Haƙƙoƙi

Haƙƙin da halittu ke dasu na ɗabi'a ko akan ƙudurin doka, zamantakewa, ko sanannun ɗabi'o'in yanci ko mallaka akan wasu tsarin doka, yarjejeniyar al'umma ko kuma ɗabi'a tabbatattu.

Haƙƙoƙi kamar yadda aka fi sani shi ne Haƙƙi, wasu dokoki ne na zamantakewa ko kuma ƙa'idojin dabi'u na 'yanci ko kuma na mallaka; wato haƙƙoƙi wasu dokokin rayuwa ne na yau da kullum akan abubuwan da aka yarjewa mutane ko halayen da ake tsammani daga garesu dangane da tsarin shari'a, tsarin zamantakewa, ko kuma hukunce-hukuncen dabi'a.[1] Haƙƙoƙi na da muhimmanci ga nazarin dokoki ko kuma dabi'u.

Haƙƙoƙi
legal relationship (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na legal concept (en) Fassara da yarjejeniya
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Karatun ta jurisprudence (en) Fassara
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Tambari

Ana ɗaukar ƴanci da zama mafarin wayewar kai (civilization) ga duk al'umman da suka cigaba, saboda ana ɗaukarsu a zaman ginshiƙan zaman al'umma da al'adu. [2] Tarihin rikice-rikicen zamantakewa na da alaka da yunkurin bayyan hokkoki da kuma jaddada su. A cewar Stanford Encyclopedia ta Falsafa, "tsarin mallakar hakƙoƙi shine mafarin tsarin gwamnatoci, da abubuwan da suka ƙunshi dokoki, da kuma zama magyarin tsarin kyawawan ɗabi'u kamar yadda ake gani a halin yanzu".[1]

Cece-kuce akan ma'anan

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Ana ɗaukar 'yanci a zama tushen doka, amma menene idan dokoki ba su da kyau? Wasu masana (theorist) sun ce rashin biyayya na jama'a shima kansa, haƙƙi ne, kuma masanan tunanin ɗabi'a, irin su Henry David Thoreau, Martin Luther King Jr., da Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi suna ganin hakane.

Akwai bambancin ra'ayi game da abin da ake nufi da ma'anar haƙƙi. Kungiyoyi daban-daban da masu nazari, sun yi amfani da shi don dalilai daban-daban, tare da kuma ma'anoni daban-daban kuma wasu lokuta masu adawa, maɗaiɗaicin ma'anar wannan ƙa'ida, sama da samun abin da zai yi da ƙa'idojin al'ada ko kuma wani mai saɓani.

Akwai ire-iren wasu hanyoyi da za'a iya kasa Haƙƙoƙi, kamar su: Wanda ake zargi da mallakar Haƙƙi: Haƙƙoƙin yara, Haƙƙoƙin dabbobi, Haƙƙoƙin ma'aikata, Haƙƙoƙin ƙasa, Haƙƙoƙin da mutane ke da shi. Menene ayyuka ko yanayi ko abubuwa Haƙƙoƙin da aka ayyana ya danganta gare su: Haƙƙoƙin fadin sakakkiyar zance, don yin hukunci; Haƙƙin kebanci, don kasacewa shiru; Haƙƙoƙin kaya, Haƙƙoƙin jiki. Me yasa the mamallakin Haƙƙi (aka zargi) Haƙƙin: Haƙƙoƙin tarbiya ya tsago ne daga tarbiyatacciyar tunani, Haƙƙoƙin doka yasamu ne daga hukunce-hukuncen kasa, Haƙƙoƙin al'ada na daga cikin tsarin awasu mutane. Yaya Haƙƙoƙin da aka ayyana za'a iya jinsu ta hanyar aikin wanda ya mallake Haƙƙoƙin: Haƙƙin rayuwa da ba za'a iya hanaka ba, Haƙƙin yanci da za'a iya hana ka, da Haƙƙin ƙyalewa da a cika alƙawari.[3]

Hakanan akwai hanyoyin da dama daban-daban na yadda za'a rarrabe hakkoki, kamar: An yi mahawara mai yawa game da abin da wannan ma'anar ke nufi a cikin ɗaliban ilimi, musamman ma a fagage kamar falsafa, doka, ka'idojin tunani, dabaru, kimiyyar siyasa, da addini.[3]}}

Hakƙoƙi na ɗabi'a

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A cewar wasu ra'ayoyi, wasu hakƙoƙi sun samo asali ne daga abubuwan bauta ko yanayoyi
  • Hakkokin 'yanci na dabi'a hakki ne wadanda suke "na dabi'a" ta ma'anar "ba na mutum ba", kamar yadda a cikin hakkoki ke samu daga yanayin ɗan Adam ko daga dokar Allah . Suna gama-gari ne; watau suna amfani da dukkan mutane, kuma basu da wata fa'ida daga wasu takamaiman al'ummomin. Ya zama dole, a cikin kowane mutum, kuma ba za'a iya kwashe shi ba. Misali, an yi jayayya cewa 'ƴan'adam suna da ƴancin halitta na rayuwa. Waɗannan lokuta ana kiran su da "haƙƙin ɗabi'a ko haƙƙin da ba za'a iya tantancewa ba.

Korafi da 'yanci

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  • Hakkin da'awa hakki ne wanda ke tattare da cewa wani mutum yana da takalifi a kan mai riƙe shi. Wani kuma dole ne ya aikata ko ya guji yin wani abu ga wanda yake "da'awar" kamar yin wani aiki ko samar da kaya gareshi ko ita; watau yana da wata da'awa ga waccan sabis ɗin ko samfurin (wata kalma abu ce a aikace ). [4] A hankali, ana iya bayyana wannan ra'ayin kamar haka: "Mutumin A yana da da'awar cewa mutumin B yayi wani abu idan kuma kawai B yana da alƙawarin A yin hakan." Duk haƙƙin na da'awar yana ƙunshe da cewa wasu masu ɗaukar nauyi dole suyi wasu ayyuka don gamsar da da'awar. Wannan aikin na iya zama wani aiki ko nisantar aikatawa. Misali, yankuna da yawa suna sanin hakkokin da'awar abubuwa kamar "rayuwa, 'yanci, da dukiya"; waɗannan haƙƙoƙin sun tilasta wa wasu kada su ci zarafin wani ko riƙe mutum, ko amfani da dukiyarsu, ba tare da izinin mai riƙe ba. Hakanan, a cikin hukunce-hukuncen da ake bayar da sabis na kulawa da jin dadin jama'a, 'yan ƙasa suna da haƙƙin da'a na doka don samarwa da waɗannan ayyukan.
  • Hakki na libeanci ko gata, a akasin haka, shine kawai 'yanci ko izini ga mai riƙe damar yin wani abu, kuma babu wasu wajibai akan wasu ɓangarorin don yin ko basu yin komai.[4] Ana iya bayyanar da wannan ta hanyar hankali kamar: "Mutum A yana da gatan yin wani abu idan kuma ba tare da A yake da aikin ba ya yin abin." Misali, idan mutum yana da damar 'yancin fadin albarkacin baki, hakan kawai yana nufin cewa baya halatta musu yin magana da yardar kaina: hakan ba yana nufin kowa ya taimaka ba da damar maganarsu, ko sauraron maganarsu; ko ma, a cikin kowane ɗaya, dena dakatar da su daga yin magana, ko da yake wasu haƙƙoƙin, kamar neman haƙƙin 'yanci daga hari, na iya taƙaita abin da wasu za su iya yi don hana su.

Hakkokin 'yanci da haƙƙin neman' yancin su ne kuma suke jujjuya juna: mutum yana da rightancin tingancin tinganci na ba shi damar yin wani abu kawai idan babu wani mutumin da ke da haƙƙin da ke hana shi yin hakan. Hakanan, idan mutum yana da wani hakki game da wani, to wannan 'yancin wasu na iyakantacce ne. Misali, mutum na da 'yanci ya sauka daga kan hanya kuma yana iya yanke hukunci kyauta ko yin hakan, tunda babu takalifi ko yin hakan ko ya ƙi yin hakan. Amma masu tafiya a ƙasa na iya samun sharadin kada su yi tafiya a kan wasu ƙasashe, kamar kayan mallakan wasu na mutane, waɗanda waɗannan mutanen ke da haƙƙinsu na haƙƙinsu. Don haka 'yancin mutum na tafiya yana tafiya daidai har zuwa lokacin da haƙƙin ɗan Adam yake iyakance' yancinsa.

Tabbatacce a kan mara kyau

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A wata hanyar, hakkin wani izini ne na yin wani abu ko kuma cancanci takamaiman aiki ko magani daga wasu, kuma an kira waɗannan haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙi masu kyau. Ko yaya, a wata ma'anar, haƙƙi na iya bada izini ko buƙatar rashin aiki, kuma waɗannan ana kiransu haƙƙin mara kyau ; sun ba da izini ko buƙatar yin komai. Misali, a wasu ƙasashe, misali Amurka, yan ƙasa suna da kyakkyawan yancin zaɓe kuma suna da mummunar yancin zaɓin; mutane suna iya zaɓar kada su jefa ƙuri'a a zaɓen da aka ba ba tare da horo ba. A wasu ƙasashe, misali Kodayake, Ostiraliya, 'yan ƙasa suna da cikakkiyar damar yin zaɓe amma ba su da mummunar haƙƙin kada ƙuri'a, tunda jefa ƙuri'a wajibi ne . Haka kuma:

  • Hakkoki na ainihi izini ne na aikata abubuwa, ko kuma haƙƙin da za a yi wa. Misali guda na ingantacciyar hakki ita ce fassara da '' yancin kyautatawa. '
  • 'Yancin da ba shi da izini, izini ne ba yin abubuwa, ko kuma damar da za a bari kawai. Yawancin lokaci rarrabuwarwar ana birne shi daga masu sassaucin ra'ayi wadanda suke tunanin wani mummunan abu a matsayin wanda ya dace da rashin kutse kamar 'yancin kada a kaiwa hari.

Duk da cewa suna iri ɗaya, yancin tabbatacce da mara kyau bai kamata a rikita su da haƙƙin aiki ba (wanda ya ƙunshi "dama" da "iko") da haƙƙin m (wanda ya ƙunshi "da'awa" da "rigakafi").[5]

Mutum daya da kungiya

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Babbar manufar 'yanci ita ce cewa mutane sun mallaki su ta ma'anar cewa suna da izini ne kuma suna da damar yin abubuwan da wasu mutane, ko waɗanda gwamnatoci ko hukumomi ba za su iya keta ba. Wannan ita ce fahimtar mutane kamar marubucin Ayn Rand wanda ya ba da hujjar cewa mutane ne kawai ke da hakki, gwargwadon falsafar da aka sani da suna Objectivism.[6] Ko yaya, wasu sun ba da hujjar cewa akwai wasu yanayi waɗanda ake zaton gungun mutane suke da hakki, ko haƙƙin kungiya. [7] Haka kuma:

  • Hakkokin daidaikun mutane hakkoki ne wadanda mutane suka mallaka ba tare da la'akari da kasancewarsu kungiya ko rashin hakan ba.
 
Kungiyoyi suna da hakki ? Wasu suna jayayya cewa lokacin da sojoji suka yi haɗin kai cikin yaƙi, ƙungiyar ta zama kamar wata ƙungiya a cikin kanta kuma tana da hakki wanda ke kwatar haƙƙin kowane soja.
  • An yi jayayya game da haƙƙin kungiya zama yayin da ake ganin ƙungiyar ba ta zama ba kawai ba taron jama'a ba ne amma wani ɓangaren nasa ne. Ta wata hanyar, zai yuwu a ga kungiya a yadda take da kanta; yana da alaƙa da mutum ɗaya da aka faɗaɗa, ɓangare na kamfanoni, wanda ke da bambancin nufin da ikon aiwatarwa kuma ana iya tunanin shi yana da haƙƙoƙi . Misali, za'a iya tunanin dakaru sojoji a fagen fama a matsayin wani rukuni na musamman, tunda membobin kungiya suna shirye don hadarin rayuwarsu don tsira kungiyar, sabili da haka za'a iya tunanin kungiyar a matsayin tana da "daidai" wanda yafi ga kowane memba na kowane; Misali, Soja wanda ya yiwa rashin biyayya wa jami'in za a iya hukunta shi, watakila ma a kashe shi, saboda keta alfarma. Amma akwai wata ma'anar haƙƙin rukunin ƙungiyoyin wanda za'a iya yin tunanin mutanen da suke membobin ƙungiyar suna da takamaiman takamaiman hakkin membobinsu saboda kasancewa ƙungiyar su. A wannan ma'anar, tsarin fa'idodi wanda daidaikun mutane-da-kungiya-ya zama sun fadada saboda kasancewa cikin kungiyar. Misali, ma'aikatan da suke membobin kungiya kamar kungiyar kwadago za a iya tunaninsu kamar haɓaka haƙƙin mutum saboda kasancewa ɗaya cikin ƙungiyar kwadago, kamar haƙƙoƙin zuwa takamaiman yanayin aiki ko albashi. Kamar yadda aka zata, wani lokacin akwai rashin jituwa sosai game da ma'anar ma'anar kalmar "rukuni" da kuma kalmar "haƙƙin rukuni."

Ana iya samun tashin hankali tsakanin daidaikun mutane da na kungiya. Babban misali inda kungiyoyi da hakkokin mutane ke rikici shine rikici tsakanin kungiyoyi da membobinsu. Misali, kowane membobin kungiyar kwadagon na iya son karin albashi ya zarce albashin da aka yi yarjejeniya da kungiyar, amma an hana shi yin wasu buƙatu; A cikin shagon da ake kira shagon rufewa wanda ke da yarjejeniyar tsaro ƙungiyar, ƙungiyar kawai tana da 'yancin yanke hukunci al'amura ga membobin ƙungiyar kamar ƙididdigar albashin. Don haka, shin "haƙƙin mutum" na ma'aikata yana da fifiko game da albashin da ya dace? Ko kuwa "haƙƙoƙin rukuni" na ƙungiyar game da albashin da ya dace ya rinjaye? A bayyane yake wannan shine yake kawo tashin hankali.

Makarantar Harkokin Tattalin Arziki na Austrian ta riƙe cewa mutane kawai ke tunani, ji, da aiki ko membobin kowane rukunin ƙasa. Al'umma ta haka ne bisa ga masana tattalin arziƙin makarantar za a bincika fara daga mutum. Wannan hanyar ana kiranta hanyar dabara kuma masana tattalin arziki suna amfani da ita don gaskata haƙƙin mutum .

Sauran hankula

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Sauran bambance-bambance tsakanin hakkoki suna jawo hankali akan haɗin kan tarihi ko kwatancin dangi fiye da takamaiman rarrabewar falsafa. Waɗannan sun haɗa da banbanci tsakanin haƙƙin ɗan Adam da siyasa da na tattalin arziki, da na rayuwa da al'adu, wanda a tsakanin abin yake rarrabe abubuwa tsakanin Universalan Majalisar Dokokin Duniya game da haƙƙin ɗan Adam . Wata hanyar samun 'yancin ta haɗu da su zuwa tsara uku . Waɗannan bambance-bambancen suna da alaƙa da wannan tsakanin mummunan ra’ayi da ingantacciya, har da tsakanin haƙƙin mutum da haƙƙoƙin rukuni, amma waɗannan rukuni ba su da haɗin kai.

 
A Amurka, mutanen da 'yan sanda za su yi tambaya yayin da suke hannun' yan sanda dole ne a karanta su "Hakkokin Miranda". Gargadin na Miranda na bukatar jami’an ‘yan sanda su karanta wata sanarwa ga mutanen da aka kama wanda ke sanar da su cewa suna da wasu hakkoki, kamar hakkin yin shuru da kuma hakkin samun lauya.
 
mata na tarzoma a birnin New York

An haɗu da haƙƙoƙi sau da yawa a cikin tambayoyin tushe waɗanda aka tsara gwamnatoci da siyasa don magance su. Sau da yawa cigaban waɗannan cibiyoyin siyasa da zamantakewa suna kafa dangantakar yare da hakkoki.

Hakkoki game da takamaiman al'amura, ko 'yancin wasu kungiyoyi, galibi sune wuraren kulawa na musamman. Yawancin lokaci waɗannan damuwa suna tasowa yayin da haƙƙoƙi suka sami sabani da wasu lamuran doka ko halin kirki, wani lokacin har ma da wasu hakkoki. Batutuwan da suka shafi damuwa sun haɗa da haƙƙin ma'aikata, haƙƙin (LGBT), haƙƙoƙin haihuwa, haƙƙin dan kasa, haƙƙin haƙuri da haƙƙin fursunoni . Tare da haɓaka saka idanu da ƙungiyar masu ba da labari, haƙƙoƙin bayanai, kamar haƙƙin sirri yana zama mafi mahimmanci.

Wasu misalai na rukuni waɗanda hakkinsu ya fi damuwa musamman sun hada da dabbobi,[8] da tsakanin mutane, ƙungiyoyi kamar hakkin yara,[9] iyaye ( iyaye mata da ubanni ), da maza da mata.[10]

Dangane da haka, siyasa tana taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen haɓakawa ko sanin hakkokin da ke sama, kuma tattaunawa game da wane halayya an haɗa da "haƙƙoƙi" batu ne na siyasa mai mahimmanci. Manufar 'yancin ta bambanta da manufar siyasa. Muhimmancin 'yanci kamar "' yancin kiwon lafiya" ana karfafa su sau da yawa ta hanyar tunanin masu hagu da dama, yayin da masu ra'ayin karkatar da hankali suna ba da fifiko kan haƙƙoƙin da ba su da kyau kamar "'yancin yin shari'ar adalci".

Kari akan haka, kalmar daidaito wacce a mafi yawan lokuta aka kera ta da ma'anar "'yanci" galibi ya dogara da yanayin siyasar mutum. Masu ra'ayin mazan jiya da masu sassaucin ra'ayi da masu ba da tallafi na kasuwanni kyauta suna yawanci bayyana daidaituwa tare da daidaiton dama, kuma suna son dokoki daidai da adalci a cikin aiwatar da abubuwa, yayin da suke yarda cewa wani lokacin waɗannan dokoki masu adalci suna haifar da sakamako marar daidaituwa. Sabanin haka, yan gurguzu suna nuna daidaito tare da daidaituwar sakamako kuma suna ganin adalci yayin da mutane suka sami adadin kayan aiki da sabis, don haka suna tunanin cewa mutane suna da 'yancin daidai daidai da abubuwan buƙatu kamar su kiwon lafiya ko taimakon tattalin arziki ko mahalli.[11]

A falsafa, meta-xa'a ne reshe na xa'a da take kokarin gane yanayin xa'a Properties, kalamai, halaye, da farillai. Meta-da'a shine ɗayan rassa uku na ɗabi'ar ɗabi'a waɗanda masanan falsafa suka amince da su, ɗayan kuma suna da da'a kuma suna aiki da ɗabi'a .

Duk da yake normative xa'a adiresoshin tambayoyi kamar "Me ya kamata daya aikata?", Haka tana tabbatar da wasu da'a kimantawa da kuma kin wasu, meta-xa'a adiresoshin tambayoyi kamar "Mene ne alheri?" da kuma "Ta yaya zamu iya faɗi abin da ke mai kyau daga abin da ke mara kyau?", muna ƙoƙarin fahimtar yanayin halayen ɗabi'a da kimantawa.

Hakkin da'a yana mai da martani ga tambayar mutun-mutun na abin da ya dace da abin da ya shafi al'ada (Meta-ethics kuma ya hada da rukuni na tambayoyi game da yadda aka san kyawawan dabi'un, gaskiya ne, da dai sauransu wanda ba a magana kai tsaye ta hanyar ɗabi'a mai da'a). ƙa'idojin haƙƙoƙi ya kula da ɗabi'a na al'ada. Watau ka'idojin meta-na ka'idojin dabi'a sune ka'idojin da'a da damuwa da ɗayan masu zuwa:

  • Ayyuka (deontology)
  • Daraja (tsinkayar akida)
  • Nagarta (halin kirki)
  • Sakamakon (sakamakon aiki, misali utilitarianism)

Ka'idojin haƙƙi ya sami babban tasiri ga tunanin siyasa da zamantakewa. Sanarwar 'Yancin Dan Adam na Duniya ya ba da wasu misalai na zahiri na haƙƙoƙin da aka yarda da su sosai.

Wasu masana falsafa sun soki hakkin a matsayin ontologically dubious abokai. Misali, duk da cewa yana goyon bayan fadada yancin mutum na doka, masanin ilmin kimiya mai suna Jeremy Bentham ya yi adawa da ra'ayin dokar dabi'a da' yancin halitta, yana kiransu "maganar banza game da rashin hankali".[12] Bugu da kari, mutum na iya yin shakku da ikon 'yanci na hakika ya samar da adalci ga kowa.

 
Magna Carta ko "Babban Yarjejeniya" na ɗaya daga cikin takardu na farko da Ingila ta ƙunshi alƙawarin da sarki ya yi wa mutanensa don girmama wasu haƙƙoƙin doka . Ya rage karfin daular.
 
Sanarwar 'Yan Adam da na Al'umma a shekarar 1789 a Faransa .

Kididdigar ƙayyadaddun haƙƙoƙin sun bambanta sosai a cikin lokuta daban-daban na tarihi. A mafi yawan lokuta, tsarin 'yancin kungiya daya ya yadda ya shiga rikici mai tsananin gaske da na sauran kungiyoyi. A fagen siyasa, wurin da haƙƙin tarihi ya kasance muhimmiyar matsala, tanadin kundin tsarin mulki na jihohi daban-daban wasu lokuta kan magance tambaya wanene ke da haƙƙin doka.

A tarihi, yawancin masanyan hakkoki sun kasance marubuci da matsayi, tare da mutane daban-daban da aka ba su hakkoki daban-daban, wasu kuma suna da hakkoki fiye da waɗansu. Misali, hakkin uba na da dansa bai nuna dan hakkin dan ya sami wani abu ba saboda hakan; da kuma ikon allahntaka na sarakuna, wanda ya ba da izinin cikakken iko akan batutuwa, bai barin damar da yawa ga haƙƙoƙin kansu ba.[13]

Akasin haka, ra'ayoyin zamani game da haƙƙoƙin 'yanci sun jaddada yancin da daidaito kamar yadda ɗaya daga cikin muhimman yancin haƙƙoƙin, kamar yadda ya bayyana a juyin juya halin Amurka da Faransa .

Muhimman takardu a tarihin siyasa na haƙƙoƙin sun haɗa da:

  • Masarautar Farisa ta tsohuwar Iran ta kafa ka'idojin da ba a taba ganin irinsu ba a cikin karni na 6 kafin haihuwar Karkashin Sarki. Bayan cin nasarar Babila a shekara ta 539 kafin haihuwar, sarki ya ba da silsilar Cyrus, wanda aka gano a shekara ta 1879 kuma wasu sun gan shi a matsayin farkon haƙƙin ɗan adam.[14][15][16]
  • Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Madina (622 AD; Arabia) ya kafa wasu hakkoki ga Musulmi, Bayahude, mabiyan sansanin da kuma "masu imani" na Madina. [17]
  • Magna Carta (1215; England ) ya bukaci Sarkin Ingila ya yi watsi da wasu hakkoki tare da girmama wasu ka'idoji na doka, kuma ya yarda cewa dokar za ta iya zama doka, bayan Sarki John ya yi alkawarin barons dinsa zai bi "dokar kasar ". Duk da yake asalin Magna Carta asali dokoki ne waɗanda sarki ya kamata ya bi, kuma galibi yana kiyaye kadarorin masu mallakar ƙasa, a yau ana ganin shine tushen wasu haƙƙoƙin talakawa, kamar haƙƙin yin adalci.[18]
  • Bayanin Arbroath (1320; Scotland ) ya kafa 'yancin mutane su zaɓi shugaban ƙasa (duba shaharar mulkin mallaka ).
  • Labarin Henrician (1573; Poland-Lithuania) ko Labaran Sarki Henry yarjejeniya ce ta dindindin wacce ta bayyana mahimman ka'idodi na shugabanci da kuma kundin tsarin mulki a cikin Tarayyar Polish-Lithuania, ciki har da haƙƙin mai ikon zaɓa sarki, haɗuwa a majalisa wanda an yarda da amincewarsa don biyan haraji da kuma ayyana yaki ko kwanciyar hankali, ga 'yanci na addini da' yancin tawaye idan sarki ya keta dokokin jamhuri ko 'yancin sarauta.
  • Doka ta 'Yanci (1689; Ingila) ta bayyana cewa Ingilishi, kamar yadda majalisa ta kafa shi, suna da wasu hakkoki na siyasa da na siyasa; da'awar dama (1689; Scotland) ya kasance mai kama da juna.
  • Bayanin 'yancin Virginia (1776) na George Mason ya ba da sanarwar ainihin haƙƙin ɗan adam da rabuwa da iko .
  • Sanarwar 'Yancin Kai ta Amurka (1776) ta baiyana hakkin ɗan adam kamar yadda ya haɗa, amma ba'a iyakance ga, " Life, yanci, da kuma neman farin ciki ba " wanda daga baya ya shafi " ' yanci, égalité, fraternité " ('yanci, daidaici, rashin adalci) ) a Faransa. Hakanan ana iya samun kalmar a cikin Fasali na III, Mataki na 13 na kundin tsarin mulki na 1947 na Japan, da kuma sanarwar Shugaba Ho Chi Minh na 1945 na samun 'yancin kai na Jamhuriyar Demokradiyyar Vietnam . Wani madadin magana "rayuwa, 'yanci da dukiya", ana samunsu a cikin Sanarwar ofancin mallaka, aasashen Babban Taro Na Farko . Hakanan, Sashi na 3 na Sanarwar Kasashen Duniya na 'Yancin Dan Adam ya karanta, "Kowa na da hakkin rayuwa,' yanci da amincin mutum".Cite error: Closing </ref> missing for <ref> tag[19]
  • Sanarwar 'Yancin Dan Adam da na Al'umma (1789; Faransa), daya daga cikin mahimman takardu na juyin juya halin Faransa, ya ayyana tsarin mutane na mutum da na kowa da kowa.
  • Dokar 'Yan Sandan Amurka ta ' Yanci na Addinai (1785; Amurka), wanda Thomas Jefferson ya rubuta a cikin 1779, wata takarda ce da ke tabbatar da haƙƙin ɗan Adam don kulla alaƙa da Allah ba tare da tsangwama ba.
  • Dokar 'Yancin Amurka (1789-1791; Amurka), sauye-sauye goma na farko na kundin tsarin mulkin Amurka ya ayyana hakkokin mutane wadanda gwamnati ba za ta iya tsoma baki ba, gami da' yancin yin taro, da 'yancin gudanar da addini, da hukunci. da 'yancin kiyayewa da riƙe makamai.
  • Tsarin mulkin Poland-Lithuania (1791; Poland-Lithuania) shine kundin tsarin mulki na farko a Turai, kuma na biyu a duniya. An gina shi a kan takardun Poland na baya kamar su Harshen Henrician, da kuma kundin tsarin mulkin Amurka, kuma shi ma, ya ƙayyade haƙƙoƙi da yawa.
  • Sanarwar 'Yancin Dan Adam na Duniya (1948) wani yanki ne mai girman gaske wanda gwamnatoci, kungiyoyi da mutane zasu auna halin su ga juna.   A Preamble ya furta cewa "... amincewa da muhimmi da mutunci, kuma kowa daidai da na sami yancin na duk 'yan adam da kafuwar ' yanci, adalci da kuma zaman lafiya a duniya. . . "
  • Yarjejeniyar Turai game da 'Yancin Dan Adam (1950; Turai) an amince da ita a karkashin Majalisar Turai don kare hakkokin dan adam da hakkokin yanci.
  • Yarjejeniyar kasa da kasa kan 'yancin dan adam da siyasa (1966), bin diddigin Sanarwar' Yancin Dan Adam na Duniya, ya shafi hakkin jama'a da na siyasa ne .
  • Yarjejeniyar Kasa da Kasa kan Hakkokin tattalin arziki, zamantakewa da Al'adu (1966), wani bin diddigin Sanarwar 'Yancin Dan Adam na Duniya, ya shafi batun tattalin arziki, zamantakewa da al'adu .
  • An kirkiro da Yarjejeniyar 'Yancin Kanada da Dokokin (1982; Kanada) don kare hakkokin' yan asalin Kanada daga ayyukan da manufofin dukkan matakan gwamnati.[20]
  • Yarjejeniya ta Rightsungiyar Asusun Tarayyar Turai (2000) tana ɗaya daga cikin kayan aikin shari'a da aka gabatar kwanan nan dangane da haƙƙoƙin ɗan Adam. [21]

Mazanarta

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  1. 1.0 1.1 "Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy". Stanford University. July 9, 2007. Retrieved 2009-12-21. Rights dominate most modern understandings of what actions are proper and which institutions are just. Rights structure the forms of our governments, the contents of our laws, and the shape of morality as we perceive it. To accept a set of rights is to approve a distribution of freedom and authority, and so to endorse a certain view of what may, must, and must not be done.
  2. UN UDHR Preamble: "Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world."
  3. 3.0 3.1 "Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy". Stanford University. July 9, 2007. Retrieved 2009-12-21. Rights dominate most modern understandings of what actions are proper and which institutions are just. Rights structure the forms of our governments, the contents of our laws, and the shape of morality as we perceive it. To accept a set of rights is to approve a distribution of freedom and authority, and so to endorse a certain view of what may, must, and must not be done.
  4. 4.0 4.1 Fagan, Andrew. "Human Rights". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy http://www.iep.utm.edu/hum-rts/#SH3b
  5. "Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy". Stanford University. July 9, 2007. Retrieved 2009-12-21. A distinction between negative and positive rights is popular among some normative theorists, especially those with a bent toward libertarianism. The holder of a negative right is entitled to non-interference, while the holder of a positive right is entitled to provision of some good or service. A right against assault is a classic example of a negative right, while a right to welfare assistance is a prototypical positive right.
  6. Ayn Rand (2009-12-18). "The Virtue of Selfishness: Individual Rights". The Ayn Rand Lexicon. Retrieved 2009-12-18. Individual rights are not subject to a public vote; a majority has no right to vote away the rights of a minority; the political function of rights is precisely to protect minorities from oppression by majorities (and the smallest minority on earth is the individual). see page 104. See also: Collectivized 'Rights
  7. For a general discussion see. Charles Edward Andrew Lincoln IV, Hegelian Dialectical Analysis of U.S. Voting Laws, 42 U. Dayton L. Rev. 87 (2017).
  8. Kate Pickert (Mar 9, 2009). "Undercover Animal-Rights Investigator". Time Magazine. Archived from the original on 2013-08-26. Retrieved 2009-12-21. One of the most powerful tools animal-rights activists have is the video footage shot inside places like poorly run dog kennels, animal-testing facilities and factory farms, used as grim evidence of the brutality that can take place. But how do animal-rights crusaders actually get those videos?
  9. Victoria Burnett (July 26, 2007). "Human Rights Watch says migrant children are at risk in Canary Islands". The New York Times. Retrieved 2009-12-21. They must immediately come up with a plan to close these centers," Simone Troller, author of the report and a children's rights researcher for Human Rights Watch in Europe, said in a telephone interview. "While these centers continue to exist, we believe children continue to be at risk.
  10. "Soap Operas Boost Rights, Global Economist Says". NPR. October 21, 2009. Retrieved 2009-12-21. Many of these locally produced programs feature strong female characters. When Rede Globo began broadcasting in its native Brazil in 1965 the average woman had about six children—now the average woman has no children or one child.
  11. John E. Roemer (December 14, 2005). "Roemer on equality of opportunity". New Economist. Retrieved 2009-12-21. Equality of opportunity is to be contrasted with equality of outcome. While advocacy of the latter has been traditionally associated with a left-wing political philosophy, the former has been championed by conservative political philosophy. Equality of outcome fails to hold individuals responsible for imprudent actions that may, absent redress, reduce the values of the outcomes they enjoy, or for wise actions that would raise the value of the outcomes above the levels of others’. Equality of opportunity, in contrast, ‘levels the playing field,’ so that all have the potential to achieve the same outcomes; whether or not, in the event, they do, depends upon individual choice.
  12. Harrison, Ross (1995). "Jeremy Bentham". In Honderich, Ted (ed.). The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford University Press. pp. 85–88. Archived from the original on 2017-01-29. Retrieved 2020-06-18. Also see Sweet, William (11 April 2001). "Jeremy Bentham". The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 7 January 2011.
  13. "Divine Right of Kings". BBC. 2007-10-11. Retrieved 2009-12-21. [...] the idea that a king was sacred, appointed by God and above the judgment of earthly powers [...] was called the Divine Right of Kings and it entered so powerfully into British culture during the 17th century that it shaped the pomp and circumstance of the Stuart monarchs, imbued the writing of Shakespeare and provoked the political thinking of Milton and Locke.
  14. "The First Global Statement of the Inherent Dignity and Equality". United Nations. Retrieved 2010-09-13.
  15. Lauren, Paul Gordon (2003). "Philosophical Visions: Human Nature, Natural Law, and Natural Rights". The Evolution of International Human Rights: Visions Seen. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-1854-X.
  16. Robertson, Arthur Henry; Merrills, J. G. (1996). Human rights in the world : an introduction to the study of the international protection of human rights. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-4923-1.
  17. R. B. Serjeant, The Sunnah Jami'ah, pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the Tahrim of Yathrib: Analysis and translation of the documents comprised in the so-called "Constitution of Medina". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 41, No. 1. (1978), p. 4.
  18. Lepore, Jill (April 20, 2015). "The Rule of History: Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, and the hold of time". New Yorker.
  19. "Internet History Sourcebooks". www.fordham.edu. Archived from the original on 2014-08-14. Retrieved 2020-06-18.
  20. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (2018-04-12). "Learn about the Charter- Canada's System of Justice". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2019-02-02.
  21. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (2018-04-12). "Learn about the Charter- Canada's System of Justice". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2019-02-02.

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