; and two male portraits o f the
times executed i n a typically Greco-Roman style, w i t h Hadrianic period from Les Fins d'Annecy, now i n the
93
some pieces even being created by Greek artists. For Petit Palais, Paris. One technical detail common to
example, Pliny the Elder (NH 3 4 . 4 5 — 4 7 ) tells us that the Prilly Youth, the Alesia Lady, and the two Getty
Zenodorus, one o f the leading bronze sculptors o f the portraits is the feathery treatment o f the eyebrows,
mid-first century A . D . , created a colossal bronze statue which are incised i n a herringbone pattern. This man-
of Mercury i n Gaul for the Aver ni. Because of the rep- ner o f incising eyebrows links all these high-quality
utation he w o n i n Gaul, Zenodorus was summoned to bronzes to working techniques also employed by Italian
Rome to create the colossal bronze statue o f Nero that craftsmen. Particularly popular i n Roman bronzes o f
stood i n the vestibule o f his Domus Aurea. Undoubt- the late Republic and earlier Principate, incised eye-
edly, the colossal statue o f Mercury, which it took brows i n bronze portraits began to disappear after about
9 4
Zenodorus some ten years to complete, would have A . D . 7 0 . There are other affinities between bronzes
been produced i n a Greek style, rather than a typically from northern Italy and those from southern Gaul,
Greco-Roman style. However, it is clear from the sur- especially Gallia Narbonensis, where civilization had
138 Pollini

Figure 16a. Bust o f an adolescent. Front view. Florence, Figure 16b. Right profile o f adolescent, figure 16a. Photo:
Galleria degli Uffizi 1914. Photo: D . A . I . Rome, neg. 77.352. D . A . I . Rome, neg. 77.354. Photographer: Rossa.
Photographer: Rossa.

95
reached a level comparable to that o f northern Italy. 98
Bern, Switzerland, may also refer to the god Coban-
For this and other reasons, determining on the basis o f 99
nus. The name o f the god i n the inscription is given
style alone precisely where various works o f a provincial as rOBANO[U]. I f this is the same god Cobannus, then
nature were actually produced remains rather difficult. the worship o f this Celto-Roman god would have
In the case o f the Getty portraits, a dedicatory extended a little further to the east, into the territory
inscription on one o f the cult objects associated w i t h of the Helvetii.
them mentions that the dedicant was from Augusto- Since certain Celtic divinities were worshiped i n a
96
dunum (Autun). Another inscription w i t h the name rather restricted geographical area, it is reasonable to
of the god Cobannus, now i n the Musée de l'Aval- conclude that one or more shrines o f Cobannus were
lonnais, was discovered i n the early 1970s at the edge of located i n the general area o f central eastern France,
the "Bois de Couan" on the outskirts o f Fontenay-près- w i t h the focal point o f Cobannus's worship possibly
97
Vézelay, southwest of Vézelay. This location lies on the being i n the area o f Augustodunum. The high quality
northwestern extremes o f the territory o f the Aedui, of these and other figures from the same cache suggests
bordering on the land o f the Senones, approximately 50 that the workshop was i n some major city or town i n
Roman miles (ca. 75 km) northwest o f Augustodunum. Roman Gaul, probably somewhere i n east central Gaul,
As noted at the outset, the Cobannus hoard was report- especially i n the valleys o f the Rhone, Saône, and
edly discovered near Besançon, although it cannot be Rhine, where not only industry and commerce were
established whether the presumed Shrine o f Cobannus concentrated, but where the cult o f the metalworker
was also located i n this area. Although by no means 100
god Vulcan was also especially prevalent. Tocated i n
conclusive, a third inscription i n Greek on a zinc tablet the valley o f the Rhone and Saône, Augustodunum or
from Thormebodenwald (Engehalbinsel) just north o f Lugdunum (Lyon) to the south, two populous cities o f
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 139

have been influenced i n part by coiffures o f female

members o f the princepses family. I n true female
coiffures, however, the hair is generally bound up at the
back o f the head i n a bun, sometimes accompanied by
one or two shoulder-length hair tresses behind the
ears. Unlike males w i t h feminized hairstyles, women
are very rarely shown w i t h long loose tresses across
the back of the head, and when they are, their portraits
105
are clearly identifiable as representing w o m e n .
Literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence
make it clear that youthful males w i t h feminized hair-
106
styles are o f servile status. Referring to a typical slave
boy who serves wine (alius vini minister) at a master's
banquet, Seneca describes i n one o f his letters (Ep.
47.7) an adolescent as "adorned i n a womanly manner"
(in muliebrem modum ornatus). Although this phrase does
Figure 17. Ministri on funerary altar. Detail. Rome, Museo not specifically refer to the hairstyle, the Latin verb
Nazionale Romano 124514. Photo: D.A.I. Rome, ornare is commonly used w i t h both hairstyles and
neg. 37-715- makeup. I n his De vita contemplativa (48-52), written i n
the 3 0 S - 4 0 S A . D . , Philo o f Alexandria distinguishes
slave boys o f three different age groups and comments
Gaul, are therefore likely candidates for the production
on their appearance and functions at some o f the more
center o f the Getty portraits, as well as the bust o f the 107
101 opulent banquets. One o f the three groups o f slave
Alesia Lady.
boys appears to have w o r n their hair like the adoles-
cents portrayed i n the Getty busts. About these three
IDENTIFICATION AND DATING
groups o f slave boys Philo says:
OF T H E GETTY PORTRAITS
As noted, the most distinctive feature o f the two Getty
portraits is the iconographie hairstyle, w i t h the hair
brushed forward and backward along a part running
from ear to ear over the top o f the head and w i t h long,
linear, vertical strands o f hair at the back o f the head
further divided into more or less uniform skeins. I n
both portraits the zigzag cuts along the base o f the
hairline at the nape o f the neck, and traces o f solder i n
this area indicate that a separately fashioned section or
sections o f long hair locks were once attached there.
Also noteworthy i n b o t h portraits are the large,
forward-brushed sidelocks i n front o f the ears. Similar Those serving [at the banquet] are slaves o f the most
stylistic characteristics o f the hair are found i n a marble comely form and beauty, so that one might think that
they have come not so much to serve as to please the
portrait o f an adolescent male i n the Galleria degli
eyes o f their beholders by their very presence. Some o f
Uffizi i n Florence (figs. i6a-b), a work dating to the 108

102
them w h o are still only boys pour wine, while older
late Neronian—early Flavian p e r i o d . The division o f 109
"boys" carry water, [the latter] having been washed
the hair into thick skeins at the back of the head finds a 110
and smoothly rubbed [with unguents and] w i t h their
parallel i n another marble adolescent portrait, formerly faces smeared w i t h cosmetics, their lower eyelids
103
in the Heyl collection i n Darmstadt. These male painted, and the hair o f their head nicely plaited i n some
portraits and others like them have i n the past often way being tightly bound up. For their long thick hair is
been incorrectly identified as girls because o f their either not cut at all or their forelocks alone are cut off at
104
feminized coiffures and androgynous appearance. the tips to make them o f equal length and o f a pattern
111
The feminized hairstyles o f youthful males appear to precisely arranged i n an arcing l i n e .
140 Pollini

Figure 18. Warren Cup. Silver. Detail o f Side B. London, The British Museum GR 1999.4-26.1. Photo Courtesy
of the British Museum.

Some o f the second group o f slave boys described by back o f the head, one literary source mentions the pre­
Philo as /SouVatβes" (i.e., adolescents about 12—15 years cise length o f locks o f a slave boy. A t the infamous cena
old) wear their hair long with a fringe o f equally clipped Trimalchionis i n Petronius's Satírica (58), a fellow freed-
hair locks forming an arc over their foreheads. These man o f Trimalchio specifically mentions that the locks
are the sickle-shaped locks that are worn by the pubes­ of Encolpius's slave boy Giton were two-thirds o f a
cent boys i n the Getty portraits, as well as by other Roman foot (besalis), or about eight inches long: " I ' l l
112
slave boys commonly represented i n Roman art. One see to it that those precious eight-inch locks o f yours,
of our earliest visual documents for such a hairstyle as well as your two-bit master, won't do you any good"
is a funerary altar i n the Museo Nazionale Romano (fig. (cumbo, longe tibi sit comula ista besalis et dominus dupun-
113
17) that has generally been dated to the Claudian duarius). Interestingly, these locks would have been
era, probably more specifically to the early Claudian about the length o f the separately fashioned bronze
period, which roughly coincides w i t h the time that sections o f hair locks that were once attached to the
Philo was writing. Appearing on two sides o f this zigzag hairline at the backs o f the heads o f both Getty
funerary altar are four slave boys, three o f w h o m wear portraits. As noted, although there is no trace o f solder
long, shoulder-length hair tresses w i t h sickle-shaped on the shoulders o f either portrait for the attachment
bangs over their foreheads. Some o f the objects that of these sections o f long locks, they may have been
these boy ministrants carry are specifically used i n pub­ fairly long.
lic sacrifices, but i n this case, they are connected w i t h In Roman times, there seems to have been a close
domestic worship. relationship between beautiful, long-haired slave boys
Besides the visual evidence for long locks at the for sex and for religious service, since it was customary
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 141

Figure 19. Mosaic w i t h paedagogiani. Detail. Capua, Museo Provinciale Campano. Photographer: Franco Cucciardi.

to have present at sacrifices that which was beautiful is of particular interest because of his age and hairstyle.
and pleasing to the gods. This sort o f association is Apparently about 12-13 years old, he wears a coiffure
further borne out by an anecdote about Tiberius, who typically w o r n by delicati: sickle-shaped bangs over the
reportedly was so taken w i t h the beauty o f one o f his forehead, as described by Philo, w i t h long, loose hair
priestly boy-assistants that as soon as Tiberius finished locks at the back o f the head cascading onto the back.
performing the sacrificial rites, he hauled off the boy The artist also seems to have attempted to show a hair
and his brother—the flute player (tibicen) at the cere­ part running from ear to ear over the top of the head.
mony—and debauched both o f them: Fertur etiam in The preference o f Roman males for androgynous-
sacrificando quondam captus facie ministri acerram praeferentis looking delicati explains to a large degree why these
nequisse abstinere, quin paene vixdum re divina peracta ibi­ slave boys came to wear feminized hairstyles and were
dem statim seductum constupraret simulque fratrem eius "dolled up" w i t h makeup and finely dressed. A sex
tibicinem . . . (Suet. Tib. 4 4 . 2 ) .114
slave wearing such a feminized hairstyle would symbol­
From Latin and Greek literature, we know that ize the passive, womanlike roles these boys normally
long-haired delicati served as their master's catamites, played i n sexual intercourse w i t h their masters. As
that is, passive male sexual partners, who were "pedi- homosexual lovemaking became more socially accept­
117
115
cated," or penetrated anally. The literary evidence is able and even fashionable i n Roman society, some
graphically supported by relief scenes o f two older Roman men might psychologically have felt that having
males pedicating two slave boys on an early imperial sex w i t h another male was more acceptable i f their boy
silver scyphus, k n o w n as the Warren C u p . 116
The lovers resembled women. It seems to me that there was
younger o f the two pedicated boys on the cup (fig. 18) also another, more practical reason for creating and
142 Pollini

part o f the extended family (familia) were generally

taught various skills needed i n the operation o f the
124
master's h o m e .
Especially significant for dating the two Getty
portraits is a mosaic i n the Museo Campano i n Capua
125
(fig. 19), which shows a group o f paedagogiani w i t h
their freedman teacher (or paedagogus), who appears as
the tall, older figure i n the center o f the back row. A
terminus post quern can be established for this mosaic
because three or four o f the boys sport a low beehive-
bonnet hairdo similar to that first introduced i n female
126
portraiture o f the Flavian p e r i o d . The most clearly
depicted o f these coiffures is that o f the second boy
from the right i n the front row. Long hair tresses are
visible at the back o f his head, falling onto his shoul­
ders. The earliest datable evidence for this particular
type is the hairstyle w o r n by one o f the imperial paeda­
gogiani carrying a tabula ansata i n the Spolia panel on
Figure 20. Marble portrait o f Octavia, Claudi f , from Baia. the A r c h o f Titus, a monument that is generally
Baia, Castello. Detail. Photo: Author. thought to have been completed toward the beginning
127
of Domitian's principate. The other boys depicted i n
perpetuating this androgynous-looking delicatus type: the Capua mosaic wear feminized hairstyles that came
namely, to distinguish clearly between slave and free- into being i n earlier periods.
b o r n boys because o f taboos and even legislation The earliest o f the servile hairstyles w o r n by the
118
against having sex w i t h freeborn Roman males. boys i n the mosaic is the simple "classicizing" type, 128

There is ample testimony i n the literary record about based on female portraiture o f the Augustan and Julio-
the concerns o f Roman parents about their unsuper­ Claudian period. This classicizing type is characterized
119
vised sons being preyed upon by pederasts. by long hair parted i n the middle and pulled back along
From literature, we know that "connoisseur" ped­ either side to the back o f the head, where it is bound
erasts preferred slave boys between the ages o f roughly up i n a bun or falls i n long tresses onto the shoulders.
12 and 17, whose bodies were still smooth and without The bound-up style appears to be one o f the two types
the coarse facial and body hair associated w i t h man­ mentioned by Philo as one w o r n by the fiovTraihes
hood. To prolong this hairless condition, masters often (adolescents); the other type had a row o f arcing locks
had their delicati depilated. A poet and connoisseur 129
framing the face. The type w i t h the arcing locks over
pederast by the name o f Strato, who was a contempo­ the forehead seems to appear first i n the early Claudian
rary o f Hadrian, provides evidence (Anth. Pal. 12.4) for period, as on the funerary altar i n the Museo Nazionale
the sort o f homosexual love represented on the Warren Romano (see fig. 17). This particular hairstyle may
Cup. Strato's pιdιrastie interests and preferences for ultimately have been influenced by the childhood
12—17-year-old boys are rather typical and part o f a hairstyle o f Claudius's daughter Octavia, as seen i n
long-standing Greek tradition that continued i n the her portrait from Baia (fig. 20), datable around the
120
Roman E m p i r e . The polarity o f this 12—17-year age 1 3 0
40s A . D . Octavia's hairstyle also influenced that o f
range appears also to be intentionally underscored i n other girls, as i n the case o f the portrait i n the Museo
the representation o f the older and younger pedicated Civico i n Cremona noted above (see figs. 15a—b). The
121
boys on the Warren C u p . Epigraphical evidence, large, plastically carved locks o f Octavia's hairstyle also
a e
moreover, indicates that Strato's 12-17 g range is resemble Nero's later "hair formed into steps" (coma in
precisely that o f slave boys reared i n the imperial paeda- gradus formata) type, particularly his last portrait type,
gogia, or slave "schools," which date back at least to the dating from A . D . 6 8 , 131
exemplified by a head i n the
122
time o f Tiberius. Homes o f wealthy private citizens 1 3 2
M u n i c h Glyptothek (figs. 2 i a - b ) . Reminiscent o f
123
also had such slave schools. These slave boys, who these imperial hairstyles are the Getty portraits' sinuous
were sometimes called paedagogiani, and who were a S-curve locks, which, however, form a low-rising wave
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 143

Figure 21 a. Marble portrait o f Nero. Front view. Munich, Figure 2 i b . Right profile o f portrait o f Nero, figure 21a.
Glyptothek 321.

over the forehead and are rendered i n a low-relief, l i n ­ and the Galleria Doria Pamphilj portraits are reverse
ear fashion, unlike what is found i n the more plastically comma-shaped, a distinction that is o f no significance
treated coiffures o f Octavia and Nero. I n this respect, for dating the Getty portraits. The Doria Pamphilj
the Getty portraits' wavelike bank o f hair locks is more portrait's sideburns, which are not as large as the side-
akin to what is seen i n the Alesia Lady (see figs. 12a—b), locks o f the Getty busts, are nevertheless brushed for­
133
a work dated to the Neronian—early Flavian p e r i o d . ward i n a similar manner. It has not previously been
Two close stylistic parallels for the treatment o f the suggested that the Doria Pamphilj portrait may repre­
long sinuous strands o f hair over the front o f the head sent a slave boy, based on the long curly locks at the back
and for the wave pattern o f locks framing the face o f of his head. The sculptor seems to have attempted to
both Getty portraits can be found i n portraits o f the show a part running from ear to ear over the top o f the
later Neronian period that appear to have been influ­ head. Although the hairstyle of the Doria Pamphilj boy
enced by Nero's later hairstyle: a marble herm portrait may ultimately have been based on that o f the child­
in the Museo Nazionale Romano o f a charioteer (auriga) hood portrait o f Claudius's daughter Octavia, the direct
134 135
(fig. 2 2 ) , from a sacellum o f Hercules i n Rome, influence o f Nero's own hairstyle cannot be ruled out.
and a little-known marble head o f a boy i n the Galleria By far the closest parallels for the coiffures o f the
I3<5
Doria Pamphilj i n Rome (figs. 23a-b). Unlike the Getty portraits are those in the Capua mosaic o f a paeda-
Getty portraits' forehead locks, which are comma- gogium (see fig. 19) dating to the Flavian period. The
shaped, those o f both the Museo Nazionale Romano long hair at the back o f the head o f two o f these boys
144 Pollini

these large, forward-curling sidelocks were influenced

by the thick, forward-curving sideburns found i n some
of the portraits belonging to Nero's last type, repre­
sented by the portrait i n the M u n i c h Glyptothek (see
figs. 21a—b). It would appear, then, that the particular
type of servile hairstyle worn by the adolescents i n both
Getty portraits dates these busts to the late Neronian-
early Flavian period.

CONCLUSIONS
Although we do not know the context and circum­
stances i n which the Cobannus cache o f bronzes was
found, we may postulate how busts o f slave boys came
to be associated w i t h votive figures o f divinities and
other objects pertaining to the cult o f the local syn-
138
cretistic Celto-Roman god Cobannus. The officiating
priests i n such cults were usually private individuals,
who would generally have used their own slave boys to
assist them i n carrying out the sacrificial rites, as the
princeps used slave boys from his own paeâagogia i n car­
rying out either private or state sacrifices. The expense
of the relatively high-quality Getty portraits may be
taken as an indication o f how much these boys were
loved by their master, who was undoubtedly the i n d i ­
vidual who commissioned the busts. I f at one time the
officiating priest o f the cult of Cobannus were such a
master, he may have installed the two portraits o f his
dearly beloved sacrificial assistants i n the shrine.
The objects i n the cache were found either i n
Figure 2 2 . Portrait o f a charioteer. Front view. Rome, some unknown shrine o f Cobannus or i n some other
Museo Nazionale Romano 130. Photo: Author. area i n which they had been intentionally buried to
protect them at a time o f crisis. A threat might have
come from barbarian invasion or Christian fanatics
intent on destroying the sacred images o f n o n -
(the first from the right i n the first row and the second Christian gods, as well as other objects found i n asso­
from the right i n the second row) is either bound up i n ciation w i t h them. Some priest or temple warden
a bun or perhaps gathered into one thick long tress that might have sequestered the items, which were not all
is obscured by the head. The third boy wearing S- dedicated by the same individual at the same t i m e . 139

curved locks over the front o f his head (the second boy The intentional burial o f valuable cultic objects, dinner
from the left i n the first row) has shoulder-length services, and coin hoards, especially i n times o f crisis,
140
tresses. A distinctive and interesting feature o f the hair was a common phenomenon i n the ancient w o r l d .
of both Getty portraits and of several o f the slave boys Whatever the case, the two Getty portrait busts are
in the mosaic, especially those w i t h the S-curved locks exceptional works o f Gallo-Roman art that provide
over the forehead, are the large sidelocks curling valuable evidence not only for the nature and manner
forward i n front o f the ears, a feature we have already of production o f high-quality provincial art but also for
encountered i n the portrait o f the androgynous ado­ servile culture i n the earlier Roman Empire.
137
lescent i n the Uffizi (see figs. i 6 a - b ) . I n the case o f
the Uffizi adolescent, however, the stylized sidelocks University o f Southern California
take on a ram's-horn effect. Ultimately, it seems that Los Angeles
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 145

Figure 23 a. Portrait o f a boy. Front view. Rome, Galleria Figure 23 b. Right profile o f portrait o f a boy, figure 23 a.
Doria Pamphilj. Photo: D . A . I . Rome, neg. 57.1157a. Photog­ Photo: D . A . I . Rome, neg. 57.1157b. Photographer: Hitzel.
rapher: Hitzel.

NOTES Jucker (1961) H . Jucker, Das Bildnis im Blàtterkelch: Geschichte

und Bedeutung einer romischen Portratform, 2 vols.
I w o u l d like to thank M a r i o n True for first i n t r o d u c i n g me (Olten, 1961).
to the two Getty portraits and for allowing me to publish them. Lahusen/Formigli G. Lahusen and E. Formigli, Kunst und Technik:
Special thanks are owed to Carol Mattusch, Pieter Meyer, Jerry (forthcoming) Rômische Bildnisse aus Bronze (forthcoming).
Podany, and Frank Wilier w h o discussed many technical aspects o f Mattusch (1996) C. C. Mattusch, The Fire of Hephaistos: Large
these works w i t h me. I am grateful also to R u d o l f Fellmann, Gσtz Classical Bronzes from North American Collections
Lahusen, and Claude Rolley for useful suggestions and offprints. I (Cambridge, Mass., 1996).
w o u l d like to express my appreciation, too, to a number o f others Pollini (1999) J. Pollini, "The Warren Cup: Homoerotic Love
who assisted me i n various ways: Kenneth Hamma, Mary Louise Hart, and Symposial Rhetoric i n Silver," ArtB 81
Marit Jentoft-Nilsen, Annemarie Kaufmann-Heinimann, Christopher (1999): 21-52.
Lightfoot, Elana Towne-Markus, Catie Mihalopoulos, and Despoina Pollini J. Pollini, Gallo-Roman Bronzes and the Process
Tsiafakis. A n d , finally, many thanks are owed to the editor, Bιnιdicte (in progress) of Romanization: The Cobannus Hoard.
Gilman, for her expert assistance i n the preparation o f this essay.

* A l l translations o f Greek and Latin are mine. i . See " N e w Accessions: Antiquities," GettyMusJ 18 (1990):
165 (nos. 2.1-2). Except for b r i e f catalogue essays, these two por­
trait busts have not been the subject o f scholarly discussion: See
Abbreviations Mattusch (1996), pp. 325-30, nos. 48-49, esp. p. 330 n. 18. See also
Boucher (1976) S. Boucher, Recherches sur les bronzes figurés de Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. nos. 92-93; C. Rolley, "Les
Gaule pré-romaine et romaine (Rome, 1976). bronzes grecs et romains: Recherches rιcents," RA 2 (1997): 315.
Fless (1995) F. Fless, Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadtrômi- For excellent frontal views i n color o f both portraits, see Master­
schen historischen Reliefs: Untersuchungen zur Ikono- pieces of the J. Paul Getty Museum: Antiquities (Los Angeles, 1997),
graphie, Funktion und Benennung (Mainz, 1995). pp. n o — 1 1 .
146 Pollini

2. For two o f the other objects from the hoard—a figure 1988), pp. 10-30; P. C. B o l , Antike Bronzetechnik: Kunst und Hand-
o f Cobannus and a money chest—see J. J. H e r r m a n n and A . van werk antiker Erzbildner (Munich, 1985), pp. 118-47.
den Hoek, i n A Passion for Antiquities: Ancient Art from the Collection 14. See, e.g., Mattusch (1996), pp. 169-70, 338, fig. 51c
of Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman (Malibu, 1994), pp. 310-16, (recess for missing patch over chaplet hole). Cf. also a bronze bust i n
nos. 162—63. For the money chest, see A . Kaufmann-Heinimann, Cleveland, i n w h i c h all the chaplet holes were plugged rather than
Getter und Lararien aus Augusta Raurica: Herstellung, Fundzusam- patched: idem, p. 322, fig. 47e.
menhange und sakrale Funktion figürlicher Bronzen in einer romischen Stadt 15. Contrast this w i t h the small chaplet hole w i t h flange (seen
(Augst, 1998), p. 176, fig. 127. I n a recent article R. Fellmann, "Das on the underside) found i n a similar location on Getty Bust B (see
Zink-Tαfelchen v o m Thormebodewald auf der Engehalbinsel bei fig. 10c).
B e r n und seine keltische Inschrift," Archàologie im Kanton Bern 4B 16. See, e.g., a portrait o f a boy i n the Metropolitan Museum
(Bern, 1999): 137-38, reports a rumor that this hoard might have o f A r t , N e w York, inv. 66.11.5: Mattusch (1996), pp. 3 1 8 - 2 1 , no.
been found i n the area o f Besanηon. There is no proof, however, o f 46, fig. 46b.
this rumor. I thank R u d o l f Fellmann for sending me an offprint o f 17. Cf. Getty Bust B, i n w h i c h there is clear evidence o f the
this article. use o f at least six chaplets. See further infra.
3. For the question o f the quality o f Gallic and Gallo-Roman 18. I thank Jerry Podany and Carol Mattusch for discussing
art, see Boucher (1976), pp. 65-66, 202, and passim. these aspects w i t h me.
4. Pollini (in progress). 19. For a description o f the differences between direct and
5. Fless (1995) was apparently unaware o f the Getty portraits, indirect lost-wax casting, see C. Boube-Piccot, "Technique de fabri­
as she makes no reference to them i n her recent w o r k . cation des bustes de bronze de Juba 11 et de Catσn d'Utique dιcou­
6. Ibid., esp. pp. 1 5 - 3 1 ; Pollini (1999), pp. 33-34, and idem verts  Volubilis," BAMaroc 7 (1967): esp. 449-55; idem, Les bronzes
(in progress). For these sacrificial implements, see i n general R. von antiques du Maroc, vol. 1, Le statuaire, Etudes et travaux d'archιologie
Schaewen, Romische Opfergerate, ihre Verwendung im Kultus und in der marocaine, vol. 4 (Rabat, 1969), pp. 35-40; Mattusch (supra, note
Kunst, Archologische Studien, Heft 1 (Berlin, 1940). 13), pp. 16-22.
7. Fless (1995), esp. pp. 43-50; see further Pollini (in progress). 20. Their condition before cleaning may have been somewhat
8. The best and most recent critical treatment o f the entire similar to that o f the present surface o f the interior o f the busts.
problem o f these y o u t h organizations is that o f P. Ginestet, Les 21. C o l d - w o r k i n g was more time-consuming than delineating
organisations de la jeunesse dans l'Occident romain, Collection Latomus, the hair i n the wax model. Hair locks or strands that were delineated
vol. 213 (Brussels, 1991), pp. 9-27. For a useful brief summary o f i n the wax model could be sharpened up or further delineated after
the nature o f the evidence and past scholarship on the iuventus, see the head was cast. Cf. A . Steinberg, i n S. Doeringer, D. G. M i t t e n ,
M . Jaczynowska, Les associations de la jeunesse romaine sous le haut- and A . Steinberg, eds., Art and Technology: A Symposium on Classical
empire, A r c h i w u m Filologiczne, no. 36 (Wroclaw, 1978), pp. 5-16. Bronzes (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 174. For chasing and cold-
For the possible connection between this organization, the imperial w o r k i n g bronze, i n general, see K . K l u g e and K . L e h m a n n -
cult, and the cache o f eight bronzes from a shrine o f Cobannus, see Hartleben, Die antiken Grof bronzen, vol. 1, Die antike Erzgestaltung
Pollini (in progress). und ihre technischen Grundlagen (Berlin, 1927), pp. 122—60; D. G.
9. Cf. the somewhat analogous situation posed by two h i g h - M i t t e n and S. F. Doeringer, Master Bronzes from the Classical World
quality bronze portrait heads o f males from Les Fins d A n n e c y i n the (Mainz, 1967), pp. 13-14; B o l (supra, note 13), pp. 138-47. For
Petit Palais i n Paris, w h i c h appear to represent either the same i n d i ­ good detailed photos showing examples o f cold-working, see also G.
vidual or closely related individuals. A l t h o u g h the fringe o f locks Lahusen andE. Formigli, "Ergebnisse der kunsthistorischen Analyse
over the forehead is somewhat different i n the two portraits, their von zwei romischen GroBbronzen i n den Museen des Vatican,"
facial features are remarkably close to each other, suggesting that BMonMusPont 8 (1988): 21-43; idem, " L . Cornelius Pusio K o m -
they quite possibly represent the same i n d i v i d u a l , perhaps at mandant der x v i . Legion i n Neuss," BJb 190 (1990): 65—77; idem,
slightly different times i n his life. Unfortunately, the published " D i e Bildnispaare von Brescia," i n Modus in Rebus: Gedenkschrift für
frontal views o f the two heads were photographed at different Wolfgang Schindler (Berlin, 1995), pp. 110—13.
angles and i n somewhat different lighting, giving the contours o f 22. These percentages are based on an alloy analysis carried out
the faces a misleadingly different appearance. For the two portraits by the Getty Conservation Institute Department o f M u s e u m
from Les Fins d Annecy, see esp. J. Petit, ed., Bronzes antiques de la Services: I thank Jerry Podany for this information. For the percent­
collection Dutuit: Grecs, hellénistiques, romains et de l'antiquité tardive, ages o f the trace elements o f the alloys used i n these portraits, see
Palais des Beaux-Arts de la Ville de Paris, Musιe du Petit-Palais infra, note 32.
n
(Paris, 1980), pp. 114-15, no. 46, and 116-17, ° . 47; Kaufmann- 23. The Celts, ed. S. Moscati et al., p. 330 (New York, 1999).
Heinimann (supra, note 2), pp. 206, 236 (GF 14), fig. 187; and See further infra, note 66.
Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. nos. 119-20. 24. Cf. the unusually elongated neck o f a bronze statue o f a
10. I thank Jerry Podany, Head o f Antiquities Conservation private individual i n the Vatican Museum, whose provenance is
at the Getty Museum, for this suggestion. For a technical analysis o f unknown: Lahusen and Formigli (1988: supra, note 21), pp. 22, 42,
the two Getty bronzes, see also Mattusch (1996), pp. 329-30; for figs. 1—6. I t is suggested that the neck may have been elongated i n
various technical aspects o f producing bronze works, i n general, see this case because the statue might have been placed on a high base
further H . L i e and C. C. Mattusch, i n Mattusch (1996), pp. and therefore seen from below.
164-76. 25. Such ears are usually carved out o f solid wax i n the wax
11. I owe this observation to Pieter Meyer, Head o f C o n ­ model, resulting i n entirely solid bronze ears i n the finished head.
servation o f the Los Angeles County Museum o f A r t . For another example o f hollow-cast bronze ears, see the provincial
12. I n her essay on the Getty busts, Mattusch (1996) does not head o f Gordian i n from Niederbieber i n the Rheinisches Landes-
mention this square hole. museum i n B o n n : G. Lahusen and E. Formigli, "Der Gordian von
13. For the process o f bronze casting, see, e.g., D. B r o w n , Niederbieber i n B o n n , " Akten der 10. International Tagung über
"Bronze and Pewter," i n D. Strong and D. Brown, eds., Roman Crafts antike Bronzen, Freiburg 18.-22.Juli içg8, Forschung und Berichte
( N e w York, 1976), pp. 2 6 - 3 3 ; C. C. Mattusch, Greek Bronze zur Vor- und Fr٧hgeschichte i n Baden-Wurttemberg 45 (Stuttgart,
Statuary: From the Beginnings through the Fifth Century B.C. (Ithaca, 1994), pp. 257-58.
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 147

26. For the technique and use o f different materials for eyes i n position, showing them as paired wrestlers facing off. For technical
Roman bronze portraits, see, i n general, G. Lahusen andE. Formigli, aspects o f the metallic composition o f bronze, as well as the casting
"Der Augustus von Meroλ und die Augen der romischen Bronze- and finishing o f bronze sculpture, see the various articles i n Small
bildnisse," AA, 1993: 655—74. Bronze Sculpture from the Ancient World (Malibu, 1990). I report here a
27. See supra, notes 13 and 19. comparison o f the percentages o f the trace elements i n the alloys
28. For the sizes o f individual facial features and distances used i n the two Getty busts:
from one feature to another, the comparative measurements given
here are based on those taken by Mattusch (1996), p. 328 w i t h notes:
Portrait A Portrait B
(89.AB.67.1) (89.AB.67.2)
Measurements i n cm:
Portrait A Portrait B Cu EPMA 78.93% 75.31%
(89.AB.67.1) (89.AB.67.2) Sn E P M A II.O3 9-53
Pb I C P - M S 9-30 14.15
Corner o f right eye to right 5.8 5.9 Z n ICP-MS 0.29 0.61
corner o f m o u t h Fe E P M A 0.13 0.10
Corner o f left eye to left 5.7 5.9 Sb E P M A 0.22 0.18
corner o f m o u t h As E P M A — 0.04
From right earlobe to tip 12 11.5 N i EPMA 0.02 0.02
o f nose Ag ICP-MS 0.07 0.05
From left earlobe to tip 12.5 12 Ag EPMA 0.05 0.04
o f nose Au ICP-MS 0.01
Hairline to tip o f nose 7.5 9.3 Bi ICP-MS —

Max. length o f right ear 5.9 5.9

Left nostril to left peak 1.4 1.4 33. I thank Jerry Podany for this information.
o f upper lip 34. For the use o f wooden herms, see Jucker (1961), p. 120.
Height o f m o u t h at center 1.3 1.3 35. Either raw marble or semifinished marble objects were gen­
Length o f m o u t h 4.2 4.6 erally imported into ancient Gaul.
Left earlobe to bust 9 10 36. Naples, Museo Nazionale 4991. A . De Franciscis, II ritratto
Max. w i d t h o f bust 25.4 26.5 romano a Pompei (Naples, 1951), pp. 27—30, figs. 14—15, dates this
Circumference o f neck 31.7 31.9 bust to the last two decades o f the first century B.c. The inscription
Length o f opening for left eye 3.1 3.5 o n its base reads C. N O R B A N I / S O R I C I S / S E V N D A R V M /
Length o f opening for right eye 3.4 3.2 M A G . PAG I / A V G . F E L I C I S / S V B V R B A N I / E X . D . D . / L O C . D .
Height o f opening for left eye 1.6 1.5 (= CIL X.814). Cf. another inscription o f the same individual from
Height o f opening for right eye 1.5 1.4 the Eumachia: De Franciscis, pp. 27-28 w i t h n. 28; V. Tran Tarn
T i n h , Le culte dTsis à Pompei (Paris, 1964), pp. 47-48. Cf., however,
29. For an example o f two portraits o f the same individual more recently G. Granino Cecere, " N e m i : L'erma di C. Norbanus
produced from the same negative mold, cf. Lahusen and Formigli Sorex," RendPontAcc 61 (1990): esp. 139—40, fig. 6, w h o dates the
(1995: supra, note 21), pp. 110—11, figs. 1-8. Iseum herm o f Sorex to the first half o f the first century A . D . based
30. For the use o f the same model w i t h alterations for the pro­ on another herm o f Sorex discovered at the Sanctuary o f Diana at
duction o f a series or group o f similar statues, see C. C. Mattusch, N e m i . (I thank Gτtz Lahusen for the latter reference.) See also more
"The Casting o f Greek Bronzes: Variation and Repetition," Small recently S. De Caro, The National Archaeological Museum of Naples
Bronze Sculpture from the Ancient World (Malibu, 1990), pp. 135—38, (Naples, 1996), p. 134 (color photo); R. Bonifacio, Ritratti romani da
and eadem, " T h e Eponymous Heroes: T h e Idea o f Sculptural Pompei, Archaeologia Perusina, vol. 14, Istituto di Studi Comparad
Groups," i n The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, sulle Societ Antiche dell'Universita di Perugia (Rome, 1997), pp.
Proceedings o f an International Conference Celebrating 2500 Years 2 8 - 3 1 , no. i , p i . i .
Since the B i r t h o f Democracy i n Greece, at the American School o f 37. De Franciscis (supra, note 36), p. 30. This pagus lay just out­
Classical Studies at Athens, December 4 - 6 , 1992, ed. Coulson et al., side the walls o f Pompeii to the north. The inscription, w h i c h men­
p. 80, Oxbow Monograph 37 (Oxford, 1994). tions the name o f Augustus, provides a terminus post quern for the
3 i . See further infra. inscription o f 27 B . C . — w h e n Octavian took the name Augustus.
32. I thank Carol Mattusch for this information. Even bronze 3 8. Perhaps this bust was remounted after the Iseum was dam­
objects produced i n the same workshop could show different per­ aged by the earthquake o f A . D . 62. For the Iseum and bust o f C.
centages o f trace elements o f the alloys used, for each batch o f Norbanus Sorex, see Tran Tarn T i n h (supra, note 36), p. 32 n. 9,
bronze for a given casting w o u l d have its o w n percentages o f trace p. 33 n. i , and pp. 47—48. O n the temple, see also more recently
elements as a result o f using scrap bronze w i t h somewhat different L. Richardson, Pompeii: An Architectural History (Baltimore, 1988),
alloys. Carol Mattusch tells me that the trace elements i n the alloys pp. 281-85.
used i n the two bronze "wrestlers" (in reality, a replicated figure o f a 39. See supra, note 36.
runner) from the Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum are quite different, 40. See De Franciscis (supra, note 36), p. 75 n. 28.
indicating that the two statues were not cast from the same batch o f 41. See Granino Cecere (supra, note 36).
bronze and, therefore, were made at different times. H o w far apart 42. The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 66.11.5: This portrait
i n time they were made cannot be determined. They might both can be dated to the late Julio-Claudian period based on the hairstyle:
have been commissioned at the same time, but cast at slightly cf. Mattusch (1996), pp. 3 1 8 - 2 1 , no. 46, fig. 46b (showing round
different times, resulting i n somewhat different compositions o f hole).
alloys. Alternatively, a single statue o f a runner might originally have 43. The Cleveland Museum o f A r t 28.860. Mattusch (1996),
been commissioned and then, later on, another figure o f the same pp. 322—25, no. 47, fig. 47b. This portrait can be dated to the early
type was replicated and installed w i t h the first to f o r m a new c o m ­ Augustan period on the basis o f the hairstyle.
148 Pollini

44. Naples, Museo Nazionale 110663. From the House o f charioteer i n the Museo Nazionale Romano (here fig. 22); on this
L. Caecilius Iucundus (v. 1.26). See De Franciscis (supra, note 36), charioteer, see further infra, note 134.
p. 3 1 , figs. 17—20; and recently De Caro (supra, note 36), p. 207 47. Jucker (1961), pp. 49, 119-20.
(color photo); Bonifacio (supra, note 36), pp. 92—94, no. 36. Unlike 48. Cf. the photo o f the back o f the R i m i n i M a t r o n (fig. 11)
past scholarship, Bonifacio takes this to be not L. Caecilius Iucundus w i t h the old photos o f the bust i n Jucker (1961), p i . 13 (bottom
but his father L . Caecilius Felix and dates this bust to the early left). Jucker's photos show the back o f the bust before the present
Augustan period. modern armature was added. I n order to take these old photos,
45. The Metropolitan Museum o f A r t 52.11.6: H . o f bust: some sort o f modern plaster(?) must have been used to keep the bust
24 cm (ca. 9/2 in.); H . o f head (chin to top o f head): 10 cm (ca. upright i n the groove o f the acanthus calyx. It cannot be deter-
4 in.). See Jucker (1961), pp. 4 9 - 5 1 (B 2), p i . 13, w i t h further mined now whether the modern armature, w h i c h is screwed into
bibl. Jucker dates this portrait to about A . D . 40—55. See further infra, the back o f the upright support o f the acanthus calyx, was attached
note 48. i n a similar manner i n antiquity, or whether some sort o f horizontal
46. Musée Alesia 912 98 0001: H . o f bust: 22.5 cm (ca. metal band affixed at the base o f the armature may have encircled
8% in.); H . o f head (chin to top o f head): 10.3 cm (ca. 4 in.). See E. the upright support o f the acanthus calyx to hold the armature i n
Espérandieu, Recueil general des bas-reliefs, statues, et bustes de la Gaule place. Also, compare the use o f metal straplike supports or brackets
romaine (Paris, 1925), 9: nos. 7125, 7130, and 7131 ; J. Toutain, "Tête that were added i n the eighteenth century to life-size busts from the
et buste en bronze découverts à Alésia en 1912," MonPiot 21 (1913): Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum: Delle antichita di Ercolano (Naples,
81-87, pis. vu—vin; idem, "Rapport sommaire sur les fouilles exé- 1767), pp. 93, 99, 155, 193. (I thank Carol Mattusch for this latter
cutées en 1912 par la Société des Sciences de Semur," BAC (1913): reference.)
374-407; Jucker (1961), pp. 51-53 (B 3), pl. 14 (Neronian) w i t h fur- 49. N o n e o f the representations o f servile so-called delicati
ther bibl.; F. Beck et al., "Métallurgie des bronzes," i n Laboratoire shows such neck ornaments. For these delicati, see further below.
de Recherche des Musées de France, Recherches gallo-romaines, vol. 1, 50. British Museum 1958.4—18.1. These individual groups o f
Notes et documents des Musées de France, vol. 9 (Paris, 1985), esp. hair locks were soldered onto the baseline o f the hair, not riveted as
pp. 71—73, 96 (illus.), and 126; E. Rabeisen and M . M e n u , "Métaux Wace originally proposed: A . J . B. Wace, "The Chatsworth Head,"
et alliages des bronziers d Alésia," ibid., pp. 143—81; and Lahusen/ JHS 58 (1938): 9 0 - 9 5 , esp. 9 1 , pis. V I I I - I X . As Haynes showed,
Formigli (forthcoming), cat. no. 100. For a color photo: J. Le Gall, however, i n an article that corrected a number o f Wace's original
Alésia: Le siège de la forteresse gauloise par César, la ville gallo-romaine, le findings, the copper rivets were modern additions: D. E. L . Haynes,
culte de sainte Reine, Guides archéologiques de la France, vol. 4 (Paris, "The Technique o f the Chatsworth Head," RA, 1968: 102—12, esp.
1985), p. 37, fig. x i i . The coiffure o f the Alesia Lady is similar to p. i n , pis. 2—4. The Chatsworth head has been variously dated
that w o r n by a woman i n a marble portrait i n the Louvre, except ranging from an early Classical Greek creation to a classicizing
that i n the Louvre portrait there is an additional row o f small ring w o r k o f the Hadrianic period. The thick bronze walls and the
curls framing the face. See further Toutain (supra, this note), p. 86, absence o f lead (found only as an impurity rather than as an alloy) i n
fig. i . Cf. Jucker (1961), p. 52; H.-P. Eydoux, La France antique (Paris, my opinion favor a dating o f this w o r k to the early Classical period
1962), p. 67, fig. 7 1 . For another coiffure similar to that o f the Alesia (ca. 470—460 B.C.); see further ibid., p. 104, appendix, and pis. 5—6.
Lady and the Louvre portrait, see a marble portrait head i n the Based on its place o f discovery, i n the Sanctuary o f Apollo at
Vatican (Chiaramonti), inv. 1825: W. Amelung, Die Skulpturen des vati- Tamassos, and on the description o f the original statue, w h i c h ,
kanischen Museums (Berlin, 1903), 1: 567, no. 393a, p i . 59; K . Pola- except for the head, was destroyed shortly after its discovery, this
schek, "Studien zu einem Frauenkopf i m Landesmuseums Trier," head appears to have belonged to a statue o f Apollo. For the discov-
TrZ 35 (1972): 185, no. 203; K . Fittschen and P. Zanker, Katalog ery o f the original statue i n 1836 and its subsequent destruction, see
der romischen Portràts in den Capitolinischen Museen und den anderen E. Gjerstad, "The Story o f the Chatsworth Head," Eranos 43 (1945):
kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom, vol. 3, Kaiserinnen- und Prin- 235—42; and Haynes (supra, this note), pp. 102—4. I n general, see
zessinnenbildnisse Frauenportrdts (Mainz, 1983), p. 57, n. 8: the Chiara- more recently B. S. Ridgway, The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture
m o n t i head is compared to a bust i n the Capitoline Museum (no. (Princeton, 1970), p. 40 n. 8; L . B u r n , The British Museum Book of
75)> P- 57> pis. 93—94, w h i c h is dated to the late Neronian—early Greek and Roman Art (London, 1991), pp. 58-59, fig. 46 (color); and
Flavian period. Cf. also the hairstyles o f two other female portraits C. C. Mattusch, Greek Bronze Statuary: From the Beginnnings through
a n
i n the Capitoline Museum dated to the late Flavian—Trajanic period: the Fifth Century B.C. (Ithaca, N . Y . , 1988), pp. 154-59 d passim,
Fittschen and Zanker (supra, this note), p. 57, no. 76, p i . 95, and p. w i t h further literature on the subject.
58, no. 78, pis. 97—98 (only w i t h regard to the multiple row o f curls 51. O n this manner o f attachment, see Jucker (1961), p. 51,
over the front o f the head). For another interesting provincial inter- w h o says, "In den senkrechten Schlitz konnte ein Metallkeil getrieben wer-
pretation o f coiffures current i n Rome, see the marble head o f a den, der von unten gegen den Sockelboden anstand und den kleinen Absatz
woman from Itálica, now i n the Museo Arqueológico de Itálica i n unter dem Blatt gegen diesen herabprefte. Befestigung auf Holz scheint mir
Santiponce: A . García y Bellido, Catálogo de los retratos romanos, dieser Zuriistung wegen ausgeschlossen. Die Biiste ware dann etwas weiter
Museo arqueológico Provincial (Sevilla) (Madrid, 1951), pp. 11-12, nach vorn zu neigen als die Profilabbildungen sie zeigen, so dafi der
no. 7, w i t h figure o f frontal view only (taken as male!). Cf. W. Zapfen senkrecht, der kleine Absatz waagrecht zu stehen karnen.'" See also
Trillmich, "Abhàngigkeit und Entfernung des hispanischen Privat- Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. no. 100.
portràts v o m Vorbild Roms," Ritratto uffciale e ritratto privato: Atti della 52. Most bronze busts seem to have been ca. 15-20 cm high
11 conferenza internazionale sul ritratto romano, 1984, Quaderni de "La (ca. 5%-7% in.): Jucker (1961), p. 119 (B 1-3, 5-8, 10).
Ricerca scientifica" 116 (Rome, 1988): 532, figs. 6-7, w h o correctly 53. M i l a n , Museo A r c h e o l o g i c o 229: H . : 41.5 c m (ca.
3
recognized that the head represents a woman. I n this portrait, i6 /s in.); H . o f head: 21.5 cm (ca. 8/4 i n . ) . The bust dates to the
w h i c h i n my opinion dates to the later Neronian-earlier Flavian second half o f the third century A . D . : Jucker (1961), pp. 60—61
period, long linear locks rise up i n multiple banks over the front part (B I I ) , p i . 19. See also C. Albizzati, "Busto romano da Laus
o f the hair, w i t h a parting o f the hair running from ear to ear over Pompeia," Rassegna d'arte antica e moderna, 1918: 58—66, figs. 1—3
the crown o f the head. The coma in gradus formata style at the front o f (best photos showing the acanthus ornament); K . Kluge and K .
the head recalls especially the hairstyle o f Otho and the portrait o f a Lehmann-Hartleben, Die antiken Grofbronzen, vol. 2, Grofbronzen
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 149

der romischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1927), 47-48. There are, o f course, from Avenenes: A . Leibundgut, Die romischen Bronzen der Schweiz,
many busts i n marble or stone w i t h such ornamental floral attach- vol. 2, Avenches (Mainz, 1976), pp. 51-52, no. 33, pis. 38-39.
ments: See the many examples i n Jucker (1961), pp. 60—61 (B I I ) , Although executed i n a rather "primitive" style, the back o f this
pi. 19. head shows a stiff, linear scoring o f the bronze similar to that
54. Rabat, Museum 146: total H . : 47 cm (18% in.); H . o f head: found i n the Getty busts, w h i c h Leibundgut, p. 52, describes as typ-
5
32 cm (ca. i2 /s in.). R. Thouvenot, "Bronzes d'art trouvés au ical o f Roman provincial art. See also the bronze head o f a beardless
Maroc," CRAI, 1945: 597-602, fig. 2; R Poulsen, "Caton et le personage, perhaps a Gallic chief from near Lyon: Espérandieu
jeune prince," ActaArch 18 (1947): 132-36, fig. 15, pis. i n - i v ; R. (supra, note 46), no. 7055, and a sculptural bust o f a woman from
Thouvenot, "Bronzes gréco-romains trouvés a Volubilis (Maroc)," Weiden (Rheinland): Jucker (1961), pp. 89-90, St 35, pi. 34. For a
MonPiot 43 (1949): 75-79, pl. i x ; Boube-Piccot (1969: supra, note high-quality work, see the so-called Prilly Youth, esp. the back o f
19), pp. 69-75, pis. 1-6; K . Fittschen, " D i e Bildnisse der maure- the head: A . Leibundgut, Die romischen Bronzen der Schweiz, vol. 3,
tanischen K ô n i g e u n d ihre stadtromischen Vorbilder," MM 15 Westschweiz: Bern und Wallis (Mainz, 1980), p. 135, no. 183, pi. 164;
(1974): esp. 156-69, pis. 15a, 16a, I7a-b. This bust has generally Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. no. 109. For the ubiquitous
been dated to the Augustan period. linear tendency i n provincial Gallic portraiture, see, i n general, vari-
55. Cf. the modern metal bracket w i t h screw that appears to ous examples from different periods i n R. Lantier, "Tête d'un jeune
have been soldered onto the ancient tang w i t h a vertical element to chef aquitain," MonPiot 31 (1930): 23-38; L . Valensi, éd., Bordeaux,
support the back o f the bib: Boube-Piccot (1967: supra, note 19), capitale de VAquitaine: Un exemple de romanisation en Gaule (Brussels,
pis. II—in, and (1969: supra, note 19), p. 74, figs. 2-3 (best published 1968); and Boucher (1976). For northern Italy, see the bronze head
photos), says very little about this tang or how the bust might have o f a man from Bolsena: C. K . Blanton, i n Ancient Portraits: Ackland
been set up originally. I n any case, from the angle o f the ancient Art Center (Chapel H i l l , N . C . , 1970), no. 11; the marble head o f a
tang, it w o u l d appear that when the bust was set up i n antiquity, the man i n Este: G. A . Mansuelli, ed., Arte e civilta romana nellTtalia set-
head would have inclined forward (see Boube-Piccot, fig. 3), as the tentrionale dalla repubblica alia tetrarchia (Bologna, 1964), no. 78, pi.
tang w o u l d have been i n the vertical position. Cf., e.g., the forward x x x v i n . This style is commonly found i n northern Italian funerary
inclination o f the head o f the bronze bust o f the " R i m i n i M a t r o n " portraiture. See, i n general, F. Poulsen, Portratstudien in Norditalie-
i n the Metropolitan Museum (supra, note 45) mounted on its nischen Provinzmuseen (Copenhagen, 1928); G. Mansuelli, " I I ritratto
bronze base: Jucker (1961), pp. 49-51 (B 2), p i . 13. romano n e l l T t a l i a settentrionale," RM 65 (1958): 6 7 - 9 9 ; F.
56. As i n the case o f C. Norbanus Sorex (supra, note 36) and Rebecchi, "Ritratto e iconografía romana: Aspetti del problema nelT
L. Caecilius Iucundus (supra, note 44). Italia centro-settentrionale tra 1 sec. A . C . e 11 sec. D . C , " ArchCl 32
57. Jucker (1961), p. 216; see also Boucher (1976), pp. 214-15. (1980): 108-30; H . Pflug, Portràtstelen in Oberitalien (Mainz, 1989).
58. J. Pollini, "The Acanthus o f the Ara Pacis as an Apolline 69. This is true for some works produced i n Italy, as well as
and Dionysiac Symbol o f Anamorphosis, Anakyklosis and Numen Mix- those created i n the provinces: see, e.g., Lahusen and Formigli
turn," i n Von der Bauforschung zur Denkmalpflege, Festschrift für Alois (1988: supra, note 21), p. 38, figs. 7-12; Lahusen and Formigli
Machatschek (Vienna, 1993), pp. 183-85 w i t h n. 12 for further bibl. (1990: supra, note 21), p. 7 1 , figs. 1-6.
59. See my discussion o f the symbolism and use o f the acan- 70. For other notable exceptions showing this sort o f discrep-
thus i n Greek and Roman art: ibid., pp. 181-217. ancy, cf. the bronze portrait o f the Prilly Youth (infra, note 92), two
60. For child mortality i n antiquity, see R. Sailer, " C h i l d h o o d bronze portraits from Les Fins d'Annecy (supra, note 9), and a mar-
i n Imperial Rome," JRA 4 (1991): 241. ble portrait o f Germanicus and Drusus M i n o r from Béziers i n the
6 1 . See J. Pollini, The Portraiture of Gains and Lucius Caesar Musée Saint-Raymond, Toulouse: E. Espérandieu, Recueil général des
(New York, 1987), p. 2. bas-reliefs, statues, et bustes de la Gaule romaine (Paris, 1907), 1: no.
62. Jucker (1961), pp. 133-38 and passim. 528.8 (Germanicus), no. 528.9 (Drusus M i n o r ) ; K . Fittschen, Katalog
63. This apotropaic, or prophylactic, aspect was most likely der antiken Skulpturen in Schlof Erbach, Archàologische Forschungen,
carried over from the w i l d variety, Acanthus spinosus, to the nonspiny, vol. 3 (Berlin, 1977), p. 44 n. 17 (Germanicus), p. 47 (no. 19:
more decorative garden variety, Acanthus mollis: Pollini (supra, note Drusus M i n o r ) ; F. Salviat i n collaboration w i t h D. Terrer, " N e u f
58), p. 184. portraits de famille à Béziers," Les dossiers de archéologie 41 (1980):
64. Cf. Mattusch (1996), p. 328. 66—68 w i t h pis.
65. For an overview, see P. Zanker, Provinzielle Kaiserportrats, 71. A . - K . Kaufmann-Heinimann, Die romischen Bronzen der
AbhMünch 90 (1983). For a more detailed picture w i t h i n the Schweiz, vol. 1, Augst und das Gebiet der Colonia Augusta Raurica
Augustan period, see Pollini (supra, note 61), pp. 8—17. Cf. also i n (Mainz, 1977), pp. 76-77, cat. 77, pis. 84-86.
e
the more than two hundred extant, three-dimensional images o f 72. Ibid., pp. 3 9 - 4 1 , cat. 35, pis. 28-33, sp- 33-
Augustus the enormous range i n physiognomy and oddities i n 73. For the background on works o f bronze and their dating
iconographie hairstyles i n some provincial works: D. Boschung, Die i n the Roman provinces o f the West, see the comprehensive w o r k o f
Bildnisse des Augustus, Das rômische Herrscherbild, vol. 1.2 (Berlin, Boucher (1976), esp. pp. 225—40 for workshops. For a useful brief
1993); see also J. Pollini, review article on the portraits o f Augustus, survey, see further Kaufmann-Heinimann (supra, note 71), pp. 7—13;
ArtB 81 (1999): 723-35- F. Braemer, L'art dans l'occident romain: Trésors d'argenterie, sculptures de
66. Supra, note 23. Mattusch (1996), p. 329, thought that the bronze et de pierre (Paris, 1963), esp. pp. v—x; G. Faider-Feytmans, Les
hairstyle o f the two boys may be Celtic based on a comparison w i t h bronzes romains de Belgique, 2 vols. (Mainz, 1979), pp. 16-27; F.
the hairstyle o f this Celtic warrior figure. Unfortunately, the front Braemer, "Bronzes romains—problèmes de géographie," i n Toreutik
and back views o f this Celtic w a r r i o r figure, reproduced by undfigürliche Bronzen rômischer Zeit, A k t e n der 6. Tagung iiber antike
Mattusch (her fig. 2), do not show this seam effect clearly. Bronzen 13.-17. M a i 1980 i n Berlin (Berlin, 1984), pp. 63-86.
67. See also Jucker (1961), p. 52; Boucher (1976), pp. 220-23, 74. See esp. Boucher (1976), pp. 38, 40, 220-23, 243, and pas-
243—44, and passim; and examples i n note 53. sim; M . Green, Symbol and Image in Celtic Religious Art (London,
68. See, e.g., the following works o f both higher and lower 1989), pp. 206—23. Generally speaking, the tendency toward abstrac-
quality, w h i c h show to varying degrees abstraction o f form, exag- tion is esp. characteristic o f the Volkskunst tradition o f the Roman
geration o f eyes, and linearity o f hair patterns: Gallic god i n bronze Empire i n all periods.
150 Pollini

75. For problems i n dating Hellenistic and Roman bronzes, i n on i n the t o w n o f Alesia they began to plate w i t h silver i n a similar
general, see F. Braemer, '"Bronzes hellénistiques' et 'romains': way ornaments, especially for horses, pack animals, and teams o f
Problèmes de chronologie," Bronzes hellénistiques et romains: Tradition oxen. The future glory [for this type o f plating] went to the
et renouveau, Cahiers d'archéologie romande, vol. 17 (Lausanne, Bituriges [a people o f Aquitania]" (Album incoquitur aeréis operibus
1979), pp. 31-42. Galliarum invento ita, ut vix discerní possit ab argento, eaque incoctilia
76. J. C. Balty, "Le prétendu Marc-Aurèle d'Avenenes," i n appellant. Deinde et argentum incoquere simili modo coepere equorum
Eikones, Festschrift für H. Jucker=AntK~BeiheŁt 12 (Bern, 1980), pp. maxime ornamentis iumentorumque ac iugorum in Alesia oppido; reliqua
57-63; and B. S. Ridgway, "The State o f Research on Ancient A r t , " gloria Biturigum fuit).
ArtB 68 (1986): 11 w i t h n. 3 1 . Cf., however, H . Jucker, "Marc 88. Pliny here attributes its invention to Bordeaux (Biturigum).
Aurel bleibt Marc Aurel," Bulletin de l'association pro Aventico 26 89. Jucker (1961), p. 52: "Eine bedeutende Bronzeindustrie befand
(1981): 5-36, w h o correctly takes this as a provincial w o r k o f sich in Alesia selbst, wie aus Plinius' Mitteilung über die dort gehandhabte
Antonine date. A similar problem exists i n our assessment o f Greek Heifversilberung hervorgeht und durch zahlreiche Funde von Gufformen
art as seen from an "Athenacentric" viewpoint. See B. S. Ridgway, bestatigt wirdT The bronze workshops have been located i n insula H
w h o rightly points out i n her article cited supra i n this note that and the east part o f insula F [iron workshops i n the west part o f
"our eyes are still trained on Athenian standards and we automati- insula F]. For the archaeological evidence for the bronze workshops,
cally, even unconsciously, judge everything else by them" (p. 22). see M . M a n g i n , Un quartier de commerçants et d'artisans dAlésia:
Oddly, however, she does not recognize or allow for a similar phe- Contribution à l'histoire de l'habitat urbain en Gaule, 2 vols. (Paris,
nomenon i n Roman art (esp. Roman provincial art), w h i c h is often 1981), pp. 2 4 6 - 6 1 , 388-90, and passim. For the Alesia Lady, see also
seen from a Romacentric point o f view. Rabeisen and M e n u (supra, note 46).
77. R. Amedick, " D i e Kinder des Kaisers Claudius: Z u den 90. Jucker (1961), p. 52; M a n g i n (supra, note 89), p. 389.
Portràts des Tiberius Claudius Britannicus und der Octavia Claudia," 91. So Le Gall (supra, note 46), p. 37 (fig. x n : Alesia Lady),
R M 9 8 (1991): 388, p i . 102. p. 38 (fig. x i v : goddess).
78. Supra, note 46. Jucker (1961), pp. 51-52, f o l l o w i n g 92. Bernisches Historisches Museum 16.164 (originally from
G. M . A . Richter, dates this portrait to ca. A . D . 50—70. Based on the Prilly): see Leibundgut (1980: supra, note 68) and H . Jucker, " i v .
stylistic evolution o f the acanthus decoration itself, Jucker w o u l d Nachtrag zu W. H . Gross, Bildnisse Traians, Berlin 1940," AJA 61
place the Alesia Lady (B 3) i n time between the bust o f the R i m i n i (1957): 253, no. 38. As noted by Jucker, the "Franzenfrisur" is not
M a t r o n (B 2), dating to ca. A . D . 40-55 on the basis o f hairstyle, and restricted to the Trajanic period, but can be found as early as the
a bust o f D o m i t i a n (B 5), dating to ca. A . D . 90-100. See also Neronian period. See also recently Leibundgut (1980: supra, note
Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. no. 100. However, attempts to 68), pp. 135-38, no. 183, pis. 164-69; and again A . Leibundgut, i n
date closely on the basis o f size and shape o f bust forms are risky. H . Jucker, Gesichter: Griechische und romische Bildnisse aus Schweizer
See also the cautionary words o f A . M o t z , "The Development o f 3
Besitz (Bern, 1983), pp. 114-15, no. 46; and Lahusen/Formigli
the Size and Shape o f the Roman Portrait Bust: A Reappraisal," AJA (forthcoming), cat. no. 109.
96 (1992): 350. Remarkably little has been done on this problem 93. Leibundgut (1980: supra, note 68), p. 138 w i t h n. 20 for
since P. Bienkowski's very brief, but fundamental study at the end o f further bibl. See also Petit (supra, note 9), p. 114, no. 46, and p. 117,
the nineteenth century: "L'histoire du buste dans l'antiquité," RA 27 no. 47; Braemer (1984: supra, note 73), p. 75, p i . i v , figs. 1-4, 5-8;
(1895): 293-97. G. Daltrop, " E i n neuerworbenes Bronzebiistchen hadrianischen
79. H . : 23 cm (ca. 9 in.); H . without tang: 20.5 cm (ca. SYs in.); Zeit," BerlMus 9 (1959): 32, figs. 3-4; and Lahusen/Formigli (forth-
3
H . o f head alone: 11 cm (ca. 4 /s in.); W. o f shoulders: 16 cm (ca. coming), cat. nos. 119 and 120.
6V4. in.). 94. O n this technique and its dates, see esp. Jucker (1961),
80. See Jucker (1961), pp. 51—52, w i t h regard to the Alesia Lady. pp. 48—49 (B I ) and n. 3; Leibundgut (1980: supra, note 68), p. 137
81. See also the general characterization o f Jucker: ibid., p. 53 w i t h n. 12 for further examples.
n. 10. 95. Braemer (1984: supra, note 73), pp. 64, 67, and passim.
82. Ibid., p. 51; Lahusen/Formigli (forthcoming), cat. no. 100. 96. Pollini (in progress).
83. Toutain (supra, note 46), pp. 82-83, describes the eyes o f 97. I thank Claude Rolley for bringing this inscription to my
the Alesia Lady and suggests that the missing pupils, set i n the hard attention. See further C. Rolley, " U n dieu Gaulois près de Vézelay,"
matrix o f the orbs, were probably made o f some translucent mate- Bulletin de la société d'études d'Avallon 74 (1993): no pagination; and
rial. Cf. Jucker (1961), p. 51. Recent photos o f the Alesia Lady show idem (supra, note 1), p. 315; 2nd Année Epigraphique, 1993: 340, no.
only two hollow eye sockets; see my fig. 12a. 1198. As Rolley notes, the name o f Cobannus probably survives i n
84. I.e., the size o f the acanthus ornament relative to the size the name o f "Couan" i n the toponym Bois de Couan. This inscrip-
o f the bust. tion w i l l be further discussed i n Pollini (in progress).
85. Jucker (1961), p. 51. The acanthus ornaments o f Getty 98. The authenticity o f this inscription, found i n 1984, had
Portrait A and the Alesia Lady are far more like one another than are originally been questioned. Recent tests on the tablet, however, i n d i -
those decorating the many other portraits assembled by Jucker. The cate that i t is genuine. For this inscription, see R. Fellmann, " D i e
essentially trefoil shape o f the acanthus, whether executed i n a styl- Zinktafel von Bern-Thormebodewald und ihre Inschrift," Archào-
ized or naturalistic fashion, is fairly common for such bust ornaments logie der Schweiz 14 (1992): 270—73, and most recently idem (supra,
i n both bronze and stone, as the many examples i n Jucker show. note 2), pp. 133-75-
86. Cf. the analysis o f the trace elements o f the alloys used i n 99. For a fuller discussion o f the name o f the god mentioned
the Alesia Lady as reported i n Beck et al. (supra, note 46), pp. i n the inscription from Thormebodewald and its relationship to
126-27, as well as Rabeisen and M e n u (supra, note 46), p. 178, w i t h Cobannus, see Pollini (in progress).
that o f the two Getty busts (supra, note 32). For the problems i n 100. See further Boucher (1976), esp. p. 227. Bronze manufac-
using percentages o f trace elements o f alloys as criteria to establish ture was popular i n areas i n w h i c h marble and other good sculptural
workshop, see also supra, note 32. stone were not readily available: Braemer (1984: supra, note 73),
87. Pliny NH 34.162: "The plating o f bronze works w i t h PP- 7 1 , 73-
white lead, so that they can scarcely be discerned from silver, was an 101. For Gallo-Roman ateliers i n general, see Boucher (1976),
invention o f [the three] Gauls. Such objects are called incoctilia. Later pp. 225-40.
 Two Bronze Portrait Busts of Slave Boys 151

102. Gallería degli Uffizi 1914 (no. 57), see G. A . Mansuelli, J. R. Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman
ed., Gallería degli Uffizi: Le sculture (Rome, 1961), 2: p. 69, no. 63. Art, 100 B.c. to A.D. 250 (Berkeley, 1998), pp. 61-78 and passim; and
Mansuelli took this portrait as that o f an u n k n o w n woman. Cf., Pollini (1999). Since acquisition by the British Museum, the Warren
however, V. Saladino, Firenze. Gli Uffizi: Le sculture antiche (Florence, Cup has been published by D. Williams, Minerva 10.4 (1999): 33—35-
1983), p. 36, no. 13, w h o saw it as a young girl (Neronian-early 117. O n the differences between homosexual love i n Rome
Flavian); and E. Simon, Augustus: Kunst und Leben im Rom um die and Classical Greece, see my discussion w i t h further bibl.: Pollini
Zeitenwende (Munich, 1986), p. 119, fig. 157, w h o realized that the (1999), esp. pp. 22-28.
portrait represented a male, identified i t as a camillus, or sacrificial 118. See esp. my discussion o f the lex sca(n)tinia w i t h further
assistant, and dated i t to the time o f Nero. See also Fless (1995), bibl.: ibid., pp. 22-28.
pp. 63-64, 66-67, pi- 3 i ; Pollini (1999), p. 34; and idem, "Slave- 119. See i n particular A . Richlin, The Garden of Priapus:
Boys for Sex and Religious Service: Images o f Pleasure and 2
Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor (Oxford, 1992), pp.
Devotion," i n Flavian Rome: Culture, Image, Text, ed. T. Boyle and 223-26.
W. D o m i n i k (forthcoming). 120. Erotic epigrammatic w r i t i n g was k n o w n long before the
103. The present location o f the head is unknown. From the period when the Warren Cup was created. The erotic w o r l d o f
published photos, the portrait appears to have been i n the form o f a Strato was, i n fact, very similar to that o f t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c .
bust. See EA, nos. 3744-46; E. Langlotz and H . Bulle, Sammlung Alexandria. For similar erotic motifs, see S. L . Taran, "EIUI
Baron Heyl (Darmstadt, 1930), p. 4, no. 23; P. Cain, Mannerbildnisse TPIXEZ: A n Erotic M o t i f i n the Greek Anthology," i n Homo-
neronisch—flavischerZeit (Munich, 1993), pp. 252—53, no. 132; Fless sexuality in the Ancient World, ed. W. R. Dynes and S. Donaldson,
I
( 995)> P- 67, p i . 30.1-2; Pollini (1999), pp. 34-35, figs. 19-20. pp. 434-51 (New York, 1992). For a literary w o r k that is roughly
104. For other examples, see Pollini (1999), pp. 29—36, w i t h contemporary w i t h the Warren Cup, see, e.g., A S . F. Gow and D. L .
further bibl. Page, eds., The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip and Some
105. For a few o f these more exceptional types, see Cain Contemporary Epigrams (London, 1968), and W. H . Parker, trans, and
(supra, note 103), p. 69 w i t h n. 163. ed., Priapea: Poems for a Phallic God (London, 1988).
106. See, i n general, Fless (1995) and Pollini (1999) w i t h fur- 121. For the reasons, see Pollini (1999), pp. 32, 34, 36-37, 39.
ther bibl. 122. For the epigraphical evidence, see ibid., p. 32 n. 115, and
107. H . Szesnat, '"Pretty Boys' i n Philo's De vita contempla- p. 134 w i t h n. 130. The special care and pampering that some o f the
tiva," The Studies Philonica Annual 10 (1998): 87—107; Szesnat deals imperial paedagogiani received and such flattering designations as
w i t h Philo's highly biased views on Greek and Roman sexual "distinguished boys o f the princeps" (pueri eminentes Caesaris) suggest
preferences. that there was some sort o f hierarchy established w i t h i n the paeda-
108. I.e., prepubertal boys definitely under the age o f 12, gogia. Undoubtedly occupying the apex o f this "servile pyramid"
probably by several years. were the delicati, the pampered pets o f the master.
109. Literally " b i g boys," i.e., those w h o are just pubertal or 123. A l t h o u g h the paedagogia o f the wealthy could be quite
postpubertal. Based on Strato Anth. Pal. 12.4, these were probably large, those o f the imperial house were undoubtedly the largest.
boys about 12—15 years o f age. This age range was deemed the most 124. For the role o f slaves i n a familia, see F. Borner, Unter-
desirable by most pederasts. suchungen iiber die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und Rom, vol. 1,
110. M o s t likely scented oil-based unguents. T h e Greek Die wichtigsten Kulte und Religionen in Rom und im lateinischen Westen,
XeAetao/jLevoL is sometimes translated "smoothly shaven" (see, e.g., Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverie, vol. 14.1 (Wiesbaden, 1981), esp.
Fless [1995], p. 59, glatt rasierte). However, Xeavivœ or AeiaiW means pp. 57-78.
to "polish" or "smoothly rub." One o f the reasons w h y these pov'~ 125. Fless (1995), p. 60, fig. 25.2. See also R. B i a n c h i
TTCLiSes (adolescents) were so sought after by pederasts was that they 2
Bandinelli, Storicità delVarte classica (Florence, 1950), pp. 178—79,
had not yet sprouted the coarse (ugly) facial hair (beard) associated w h o incorrectly interprets this representation as a group o f girls. For
w i t h manhood. an excellent color photo o f this mosaic, see M . Napoli, Pittura antica
in. The meaning o f the phrase in Italia (Bergamo, i960), p. 74, p i . 6 1 .
126. For this low-style beehive-bonnet coiffure, cf., e.g., a por-
oL has posed problems for translators. Based on k n o w n trait o f Julia, daughter o f Titus, i n the Museo Nazionale Romano,
hairstyles, I w o u l d be inclined to interpret it to mean that the fore- inv. 8638: G. Daltrop, U . Hausmann, and M . Wegner, Die Flavier:
locks, w h i c h are cut to equal lengths, w i l l f o r m an arc correspon- Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Julia Titi, Domitilla, Domitia, Das
ding to the natural arc o f the hairline over the forehead. For romische Herrscherbild, vol. 2.1 (Berlin, 1966), p. 118, pis. 42, 49b.
examples and further discussion, see infra. For a late Flavian relief i n the Vatican Museum w i t h a slave-boy
112. See further my discussion i n Pollini (1999), pp. 29—36; ministrant wearing a high Flavian beehive bonnet, influenced by the
idem (supra, note 102). coiffure o f Domitia, the wife o f Domitian, see Pollini (1999), p. 34.
113. Museo Nazionale Romano 124514: P. Rendini, i n A . 127. M . Pfanner, Der Titusbogen (Mainz, 1983), pp. 53, 74, pis.
Giuliano, ed., Museo Nazionale Romano, vol. 1.1, Le sculture (Rome, 54 and 62.2, fig. 11. Fless (1995), p. 42 (pi. reference incorrectly
I n o
9 7 9 ) PP- 260-64, - 161, w i t h further bibl. The hair is divided
5 given as 22.1), p. 107, cat. 26, pi. 22.2. This hairstyle is w o r n also by
from ear to ear, sometimes over the apex o f the head or sometimes three boys serving at table i n a scene on the funerary altar o f Q.
further forward. I n artistic representations o f such servile hairstyles, Socconius Felix i n the courtyard o f the Palazzo Istituto Romano dei
the parting o f the hair may or may not be clearly delineated. For the Beni Stabili i n Rome: F. W. Goethert, "Grabara des Q. Socconius
dating o f this altar, see further Pollini (1999), p. 31, fig. 15. Felix," AntP (Berlin, 1969), 9: pp. 79-86, figs. 1-11, pis. 50-56.
114. Cf. also Philo De vita contemplativa 50, w h o speaks o f the Here, three servile boys wearing tunics and feminized hairstyles o f
comeliness and beauty o f these slave boys. the Flavian—Trajanic period serve a master and his wife a meal,
115. I derive this word from the Latin verb paedicare, or pedicare, w h i c h is to be taken as a ritual banquet o f the dead because o f the
meaning "to penetrate anally." funereal context o f this monument. For this and other examples, see
116. For the Warren Cup, see J. R. Clarke, "The Warren Cup Pollini (supra, note 102).
and the Contexts for Representations o f Male-to-Male Lovemaking 128. Pollini (in progress).
i n Augustan and Early Julio-Claudian A r t , " ArtB 75 (1993): 275-94; 129. See supra, pp. 117-18.
152 Pollini

130. For this iconographie hairstyle o f Octavia as a child and 135. For the sacellum, i n general, and the busts o f all the char-
for past bibl., see Pollini (1999), p. 30 w i t h n. 101, fig. 14. ioteers, see the monograph by L. Nista, Sacellum Herculis: Le sculture
131. For these later types and Nero's iconography i n general, del tempio di Ercule à Trastevere (Rome, 1991).
see U . W. Hiesinger, "The Portraits o f Nero," AJA 79 (1975): esp. 136. Amedick (supra, note 77), p. 394, p i . 104.2.
119—24; Jucker (supra, note 76): 287—88; M . Bergmann and P. 137. See supra, note 102. I n female portraiture, long side-
Zanker, '"Damnatio Memoriae': umgearbeitete N e r o - u n d D o m i - locks curling forward are rarely found. See, however, the very styl-
tiansportráts," Jdl 96 (1981): 321-32; F. Johansen, "Portrcetter af ized large sidelocks i n a late Julio-Claudian—early Flavian portrait
Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus," MedKob 42 (1986), k n o w n as "La Gitana" from Mérida, Spain: A . García y Bellido,
esp. 50-54- Esculturas romanas de España y Portugal (Madrid, 1949), pp. 71—72,
132. M u n i c h , Glyptothek 321: Jucker (supra, note 76): 287-88 no. 56, p l . 51; and more recently T Nogales Basarrate, '"Imagines
(Skizze 6); Bergmann and Zanker (supra, note 131): 326-32, figs. Emeritensium': Portraits prives d'Augusta Emérita," RA, 1995: 63,
9a-d. fig- 5-
133. Supra, notes 46 and 78. 138. For the association o f slave boys w i t h sex and religion i n a
134. Museo Nazionale Romano 130. B. D i L e o , i n A. Giuliano, broader sociological context, see Pollini (in progress).
ed., Museo Nazionale Romano, vol. 1.9.1, Le Sculture (Rome, 1987), 139. Ibid.
R I 2
pp. 166—67, 6 ; and recently Cain (supra, note 103), pp. 209—10, 140. See, e.g., the following recent monographs: F. Baratte, Le
cat. 85, figs. 2-3 w i t h further bibl. Cf. also the long, sinuous locks trésor d'orfèvrerie romaine de Boscoreale (Paris, 1986); A . Fol et al.,
over the front o f the head i n another herm portrait o f a charioteer The Rogo zen Treasure, trans, from the Bulgarian (Sofia, 1989); H.-J.
from the same shrine (Museo Nazionale Romano 290): D i L e o , pp. Kellner, G. Zahlhaas, et al., Der rômische Tempelschatz von Wief en-
R I 2
168-69, 8 ; and recently Cain (supra, note 103), pp. 209-10, cat. burg i. Bay. (Mainz, 1993); and esp. Kaufmann-Heinimann (supra,
84, figs. 6—7 w i t h further bibl. note 2).
T E C H N I C A L I N V E S T I G A T I O N OP A P A I N T E D R O M A N O - E G Y P T I A N

SARCOPHAGUS FROM T H E F O U R T H C E N T U R Y A . D .

M a y a E l s t o n a n d Jeffrey M a i s h

In 1982 the J. Paul Getty Museum acquired four wood several places. The condition o f the panels was docu­
sarcophagus panels (acc. no. 82.AP.75). One side panel mented w i t h graphic overlays. These included the con­
depicts a banqueting scene, another an arched colon­ dition o f the wood; the location o f textile strips used
nade, an end panel has a circular design, and a narrower to repair the wood and fortify the corners o f the sar­
1
top panel has painted geometric designs. One end cophagus; unsupported areas; missing ground layers;
panel and the bottom panel are missing. missing paint layers; areas stained from adhesive, paint,
The sarcophagus is a very rare document from a or mud; areas o f detachment o f the paint; and areas
transitional period i n Egypt when Roman, Egyptian, w i t h water damage. The conservation treatment, which
and Christian influences converged. Although no direct used highly reversible and stable materials such as paper
parallels to the object exist, comparisons may be found pulp and glass microspheres (as fill materials) and meth-
not only i n some Fayum paintings but also i n stone, ylcellulose (as a consolidant), was successful i n stabiliz­
wood, and lead sarcophagi from other locations i n the ing and aesthetically reintegrating the object.
eastern Mediterranean. The date o f several elements o f Following the consolidation and re-adhesion o f
the sarcophagus as well as radiographic examination indi­ loose wood sections, all four panels o f the sarcophagus
cate reuse o f the wooden components. The sarcophagus were assembled without any use o f adhesive between
was constructed w i t h dovetail joinery and the insertion joins. This was made possible by constructing a system
of hardwood tenons, which, together w i t h the cut o f of metal supports for the individual panels, which
the wood, may have protected the panels from warp­ reduced pressure on the wood. The system was designed
ing. Several pigments and binders were used i n the final to allow adjustments as well as complete disassembly o f
painting stage. Infrared analysis o f the ground layer and the sarcophagus i f future study or conservation treat­
polarized light microscopy used for the identification ment made it necessary to observe the interior or to
of pigments suggest the use o f both animal and gum move a panel to a horizontal position. The metal sup­
binding media. Pigments from a limited palette were port on which the panels are mounted succeeds i n
mixed to achieve a range o f tonalities and finer details. presenting the sarcophagus once again as a three-
The result is a unique visual, historical, and technical dimensional object (fig. ia). The dimensions indicate
document. that it was made for a small person.

C O N S E R V A T I O N A N D ASSEMBLY ICONOGRAPHY
The wood panels o f the sarcophagus are relatively flat Decoration and the rendering o f space on the sarcoph­
and free o f warping. Although the wood is i n good agus were made exclusively by tempera painting. Each
condition, the painted surfaces are generally fragile. panel presents a different figurai or decorative theme.
Their unstable state o f preservation made it impossible The predominant colors are light and dark green, yel­
to look at the panels i n a vertical position, for the paint low and ocher, brown, dark pink, white, and dark red.
layer was flaking or detaching from the substratum i n The banqueting scene represented on one panel
154 Elston and Maish

suggests that this may have been the main or front of Anthropology, University o f Michigan. A large
side o f the sarcophagus (fig. i b ) . This panel depicts a number o f reliefs i n that collection dating to A . D .
2 2
youth—possibly the deceased—reclining on a bed or 75~3 5 ° show the deceased i n an attitude o f repose.
couch while an attendant fans him. Facing the observer, O n the far left, another attendant serves food or
the youth holds a dish or bowl i n his outstretched right drink from a large bowl resting on a tripod. O n the far
hand and a scroll i n his left hand. A n example o f a sim­ right a third attendant, barely visible because o f water
ilar pose o f the same date is seen on the stele from damage, holds a scroll i n his hand. A l l attendants are
Ternouthis i n Lower Egypt, now i n the Kelsey Museum depicted much smaller than the reclining figure. It is
not clear, however, whether they are disproportionately
smaller because o f perspective or because o f the Egyp­
tian tradition o f representing less significant persons i n
smaller sizes. Even i f the latter suggestion is excluded
3
(Parlasca discounts it), it still appears that the reclining
figure, being the most important one, required space
that could not be shared equally w i t h the rest o f the
figures. Furthermore, the horizontal orientation o f the
sarcophagus does not allow much room for the depic­
tion o f standing figures.
The exaggerated length o f the reclining figure's
legs appears peculiar and seems dictated by the available
space rather than by a specific style. Changing body
proportions i n order to fit them into a particular area is
4
common even i n the best paintings on Greek vases.
O n a contemporary funerary stele the legs o f a reclin­
ing woman are shortened dramatically to fit into the
5
available space (fig. 2).
The two better-preserved attendant figures on the
Figure ia. Painted sarcophagus, after completed conserva­ sarcophagus are dressed i n short tunics, one white, the
tion treatment and assembly. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum other dark pink, both accentuated w i t h dark cuffs,
82.AP.75. hems, and collars. The reclining figure is more resplen-

Figure i b . Front o f the sarcophagus, figure ia, depicting the deceased and three attendants.
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 155

Figure 2. Funerary stele w i t h a reclining woman. Sandstone. Figure 3 a. Face o f the reclining youth from the front
London, The British Museum EA 65337. panel o f the sarcophagus, figure ia.

dent i n a long robe and yellow-colored necklace. He more three-dimensional architectural representations.
wears a light-colored tunic w i t h a dark brown garment The general impression on the front panel is that the
underneath decorated w i t h two red circles near the painting represents a room interior (see fig. i b ) . The
lower hem. The sleeves, which are darker as well, must bed or couch is painted i n large bands o f dark pink,
6
belong to the dark brown robe. His face is painted ocher, and green, which are further embellished w i t h
i n the tradition similar to Fayum tempera portraits decorative elements. A n area behind the bed is painted
(fig. 3 a). The unusually dark tonality o f his sclera half i n white, half i n green. Four light brownish
(white o f the eyes) is due to alteration o f the white amphorae hang on the wall just above the tripod,
lead pigment that was applied to accentuate that area. adding more details o f furnishings and suggesting the
Similar color changes occurred elsewhere, where the use o f wine or oil for the ritual scene.
same pigment was used to delineate ornaments. The architecturally inspired back panel shows a
8
The scroll i n the reclining youth's hand is inscribed colonnade o f four arches and half-round niches (fig.
" [ A m m ] ornas," suggesting that this was the name o f 3b). The panel is painted mostly i n ocher, dark pink,
the deceased. The depiction o f a "death meal" and the white, and light green. The addition o f darker colors
complete absence o f symbols associated w i t h the such as brown, gray, and black is limited. Although
pharaonic death cults suggest that the sarcophagus may there is a slight tilt o f the architectural and decorative
have been made for a Christian family. The object may elements to the right, the design is quite symmetrical.
present one o f the oldest examples o f Christian funer­ The distribution o f colors, however, is not: each sec­
ary art from Egypt; close parallels for comparison have tion is painted differently. The top o f each column has
7
yet to be found. cursorily depicted capitals reminiscent o f the C o r i n ­
The many architectural elements i n each panel thian order. The arches on the wooden sarcophagus
could be regarded separately, or they could be seen as curiously frame geometric elements, i n contrast to
156 Elston and Maish

Figure 3b. Back o f sarcophagus, figure ia.

numerous marble sarcophagi where the arches frame

9
groups o f figures.
The principal decoration on the extant end panel
consisting o f a large circular element painted i n green,
yellow, dark pink, and brown on a dark green back­
ground may simply be an abstract geometric design
(fig. 3 c). This spoke pattern, however, is not without
parallels, although interpretations may vary. The Getty
end panel is strictly geometric and colored w i t h a bor­
der o f three concentric rings. I f it is interpreted as a
10
wheel, it may be an image associated w i t h I x i o n .
However, the meaning o f this image may have been
lost through repetitive use so that it may have evolved
into a simple geometric depiction. A Roman lead sar­
cophagus from Lebanon shows a similar division o f
space i n the end panel. The crossed staffs on this sar­
cophagus have been associated w i t h cult beliefs, and the
inscribed rope pattern may symbolize the wish to bind
the coffin i n order to keep something from either
1 1
entering or leaving i t . The division o f space, at least
i n visual terms, is reminiscent o f the Getty piece
Figure 3c. End panel o f sarcophagus, figure ia.
(figs. 4a-b).
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 157

The top panel of our sarcophagus is similar to the

end panel i n that it has geometric patterns (fig. 5 a).
Diamond shapes, much like those seen under the arches
of the back panel, are the main motif. The circular
floral design, placed off center i n a rectangular area
painted green, is bordered by a double circle and a cir­
cular twist design. The floral design echoes the early
Christian designs o f churches such as Kalota, Syria.
Examples o f simple and complex medallion designs
from the late fourth and early fifth centuries A . D . are
12
common i n northern Syria. The predominant colors
on the top panel are green, yellow, brown, and red. Figure 4a. Roman sarcophagus from Lebanon. Lead. Phila­
While both side panels are painted i n lighter tones and delphia, University o f Pennsylvania Museum B 10280.
w i t h color combinations that produce a vibrant impres­
sion, the top panel is darker, and its color harmony is
clearly subdued. The absence o f paint on strips o f the
wood suggests handle attachments (see fig. 5a).

I D E N T I F I C A T I O N OF W O O D S ,
DENDROCHRONOLOGY, AND DATING
The main body o f the sarcophagus was constructed
from Lebanese cedar (Cedrus libani), while the inserted
tenons were made o f a hardwood, carob (Ceratonia sili-
13
qua). The panel planks were crafted o f imported
wood, for local Egyptian trees could not provide timber
sufficiently large for such a project. After Alexander's
conquest of Egypt, cedar from Syria became more avail­
14
able throughout the Mediterranean, where it was used
as an architectural timber. The number o f tree rings on
the cedar end panel indicates a tree more than 120 years
old (see fig. 5 g). Although a large number o f rings are
present, the Lebanese cedar dendrochronology, unfortu­
nately, does not extend back to the early first millen­
15
nium A . D . , so this method o f dating cannot be used.
Cedar had a reputation i n dynastic Egypt for its fra­
grance and durability. I n Egypt and Mesopotamia it was
considered a patrician tree because, unlike fir, it resisted
rot and insects. It was appreciated by carpenters for
16
its grain, aromatic scent, and ability to take a polish.
Theophrastos mentions the use o f cedar i n ship­
17
building i n Syria and Phoenicia. I n a fourth-century-
Figure 4b. End panel o f sarcophagus, figure 4a.
A . D . treatise on naval affairs Vegetius mentions that four
species were suitable for shipbuilding—fir, pine, cypress,
18
and larch. By the Hellenistic and Roman periods
19
papyri indicate that wood was very scarce. However,
cedar continued to be the preferred wood for monu­
20
mental doors i n the Greek and Roman worlds.
Timber from the carob, or locust-bean, tree was
21
most probably imported as w e l l . Theophrastos states
158 Elston and Maish

Figure 5a. L i d o f sarcophagus, figure ia. A r r o w indicates sliding direction o f the lid. a and b: possible locations o f handles.

that the carob tree is incorrectly called Egyptian fig. of decorative wood elements i n contemporary architec­
According to h i m the tree did not exist i n Egypt but i n tonic Roman sarcophagi from the Bosporus area. 26

22
Rhodes, Syria, Ionia, and Knidos. Strabo reports it Radiographic examination and inspection o f the
23
was common i n Ethiopia. wood grain indicates that each side panel was con­
Radiocarbon dating o f samples o f wood and textile structed from two planks o f wood that were fitted
shows a difference between the age o f the wood and together side by side. The outer dimensions o f the pan­
the age o f the textile, w i t h the wood predating the tex­ els are about 157 cm long, 49 cm high, and 2.5—3 cm
tile by centuries. Results suggest that the textile (and thick. The panel configurations were traced from
sarcophagus) dates between A . D . 265 and 420, while the 27
xeroradiographs (fig. 5b) to further define the con­
24
wood dates between 95 B . C . and A . D . 50. The former struction o f the panels (figs. 5c—f). The planks, cut
dates place the date o f manufacture o f the sarcophagus from near the center o f the tree, were o f high, warp-
between the late third and the early fifth centuries A . D . resistant quality (fig. 5g). The panel planks were joined
by thin transverse tenons. Parallel holes were drilled
SARCOPHAGUS STRUCTURE across an approximately 4-cm w i d t h o f a panel's edge,
The wood construction o f the sarcophagus undoubt­ and chiseling cleared and connected the holes. The
edly reflects a wider woodworking tradition, which resulting slots along the edge o f each panel then
may have been used also i n boat building and architec­ received the hardwood tenons (fig. 5h). Evidence for
ture. Roman plank joining is typified by mortise-and- the drilling is visible along one panel edge as well as i n
tenon construction as found, for example, i n shell-built radiographs. I n the former case, the carpenter did not
25
boats. Tenon construction was commonly used i n connect the outer holes, as the width o f the inserted
dynastic Egyptian sarcophagi. The exterior o f the sar­ tenon would have been exceeded (fig. 51). There are
cophagus lacks any wooden decoration, although the l i d ten tenons on each panel—five inserted from the top,
may have had two handles, and, like other sarcophagi, it and five from the bottom. The distances between the
may have been elevated on feet. The plain wooden sur­ side-panel tenons i n both the upper and the lower reg­
faces i n this piece contrast sharply w i t h the greater use ister vary slightly, from 24.4 cm to 26 cm. The thick-
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 159

Front

Back

Lid

Figure 5b. Xeroradiographic image o f tenons. Plugged hole

is visible on upper left.

End panel

Figures 5 c—f. Drawings o f the internal structure o f the

panels o f the sarcophagus, figure i a (after xeroradiographic
images), a, line representing the division between the upper
and the lower plank, b, hardwood (carob) tenons inserted
from the top. c, hollowed area for insertion o f tenon, d,
carob tenon planed flush w i t h bottom edge o f panel (from
previous use o f the wood), e, faults i n the w o o d . / , plugged
holes (possibly from previous use), g, iron nails, h, ancient
repair o f the wood. /, cross section o f dovetail joinery, j ,
carob tenon protruding at break.
i6o Elston and Maish

Figure 5g. V i e w o f ring structure o f end panel o f sarcophagus, figure ia. Cf. figure 3c.

Figure 5h. Panel edge o f sarcophagus, figure ia, w i t h Figure 5Ν. Panel edge o f sarcophagus, figure i a , w i t h
inserted carob tenon. unchiseled pilot holes (holes drilled i n error) and correctly
inserted tenon.

ness o f the tenons is 1.2 cm, while their length is effect part o f the previous j o i n . Although there were
between 25.8 and 36 cm i n the upper register and some sources for timber i n Egypt, the need was mainly
30
between 17.2 cm and 23.6 cm i n the lower register. for wood o f larger sizes and better grades. The labor
The width o f the tenons is quite consistent on all pan­ involved i n transporting and hand finishing o f the
els, varying by only 2 m m (from 3.6 cm to 3.8 cm). material most probably added greatly to its value, and
B r o w n crystalline adhesive residues taken from reuse o f wooden panels was probably not uncommon.
areas o f protruding tenons were identified as animal Reuse is suggested i n this case by the lack o f a credible
28
glue. The tenons were thus held securely i n place not explanation for the function o f these holes.
only by fit but also by adhesive. The adhesion of the Radiocarbon dates confirm the probable ancient
tenons contrasts w i t h other wood examples i n which reuse o f the wooden panels. There is, however, a ques­
tenons were locked i n place w i t h dowels or pegs. The 29
tion as to reuse o f the assembled panels as opposed to
tenons kept the planks aligned, strengthened the joins, the planks. The tenons inserted from the bottom are
and may also have served as a type o f cradle by pre­ consistently shorter than those inserted from the top.
venting the panels from warping. The adhesion o f the Except for possibly keeping the wood plank from
two planks is remarkable; there is no sign o f separation warping, the tenons inserted from the bottom have no
or pronounced warpage. function i n the present assembly, as there is no evidence
Radiographs o f the panels also revealed filled holes of joinery between the panels i n that area. They must
that have no apparent connection to the existing sar­ be remnants of the previous use o f the board. This sug­
cophagus structure (fig. 5J). Most o f these holes are on gests that the bottom section o f the panel may have
the lower portion o f the side panels. Their placement, been cut to produce the appropriate dimensions for the
however, appears random and does not indicate what sarcophagus.
they may have held during their previous use. I n some The origin o f the panels is strictly a matter o f
instances radiographic images show wood end grain i n speculation. Roman plank j o i n i n g was typified by
the holes, suggesting filling w i t h dowels. It cannot, mortise-and-tenon joinery, but edge joining i n ship-
however, be determined whether the dowels were shell planking used tenons arranged i n a regular pattern
meant simply to fill the holes, or whether they were i n 31
and dowels to keep them i n place. The joinery meth-
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 161

Figure 5J. Plugged holes (arrows) i n panel o f sarcophagus, figure ia, perhaps evidence o f previous use o f the wood.

ods also show an affinity w i t h those used i n earlier wooden structure. This is further suggested by the
dynastic Egyptian sarcophagi. Although the Getty sar­ slight angle o f the panel j o i n , which is not parallel w i t h
cophagus has what appear to be dowel holes, these do the bottom but inclines at an approximately 2-degree
not align w i t h the existing tenons. Seams between ship angle (see figs. 5e and f ). I f the two panels are placed
planks were often caulked and fixed w i t h wax or tar, end to end (allowing room for a pair o f tenons that
and the outer planking on a hull was protected w i t h a were removed during the construction o f the sarcoph­
coat o f tar or wax. W i t h no indication o f any addi­ agus), their combined length would be 3.37 m.
tional caulking or coating on the sarcophagus planks, it The l i d is cut to a narrower size and consists o f
would seem unlikely that they come from a ship. There only one plank. As mentioned above, the same fault i n
is, however, evidence o f the use o f a water-soluble the wood is characteristic i n the central area o f the l i d .
adhesive to fix the tenons i n place. The adhesive, com­ Therefore, i f the l i d was part o f the original long
bined w i t h the insect-resistant wood and the lack o f panel, its overall size could increase to more than 5 m.
correlation o f tenon slots w i t h perpendicular dowel By the same hypothetical approach, the width o f the
holes (as noted for ships), would suggest a more terres­ original panel could be about 66 cm (considering the
trial origin for the planks. The purpose o f the filled length o f the cut-down tenons on one side).
holes i n the sarcophagus must remain a mystery from
the planks' previous incarnation. SARCOPHAGUS J O I N E R Y
As discussed above, the interpretation o f the char­ The side panels were fitted together w i t h the end
32
acter o f the original panel structure is at best specula­ panels through dovetail joinery (fig. 5k). Before the
tive, although it would necessarily have come from a wood was cut, the dovetails were marked w i t h pencil­
large structural or architectural element. Some evidence like black lines made by a pointed implement, possibly
33
suggests that the one short and two long panels may of lead (fig. 5I). Nails were used to secure the joins.
have been cut from a single larger panel. Radiographs The bottom panel was secured to the side panels w i t h
reveal a fault i n the midsection o f the wood i n a loca­ countersunk nails. As i n other areas o f the sarcophagus,
tion consistent across the three panels, perhaps indicat­ the nail holes were hexagonally countersunk w i t h a
ing that they were cut lengthwise from the same chisel (fig. 5m). Iron nails, used for joining the bottom
162 Elston and Maish

Figure 5k. End o f a panel o f sarcophagus, figure ia, showing dovetail joinery.

Figure 5I. Details o f joinery o f sarcophagus, figure ia: line Figure 5m. Detail o f joinery o f sarcophagus, figure ia:
(arrow) indicates area o f cutting. hexagonal countersink hole.

34
to the sides, were also used to repair one area and to contact between family members and the deceased.
reinforce the dovetail joins o f the end panels. The nails Sliding would have been facilitated by the attachment
were made i n a manner consistent w i t h early Roman of functional or decorative handles at either end o f the
35
forging and ironwork. l i d . Although such elements are now missing, this
The l i d , or top panel, o f the sarcophagus could hypothesis is supported by the presence of several holes
slide like the l i d o f a pencil box (see fig. 5a: the l i d where nails or pins were inserted for the attachment.
would slide out to the right). Horizontal slots were Furthermore, the distribution o f paint (or lack thereof)
carved just below the top edge o f each side panel to in that area indicates the exact location o f a handle
accommodate the l i d . Due to some slight asymmetry, element as mentioned earlier (see fig. 5 a). Except for
one edge o f the l i d was worked, possibly by planing, so being shorter, the tenons inserted into the top plank
that it would slide more easily. The sliding panel was exhibit the same characteristic and spacing as those o f
possibly required by ritual practice, to assure direct the side panels. Since the bottom panel is missing, we
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 163

Figure 511. Coarse textile applied as individual strips to conceal

faults i n the wood o f sarcophagus, figure ia.

can only speculate on the presence o f any feet or ele­ than the textile applied to the side panels. The weaving
vating element on the lower surface of the sarcophagus. density is about twenty threads per cm i n the warp and
fifty-four i n the weft (fig. 50). More coarsely woven
G R O U N D LAYER A N D T E X T I L E REPAIR fabric was applied to smooth and conceal joinery at the
After the sarcophagus was assembled i n antiquity, dam­ corners and to conceal defects i n the side panels. This
aged areas were reinforced w i t h strips o f textile. A textile is woven o f fibers that are almost white and less
yellowish white ground paint was then applied to the tightly S-spun into thread (fig. 5p); the weaving density
entire interior and exterior surfaces, probably i n one is eleven threads per cm i n the warp and twenty-one
layer. The somewhat coarse and textured paint con­ threads i n the weft. Although the textile has torn edges
cealed some faults i n the wood. The ground layer was and undoubtedly came from scrap materials, it is gen­
left unpainted on the interior o f the sarcophagus. The erally very well preserved. The textile was applied to
coating o f the wood probably contributed greatly to the sarcophagus not only to repair faults but also to
the long-term preservation o f the sarcophagus. Analysis provide a smoother painting surface i n these sections.
of the paint suggests that the binder was a protein or However, the textile pieces were not applied evenly; i n
36
animal glue; the analysis further identified several some areas there is one layer of textile, while other sec­
constituents, including gypsum, calcite, and small tions are made o f double or triple folds o f irregularly
amounts o f clay. 37
shaped fabric.
Areas o f damage to the wood were repaired w i t h
both nails and textile (fig. 511). Analysis o f the adhesive P A I N T LAYERS A N D T E C H N I Q U E
indicates that animal glue was used to secure the textile The painting is executed i n tempera, a technique that
38
strips to the w o o d . The use o f textile on the sarcoph­ was highly developed i n Egypt. I n tempera painting the
agus is largely limited to repairs on the exterior o f the pigments are combined w i t h a binder that stabilizes
panels. Two types o f woven fabric were used, both them when the paint dries. Egg, animal glue, and vege­
41
39
identified as linen fibers. The finer fabric, which was table gums are frequently used as binders. Pigments
used to repair a crack i n the lid, was applied w i t h a were mixed together to obtain various nuances and
40
protein-based binder before being covered w i t h the shades. Some evidence suggests preliminary sketching in
ground paint. This fabric is brittle, yellowed, and darker ocher. The paint was applied w i t h some understanding
IΣ4 Elston and Maish

Figure 50. Enlarged view o f textile i n figure 5 n showing Figure 5p. Enlarged view o f a fiber o f the textile i n figure
weave pattern. 50 showing S-spun twist.

of color sequence. I n general, colors were applied from four concentric circles; the depressed compass center
light to dark; for example, yellow followed by red, red- point is clearly visible; the concentric design was then
brown, green, and finally black detailing. split into pie-shaped wedges, and the shapes were out­
In areas where drapery folds are depicted, there lined i n black pigment. The eight divisions o f the cen­
was an attempt to create highlights; there a lighter color tral circle were also laid out w i t h line work prior to
was applied above the darker one; the same is seen i n painting. Remnants o f this preliminary work are visible
the treatment o f facial features. Furthermore, as a final in the ground along the exterior circles. Straps were
stroke, several decorative elements and selected details painted at the corners to suggest or mimic metal rein­
i n the clothing were added i n opaque lead white, forcing plates.
including, as mentioned earlier, the sclera o f the reclin­
ing young male (fig. 5q). Examination under the binoc­ I D E N T I F I C A T I O N OF P I G M E N T S
ular microscope suggests that black was mixed w i t h red AND BINDING MEDIA
to achieve a red-brown, and red-brown was mixed The binding medium was o f plant origin, probably a
42
w i t h white to achieve flesh tones. I n general, the over­ water-soluble g u m . A range o f inorganic pigments
lap o f paint suggests that the figures were painted first, was sampled and identified using a combination o f
followed by the painting o f ornamental detailing, and polarized light microscopy and X-ray fluorescence
43
then the background. Ocher was applied i n an effort to spectroscopy. The bright light-yellow pigment o f the
model the nose and eyes. Red highlights were added necklace and the highlights over the darker yellow
to the cheeks and lips. The hair was initially painted were identified as a coarsely ground orpiment. The
red-brown, followed by detailing i n black. graininess is particularly evident because this was one of
It should be noted that the painting design and the the last colors to be applied. Orpiment must have been
style o f rendering on all four panels seem simplistic and imported as a raw material from Persia, Armenia, or
rapidly executed. Asia Minor, for it does not occur naturally as mineral i n
44
The surface o f the sarcophagus bears some evi­ Egypt.
dence o f the tools used to create the painted images. The yellow paint used generously on all the panels
Brush hairs are imbedded i n some areas o f the paint was made from a mixture o f yellow ocher and calcite.
layers; drip marks suggest that the panels were upright In some areas orpiment and yellow ocher were mixed
when they were painted; compass holes indicate that to obtain shades o f yellow. Yellow ocher could be dug
mechanical instruments were used for marking the up i n abundance around Cairo and the western des­
arch curvatures on the back panel. The geometric dec­ 45
erts. A sample o f the green pigment, also used
oration on the end panel was laid out w i t h a compass as unsparingly, was found to be terre-verte (green earth),
 Technical Investigation of a Painted Romano-Egyptian Sarcophagus 165

only. The white may have served as a background color

that could be left unpainted i n areas. Calcite has com­
monly been used for that purpose i n Egypt since pre-
48
dynastic times. Variations o f all shades o f colors were
produced by combining pigments such as terre-verte
and charcoal to obtain dark green, sienna and calcite
for pink, and calcite and charcoal for the grays.

CONCLUSIONS
Very few painted wooden objects remain from this
period i n Egypt, and the sarcophagus is undoubtedly a
rich source for further observation and study. Exami­
nation o f the materials provided a valuable opportunity
to re-create the process of manufacturing of an unusual
object. The technological investigation found the sar­
cophagus to be complex and intricate in its combination
of a variety o f materials, and it opens many questions
about the reuse of the underlying wooden structure. N o
close parallels are known; it is hoped that the data and
references presented here w i l l contribute to the further
understanding of ancient woodworking traditions, reuse
of wood, ancient repairs, painting techniques, iconogra­
phy, interpretation o f architectural and decorative ele­
ments, and, finally, Romano-Egyptian funerary ritual
customs during the early Christian period.

Malibu
The J. Paul Getty Museum

Figure 5q. Xeroradiographs image o f part o f the front

panel o f sarcophagus, figure ia. The design represents high­
lighted areas o f the garment and the sclera o f the reclining NOTES
youth, all applied i n white lead.
1. The authors are most grateful for the invitation from the
Antiquities Department o f the J. Paul Getty Museum, especially to
M a r i o n True and M a r y Louise Hart, to publish the findings o f this
unusual piece. We owe particular thanks to Jerry Podany for his con­
stant support and encouragement.
46 2. E. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture: Four Lectures on Its Changing
which must have been imported. The third color
Aspect from Ancient Egypt to Bernini, ed. H . W. Janson (New York,
used abundantly, a dull variety o f red, was identified as 1992).
sienna (iron oxide red). The dark purplish color o f the 3. K . Parlasca, i n Alexandria and Alexandrism, ed. K . Hamma
young male's robes was identified as a combination o f (Malibu, 1996), p. 161.
4. A n example is side A o f the Kyknos krater i n the Leon Levy
sienna and umber or raw umber and burnt umber. and Shelby W h i t e collection, N e w York, attributed to the Euphro-
Burnt umber was the pigment used for the dark brown nios Painter: the standing figures o f Athena and Aphrodite are short­
areas as well. The specific identification o f the white ened by at least a quarter i n order to fit into the available space;
D. von Bothmer et al., Wealth of the Ancient World, exh. cat., Kimbell
lead pigment is still preliminary. The pigment appears
A r t Museum (Fort W o r t h , 1983), p. 58.
to have a complex structure, and more study w i l l be 5. Cf. S. Walker and M . Bierbrier, Ancient Faces: Mummy
47
required for its complete identification. Portraits from Roman Egypt (London, 1997), pp. 152—53.
6. A . K . Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs, 332 B.C.—A.D. 642
The entire surface o f the sarcophagus, inside and
(London, 1986), p. 69, mentions a similar type o f tunic as being
out, was coated w i t h a pale yellow ground paint, fol­ Roman i n style. Parlasca (supra, note 3) has some discussion o f the
lowed by a second coat o f white paint on the exterior color differences i n the tunics o f the two attendants.
166 Elston and Maish

7. Klaus Parlasca, personal communication, 1991. 25. P. R.V. Marsden, A Ship of the Roman Period, from Black-
8. Similar niches may be seen i n K . Parlasca, Mumienportrats und friars, in the City of London (London, 1967).
verwandte Denkmaler (Wiesbaden, 1966), pi. 62: grave relief i n Kansas 26. M . Vaulina, Bois grecs et romains de l'Ermitage (Wroclaw,
City, W . Rockhill Nelson Gallery, inv. 55-42. 1972-1974).
9. A n example o f a marble sarcophagus w i t h similar elements 27. Xeroradiography, a radiographie method, is suited to imag-
is the " t h i r d Group" Sualen sarcophagus, dating from the first half ing low-density materials such as wood.
o f the third century (Rome, Museo Torlonia Lungara), w h i c h depicts 28. M . F. Striegel and D. Stulik, High Performance Thin-Layer
a series o f figures framed by arches along a colonnade w i t h two Chromatography for the Identification of Binding Media: Techniques and
reclining figures depicted on the lid. See C. Robert, Die antiken Sar- Applications (Getty Conservation Institute, 1993). Results were con-
kophagreliefs im Auftrage des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts firmed w i t h gas chromatography. See also M . D e r r i c k , analytical
(Berlin, 1897-1919), fig. 126. report, Getty Conservation Institute, 1993, unpublished.
10. I x i o n is associated w i t h a rotating wheel on a Roman mar- 29. M o r r i s o n and Coates (supra, note 14).
ble sarcophagus dating to the end o f the second or beginning o f the 30. A . Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and
third century. Zeus tied I x i o n to a perpetually rotating wheel i n Industries, 4th edn. (London, 1989).
Hades surrounded by snakes; LIMC 1 (1981), p. 857. See also J. R. 31. K . Muckelroy, Maritime Archaeology (Cambridge, 1978),
March, CasseWs Dictionary of Classical Mythology (London, 1998), p. 6 1 .
p. 222. 32. Some information on wooden coffin joints may be found
11. D. White, "Coffins, Curses, and Other Plumbeous Matters: i n W . M . Flinders Petrie, Heliopolis, Kafir Ammar and Shurafia
The Museum's Lead Burial Casket from Tyre," Expedition 39.3 (London, 1915). See also Vaulina (supra, note 26).
(1997): 3 - U . 33. For information on other types o f tools available i n this
12. R. Fernandex, i n I . Pena, Les Stylites syriens (Milan, 1975), period, see J.-P. Adam, La construction romaine: Matériaux et tech-
e
pp. 18 5fT. ; G. Tate, Les campagnes de la Syrie du nord du 11 au vif siècle: niques (Paris, 1984), pp. 91-109; Lucas and Harris (supra, note 30),
Un example d'expansion démographique et économique à la fin de l'antiquité pp. 448-52.
(Paris, 1992), 1: io8ff., fig. 160B; A . Naccache, Le décor des églises de 34. Parlasca (supra, note 3), p. 163.
e 6
villages d'Antiochène du IV au vu siècle (Paris, 1992), 1: 23 8ff.; 2: pis. 35. Parlasca (supra, note 3), p. 157.
CCLXXlff. 36. D. Stulik, "Infrared Analysis Report," analytical report,
13. Unpublished Forest Products Research Laboratory Report, Getty Conservation Institute, 1989, unpublished. D e r r i c k (supra,
University o f California, Berkeley, 1989. note 28).
14. J. S. M o r r i s o n and J. F. Coates, The Athenian Trireme: The 37. R. Wolbers, unpublished analytical report and personal
History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek Warship (Cambridge, communication, 1990.
1986), p. 181. 38. D e r r i c k (supra, note 28).
15. Dr. Peter Kuniholm, Cornell University, personal commu- 39. M c C r o n e Research Institute, analytical report, 1992,
nication. unpublished. Linen was traditionally regarded as a "clean" material
16. R. Meiggs, Trees and Timber in the Ancient Mediterranean and was used i n traditional Egyptian burials: R. J. Forbes, Studies in
World (Oxford, 1982), p. 55. Ancient Technology (Leiden, 1965), 4: 27.
17. Ibid., p. 408. 40. Wolbers (supra, note 37).
18. Ibid., p. 86. 4 1 . Lucas and Harris (supra, note 30), pp. 3 and 5.
19. Ibid., p. 57. 42. D e r r i c k (supra, note 28).
20. Ibid., p. 64. 43. D e r r i c k (supra, note 28). For a further report o f Egyptian
2 1 . P. V. Podzorski, N . C. Rem, and J. A . Knudsen, "Identifi- pigment use i n the third and fourth centuries, see S. Sack, C. Tahk,
cation o f Some Egyptian W o o d Artifacts i n the Lowie Museum o f and T. Peters, "A Technical Examination o f an Ancient Egyptian
Anthropology," Museum of Applied Science Center for Archaeology Painting on Canvas," Studies in Conservation 26 (1981): 15-23.
Journal 3.4 (1985), identified Egyptian w o o d objects at the Lowie 44. Forbes (supra, note 39), 3: 227.
Museum, w h i c h included sycamore, acacia, ebony, tamarisk, cedar, 45. Forbes (supra, note 39), 3: 226.
and others. 46. Forbes (supra, note 39), 3: 232.
22. Theophrastos Enquiry into Plants 4.2.4. 47. A . Kosolopov, unpublished analytical report, identifies this
23. Ibid. 17.2.2. white as cotunnite w i t h additional potassium (or ammonium) lead
24. Getty Conservation Institute, analytical report on I 4
C chlorides.
dating, 1990, unpublished. 48. Forbes (supra, note 39), 3: 223.