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THE

QUARTERLY

OF THE

VOLUME XIII

MARCH, 1912-DECEMBER, 1912

Edited by
FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG

Portland, Oregon

The Ivy Presi

1912

[I]

29)

otj

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ASTORIANS, THE TRAIL OF THE

By Rev. J. Neilson" Barry 227-239

BAKER COUNTY, CENTENNIAL OF THE ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST
WHITE MEN IN

By George H. Himes 85-86

BARLOW ROAD

By Walter Bailey 287-296

BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS, How UNITE IN A COMMON
GOVERNMENT FOR OREGON TERRITORY IN 1844

By Robert Carlton Clark 140-159

CALHOUN, JOHN C, AS SECRETARY OF WAR, 1817-1825

By Frances Packard Young 297-337

FISKE'S, JOHN, CHANGE OF ATTITUDE ON THE WHITMAN LEGEND

By Leslie M. Scott 160-174

OREGON, A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC

By Ellen Condon McCornack 3-13

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE,
WHAT CAUSED ITS FORMATION

By Frederick V. Holman 89-139

OREGON SENTIMENT, AN HISTORICAL SERIES FOR KINDLING AN

By F. G. Young 1-2

OREGON TRAIL, THE EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON THE

By T. C. Elliott 71-84

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS

By William Barlow .240-286

TRANSMISSION OF INTELLIGENCE IN EARLY DAYS IN OREGON

By Clarence B. Bagley 347-362

NOTES.

ACTIVITY OF KANSAS IN MARKING THE SANTA FE TRAIL AND OF
NEBRASKA IN MARKING THE OREGON TRAIL

INDIANA PROVIDES FOR HOUSING STATE AND LOCAL ARCHIVES

HISTORICAL SOCIETY BUILDINGS DISCUSSED AT CONFERENCE OF

HISTORICAL SOCIETIES, BUFFALO

CELEBRATION OF SIXTY-NINTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ORGANIZA-
TION OF THE FIRST AMERICAN CIVIL GOVERNMENT WEST
OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS 86

DOCUMENTS.

ASTORIA, MEMORIAL OF CITIZENS OF, PROTESTING AGAINST PRO-
POSED REMOVAL OF DISTRIBUTING POST OFFICE AND PORT
OF ENTRY TO PACIFIC CITY, 1850 385-387

CANADIAN SETTLERS, ADDRESSES BY. Facsimile of, original text

of, and translation of, by P. J. Frein, Ph. D 338-343

NESMITH, JAMES W., LETTER BY TO FRIENDS IN THE EAST, 1845. .379-382

SIMPSON, SIR GEORGE, LETTER OF, TO ARCHIBALD McKiNLAY, 1848.382-384

[III]

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 175-224

SPALDING, LETTERS BY REV. AND MRS. H. H., WRITTEN SHORTLY
AFTER COMPLETING THEIR TRIP ACROSS THE CONTINENT,

1836 371-379

WORK, JOHN, JOURNAL OF, COVERING SNAKE RIVER EXPEDITION OF

1830. Edited by T. C. Elliott 363-371

AUTHORS.

Bagley, Clarence B., Transmission of Intelligence in Early Days

in Oregon ...347-362

Bailey, Walter, The Barlow Road 287-296

Barlow, William, Reminiscences of Seventy Years. 240-286

Clark, Robert Carlton, How British and American Subjects
Unite in a Common Government for Oregon Territory

in 1844 .140-159

Elliott, T. C., The Earliest Travelers on the Oregon Trail. ...... 71-84

Editing of Journal of John Work, Snake River Expe-
dition, 1830-1 363-371

Frein, P. J., Translation of Address by Canadian Settlers 338-340

Himes, George H., Centennial of the Arrival of the First White

Men in Baker County 85-86

Celebration of the Sixty-Ninth Anniversary of the Or-
ganisation of the First American Civil Government West

of the Rocky Mountains 86

Holman, Frederick V., A Brief History of the Oregon Pro-
visional Government and What Caused Its Formation. . . 89-139
McCornack, Ellen Condon, A Glimpse Into Prehistoric Oregon . . 3-13
Scott, Leslie M., John Fiske's Change of Attitude on the Whit-
man Legend 160-174

Woodward, Walter Carleton, Rise and Early History of Political

Parties in Oregon, VI 15-70

Yoang, Frances Packard, John C. Calhoun as Secretary of War,

1817-1825 297-337

Young, F. G., Historial Series for Kindling an Oregon Sentiment 1-2

Notes on Activity in Marking Santa Fe and Oregon

Trails, and on History Buildings 86

[IV]

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XIII MARCH 1912 NUMBER i

Copyright, 1912. by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

AN HISTORICAL SERIES FOR KINDLING
AN OREGON SENTIMENT

By The Editor

The Quarterly with this number presents the initial paper of
a series designed to give a synthetic view of Oregon's past.
The youth of the state need particularly such an account of the
making of Oregon as will appeal to the imagination and lend
itself to the forming of a realistic picture of the different stages
of the process through which the, land and the people as we
have them today came to be — all for the purpose of inspiring
the liveliest and most enlightened sentiment.

The word patriotism in its derivation suggests mainly asso-
ciated effort in the winning and in the defense of the home land.
Thanks to the world peace movement, the indications for the
future are that sentiment for the land we call our own must
arise out of different associations and ideals cherished in con-
nection with it. The people to lead in the world's civilizations
henceforth will commemorate rather the policies that result in
the making of a happier and richer national or commonwealth
home than in any achievement in wresting that land from
another.

Man's co-operation with the forces of nature towards making
his heritage a better dwelling place cannot be begun too soon.
To evoke a commonwealth spirit aiming to promote the highest
welfare of those to come after us nothing can be more useful
than an exercise of the imagination in picturing truthfully the

2 BY THE EDITOR

stages through which this Oregon home of ours has, as a whole,
passed in coming to its present development.

Mrs. Ellen Condon McCornack, in the introductory paper
of this series, gives a delightful sketch of the conditions that
obtained here when this section of the globe was in prepara-
tion for the advent of man.

The indefatigable research of her father, Thomas Condon,
Oregon's most illustrious scientist, provided the materials for
this picture. In the early sixties, while Oregon was yet a
wilderness and isolated from the world, he began an assiduous
labor of love, that of reading the story of Oregon's past as
recorded in the exposed strata of rock found in different parts
of the state. His work of nearly half-a-century led to
discoveries that contributed most important elements to the
perfecting of the theory of evolution, the nineteenth century's
most important addition to the world's body of scientific
knowledge.

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON

By Ellen Condon McCornacL

PREFACE

In preparing this sketch our principal source of information
has been the chapter on the Willamette Sound from "The Two
Islands," *by Professor Condon, but we, are also indebted for
facts and suggestions to the following publications: Dana's
Geology, Chamberlain and Salisbury's Geology, a publication
by Professor Osborn of Columbia University, The Encyclo-
paedia Britannica and the writings of John Fiske, George
Kennan and others.

INTRODUCTION

The children of modern Egypt, Persia, India and other
nations of antiquity, while studying the history of their coun-
try, find a rich background of centuries of historic life which
they are taught to reverence.

The children of modern Europe, too, have a priceless heritage
in their historic relations to classic Greece and Rome. But the
children of the New World find but little of this historic back-
ground as part of their nation's life. While we of the North-
west have least of all, for we even lack the unique chapter of
Colonial history of which our Eastern States are so justly
proud.

In order to supplement their usual study of history, The Ore-
gon Historical Society wishes to offer to the schools of our state
a few sketches of Oregon's geological history, that, while the
children of the Orient are studying the growth of dynasties and
pyramids built by the, power of the few and degradation and
oppression of the many; the children of the Northwest may
be studying some of the long rich chapters of its ancient life
and the upbuilding of its mountains. While the children of
Europe are learning of the rise and fall of kingdoms, so inter-
woven with the hatred, jealousies and crimes of ambitious
men and women ; the children of the Northwest may be peer-
ing into the mysteries of God's creation and noting the rise and

*The revised edition of "The Two Islands" bears the title, "Oregon
Geology."

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON 5

fall of continents, the upbuilding of our majestic snowpeaks
and the evolution of our forest life.

This change of historic background is not offered as a sub-
stitute but as a compensation. And yet, it has its advantages.
Do you cavil as to the result on character? If the, mind of
man grows by what it feeds upon, the experiment may result,
as is hoped by some, in the development of a nobler race, whose
children have minds of breadth, purity and poise caught by
breathing the atmosphere of the spirit of creation.

The thoughts of those interested in this plan have naturally
turned to the writings of Professor Condon and, in order to
carry out their wish, the wellspring or source from which the
material for this sketch has been largely drawn is the chapter
on The Willamette Sound from Professor Condon's "Two
Islands." But such additions have been made as will farther
adapt it to the study of the boys and girls of Oregon.

PART I

Long ago the climate of the northern part of the earth began
to grow cold. And for a time it seemed to grow colder and
colder until almost all of its land was covered by a sheet of ice.
Of course the grass and shrubs and trees quietly fled before this
ice sheet. Then the horse and camel and reindeer and all other
herb-eating animals had to follow their food or die from cold
and hunger. But when the flesh-eating animals, such as bears
and tigers, found their prey had gone, they, too, joined the
army of life ever moving toward the South in front of the
creeping ice sheet. Sometimes it would be warmer for a while
and the plants and animals could travel a little further north,
but the increasing cold was sure to drive them south again.
This long continued cold has been called the glacial period or
Age of Ice.

If now you have a simple map of Oregon and Washington
(your geography map will do), you can trace the rivers and
the mountains and see the country better as we talk. You see
Oregon is nestled in between the high mountains and the warm
Pacific Ocean and so was not covered by the great ice. sheet.
But it was high and dry with its coast line several miles further
west than now ; and with many snow-covered mountains and
long rivers of solid ice, or glaciers, winding from the mountain
tops far down to the valleys.

After thousands of years, when this age of ice was passing
away, we find our Pacific Coast was slowly sinking, while the
waters of the sea were creeping higher and higher until all of
our coast valley lay drowned beneath the ocean. The Pacific
Ocean pushed the waters of the lower Columbia further and
still further inland until after a long period of time they stood
three hundred feet or more higher at the mouth of the Wil-
lamette than they do today. From the present site of Astoria
to near that of St. Helens the old Columbia became a grand
entrance channel, from five to twenty miles in width and eighty
miles or more in length, broad and deep enough to float the
greatest fleet of battleships.

It is doubtful if the Columbia river itself ever received more

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON 7

water from the mountains than it did at this time, for its numer-
ous tributaries were fed by many melting glaciers still lingering
from the age of ice. In some places where the river gorge
was narrow, as at the Cascades, the waters must have been
very deep. While beyond The Dalles, near the mouth of the
Des Chutes, there was a large "lake like extension of the
river" where this great volume of water could quietly write, its
own history, for here it deposited layer after layer of sediment
in which it carefully buried the bones and teeth of the animals
that roamed on its shores or were washed down from the
mountains when this lake stood over two hundred and fifty
feet above the present surface of the Columbia. At this
time, too, the Walla Walla Valley and the Valley of the Yaki-
ma were flooded and were writing other chapters of the same
old history.

If the encroachment of the sea crowded back the Columbia
until it produced such high water in Eastern Oregon and
Washington, what was its effect upon the valley of the Wil-
lamette ? When the waters stood over three hundred feet above
their present level at the mouth of the Willamette they evidently
covered the whole valley from the coast mountains to the
Cascades and from the Scappoose Mountains on the north, to
the hills that surround Eugene on the south. And it was a
beautiful body of water, one hundred and twenty miles in
length and fifty miles or more in width, for not only was the
level valley covered but the waters had quietly climbed the
lower slopes of the foothills until they stood far above the
present altitude of the church spires of Portland and Salem.

In the northern part of this Willamette Sound the Chehalem
Mountains formed a fine wooded island from which could be
seen the broad bay that covered Tualatin plains, on whose
waters one might have sailed more than a hundred feet above
the present towns of Forest Grove and Hillsboro. Across a
narrow straight from Chehalem was the island of the Dundee
Hills and from both of these elevations could be seen the great
expanse of waters and the many distant snowpeaks of the
Cascade Mountains. Perhaps the largest of these islands was

8 ELLEN CONDON MCCORNACK

the present Polk County Hills reaching from near Salem north-
west to Amity. Then there was the island of the Waldo Hills and
Knox's, Ward's and Peterson's Buttes of Linn County, while
far to the south there were small low lying islands, the buttes
of Lane County, and old Spencer towering above them all in
his solemn dignity.

We have seen that Oregon still had many glaciers, that were
remnants of the age of ice.1 Glaciers, as you know, are only
slowly moving and solidly frozen rivers. But the waters of a
river pass swiftly on leaving the larger stones found in their
pathway, while a glacier slowly reaches out or down and freezes
to the loose stones as it passes on, making them a part of its
own frozen mass. When in the progress of its journey it reaches
warmer waters, a great mass of ice often splits off from the
front of the glaciers and the iceberg sails away like a phantom
ship, carrying the frozen load of rocks which it has gathered in
the heart of the far distant mountains. It was so on the Willam-
ette Sound. We have no native granite in the valley, but
throughout its entire length from near Portland and Forest
Grove to near Eugene, granite boulders, varying from hand
specimens to the weight of several tons, were dropped into the
Willamette Sound by melting icebergs. An eminent authority
assures us that very large boulders found in Yamhill County
are of British-American type of granite. And these must have
been carried through Puget Sound across the Columbia Valley
and into Willamette Sound from some point beyond our north-
ern boundary.

PART II

For ages before the ice period many varieties of the horse
and camel had made their home in Oregon. But as the climate
became colder a part of these evidently migrated to South
America, while it is thought many may have died of some epi-

i The Eagle Creek Mountains of Wallowa County, the Elk Horn Mountains of
Baker County, the Stein Mountains of Harney County, all had their glaciers.
Mt. Hood and the Three Sisters and probably all the high peaks of the Cascade
Range had their many and diverging glaciers.

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON 9

demic, or have been killed by fierce wolves or other flesh-eating-
animals. From whatever cause our long line American horses
and camels seem to have entirely disappeared. But in spite of
the loss of the camel and the horse, some very large animals
lived on the shores of the Willamette Sound.

There was a great ground sloth, the Mylodon, whose an-
cestors had recently come from South America over the newly-
made Isthmus of Panama. He was larger than the rhinoceros,
a great, clumsy creature with massive limbs armed with long,
stout claws. Professor Owen, the English scientist, thought
that instead of climbing trees, as do his smaller modern rela-
tives, Mylodon planted himself firmly on his great heels and
broad, stout tail, then grasped the tree with his strong arms
and worked and wrestled until the tree was either broken off or
pulled up by the roots, when he was ready to dine on its juicy
twigs and leaves. He seems not to have been a very dangerous
animal and perhapsi could not defend himself against the
wolves, bears and great cats that must have been so common
in our Oregon woods.

There was also a large ancestor of the buffalo, the Broad
Faced Ox, with horns larger and head wider than the modern
buffalo, and skull so thick that it left but little room for brains.
It lived along the Columbia River and undoubtedly roamed in
herds all over the northwest.

But perhaps the most common animal around the Willamette
Sound was the elephant. There were at least two kinds, the
Mastodon and the Mammoth. The Mastodon was much like
the elephants we have seen in the, circus or menagerie, except
as to its grinding teeth. It must have found abundant food in
Oregon, for it lived in part upon the tender shoots of spruce
and fir trees. But the most interesting of the elephant family
was the enormous mammoth which is said to have "weighed
more than twice as much as the largest modern elephant and
was almost one-third taller." He lived in all parts of North
America and Europe and some very fine specimens or mum-
mies, after being kept in cold storage for thousands of years,
were taken from the ice or frozen ground of Siberia, with not

10 ELLEN CONDON McCoRNACK

only the skeleton but the muscles, skin and hair all in a fine
state of preservation. These northern specimens — and perhaps
all Mammoths — had a mane and a coat of long, dark hair with
short wool, reddish brown hair beneath. Their ivory tusks
were of very great length, some of them curving downward
then out and upward until they formed almost a complete circle.
It is difficult to see how this circular tusk could be used for
tearing down branches, twigs and leaves for food or as a
weapon of warfare, and perhaps this difficulty may partly ac-
count for the fact that the fantastic circular form has long since
passed away, while the straighter tusks remain until now. Africa
is supposed to have been the original home of the elephant and
our American forms traveled over a land bridge into Europe
on through Asia and over another land bridge into Alaska.

PART III

The limited verdure of the age of ice was a chapter of the
past, for the climate of the Willamette Sound was warmer and
the forests even richer and more varied than we find them now.
We would expect to find grand forests of pine, fir, spruce, red-
wood, cedar and hemlock trees and against this dark back-
ground of conifers to see the star-like blossoms and light green
foliage of the dogwood, the creamy tassels of the ocean spray
and the golden yellow of the Oregon grape, just as we see
them now. The islands, too, would have their many grand old
oaks, their mountain laurels, rhododendrons and flowering cur-
rants and beneath them all a bright carpet of many flowers.

Among the birds, too, we should expect to find man> of our
modern friends. The bright oriole with its long pendant nest,
the many warblers and their sweet songs, the meadow lark with
notes so full of exultant joy or of tender pathos that, heard in
our land of long ago, they would almost seem to foreshadow
the coming of the human soul.

But was there no human eye to see ? Were there no shelters
of skins and boughs under the oaks and firs of those picturesque

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON 11

islands? Were no canoes waiting among the willows and the
maples along the shore while their owners hunted elk and bear
upon the mountain side? Were the voices of happy children
never heard across those waters? We do not know. There
might have been, for it is well known that man lived in South
America at this time, and it has long been claimed, though per-
haps not quite proven, that man lived in North America and
even in California before the time of which we write. While
Europe has a rich chapter of very ancient human history, tell-
ing of the "Cave Dwellers," who lived in England, France,
Belgium and other countries, when this same Mammoth ele-
phant still lived in Europe and America.

Let us borrow for a time, some of those people who made
their homes in caves, and in imagination transfer them to
our Willamette Sound. No scientist will object, for they really
belong here and this old Oregon was far too beautiful to have
no human beings hunting in its forests, fishing in its streams
or building little villages upon its wooded islands.

But what kind of people were the Cave Dwellers ? We sup-
pose they must have been savages, but they were certainly a
very interesting people, — perhaps the ancient ancestors of the
Eskimos of the far north. They lived in caves because they
found many caverns already fashioned in the limestone hills of
Europe. They knew nothing of metals, such as bronze or iron,
but made their weapons of chipped flint and horn or bone.
They had spearheads, scrapers and large implements of chipped
flint. They made lances and bodkins and bone needles and
used cooking hearths, so we know the women had already
learned to cook and sew. But they also carved in bone and
ivory and drew pictures of the Mammoth and the reindeer, the
horse and ox, and made drawings of fish and flowers. Their
heads, too, show well-developed brain power, and we know
their minds must have been quick and active for they were sur-
rounded by all kinds of fierce, hungry animals, many of them
larger and stronger than man himself, and yet he held his own
and prospered while many varieties of those great animals
have long since become extinct.

12 ELLEN CONDON McCoRNACK

Let us imagine one of these primitive men standing on some
eminence and looking out over our beautiful Willamette Sound.
He sees the long, graceful shore line as it winds in and out of
the many harbors formed by the submerged valleys of the
smaller streams. He sees the broad expanse of waters with
its many picturesque islands. He sees the stately evergreens,
the great oaks and beautiful flowering shrubs upon the sunny
hillsides. He sees the grand Cascade Mountains crowned with
their lofty snowpeaks. But does he see all this as the Mammoth
sees it, or does its beauty touch his soul ?

When the earth trembles, as it often does, and loud rumblings
come from the mountains, what does he think? He looks to-
ward Mt. Hood in its pure majestic beauty, does he worship the
mountain, or does his mind rise above and worship its creator ?
Suddenly he sees white clouds of steam pouring from the
mountain top, then with violent earthquake and loud explosions,
he sees showers of glowing cinders and stones and jets of fiery
liquid hurled far upward into the dense black cloud now spread-
ing above the mountain. Why does he turn suddenly away
from the awful grandeur of the scene and throw out his long
bare arms and lift his eyes to the pure blue sky, where only one
white cloud is drifting? Is it the dawn of prayer? When later
on an iceberg comes gliding slowly across the waters, its
beautiful icy pinnacles glistening in the moonlight, perhaps it
seems to him the wandering spirit of that snowpeak driven out
by the wild demon of fire.

Sometime while digging an excavation through the, rich, deep
soil the old Willamette Sound has left us, some one may find
the bones and large grinding teeth of the Mammoth elephant,
and mingled with them may be human bones or human imple-
ments of chipped flint and a fragment of carving, perhaps even
a picture of the long-haired Mammoth drawn with flint upon a
piece of ivory. This discovery would be of great interest to
scientific men, although it would not surprise them, for it has
long been considered among the possibilities. But to us who
are interested in Oregon's history it would open a rich and very
ancient chapter of human life.

A GLIMPSE INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON 13

You know it was Professor Condon who discovered the Wil-
lamette Sound, and that he also first described and named it.
In his book, "The Two Islands," we find these thoughts:
"That fine old Willamette Sound may, in the days of the Mam-
moth and the Broad Faced Ox, have welcomed to its scores of
sheltered harbors, the ancient hunter, who, in his canoe, if he
had one, floated one hundred feet or more above the present
altitude of the church spires of Portland and Salem. A few
more mill races dug, a few more excavations of winter floods,
more careful search where mountain streams washed their
trophies to their burial under still waters, and the question, Did
man, too, live there then? may be set at rest as it regards the
Willamette Sound. Oregon does not answer it yet."

RISE AND EARLY HISTORY OF

POLITICAL PARTIES IN

OREGON— VI

By Walter Catleton Woodward

CHAPTER XIII
The Issues of War

CHAPTER XIII
THE ISSUES OF WAR

It has been seen that from the beginning of the war, the
Statesman had been most energetic in support of the Adminis-
tration and most aggressive in demanding a vigorous war policy.
It not only supported the Administration but attempted to lead,
or rather, drive it. The first manifestation of dissatisfaction,
in fact, was occasioned by what Bush termed the one remark-
able phase of the war — the leniency of federal authorities to-
ward traitors. He complained that the most notorious and
virulent offenders, taken even in arms, were almost invariably
treated more like honored guests than felons that they were.
He, maintained that there was such a thing as sinning against
humanity by overdoses of kindness and that the war would
prove a contemptible failure if a "sickly sentimentalism"
should let the "demons of secession go free, to repeat again the
dread tragedy of rebellion/'1

For the first time, the Statesman distinctly questions the Gov-
ernment's policy in an editorial, October 6, 1862, on "The Presi-
dent's Proclamation." This referred to the preliminary procla-
mation issued September 22 by Lincoln, that unless the inhabi-
tants of the revolting states returned to their allegiance by
January 1, the slaves should be declared free. In the first place,
such a policy at this time was held to be unnecessary and im-
practicable. But, more to the point, were the words: "It is
not the loss that will fall upon the slave states that we object
to. ... but the Government will have on hand at the, close
of the war a 'Negro question' which will present more difficult
phases than any shape in which the question has ever yet been
seen." Another instance was this of the accuracy with which
Bush foresaw and foretold the results which were to grow out
of the war. From this time on the Statesman became more and
more critical of Lincoln's policies. In a private letter to
Nesmith, Deady wrote, October 22: "Bush is turning 'oppo-

i Statesman, June 30, 1863, editorial, "What Shall be Done with the
Traitors?"

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 17

sitionist' and as a matter of course is regaining his health. Sup-
porting a government is not his specialty."

From the latter part of 1862 onward, from the exigencies
arising from the prosecution of a great civil war, many difficult
questions of policy arose., as regards both men and measures.
The solution of these various questions disclosed the political
differences existing in the ranks of those supporting the Gov-
ernment, which had thus far been scarcely noticeable. Opposi-
tion to Lincoln's administration began to organize. As repre-
sentative of this general opposition, and showing the several
grounds on which it was based, the attitude of the Oregon
Statesman furnishes an excellent example, and as such will be
followed in some detail.

At the same time that Emancipation was being forecasted as
an issue, the personal element was also being injected into the
situation by the removal of General McClellan, a Democrat, as
commander-in-chief of the armies.2 Bush's loyalty to McClellan
led him to criticize Lincoln severely for trying out so many
generals.3 He accused him of weakness and vacillation in yield-
ing his better judgment to the clamor of radicals and fanatics
of whom he said: "the nigger is their chief stock in trade."
Referring to the Union Democratic victories in the fall elections
in the East, Bush interpreted them, not as an expression against
the war but as "simply a victory against party dogmas in the
conduct of the war."4 He contended that the radical Republi-
cans or politicians who had elected Lincoln had cried, "all
parties are dead," adding sotto voce, "except the Republican
party." Where they were not in the majority they had said,
"away with parties," but where they were independent they
had run Republican tickets. Democrats were expected not
only to cease to become Democrats but to become Republicans,
supporting the Administration in all its party measures, — a

2 "We have the news of McClellan's removal here. People and papers who
know something about the merits of the matters are expending their opinions
freely pro and con and it looks as if the matter would be taken into the next
Presidential election, provided that political carnival is not deferred until after the
war." — Deady to Nesmith, Nov. 22.

3 Statesman, Nov. 3, editorial, "The President and His Generals."

4 Statesman, Nov. 17, editorial, "The Lesson of the Hour."

18 W. C. WOODWARD

demand "too impudent for concession." The result had been
that the loyal Democrats had formed Union Democratic tickets
wherever Republicans had made party nominations and had
elected them so generally as to strike the country with complete
surprise. Bush thus gave evidence of growing restiveness
under his close associations with Republicanism. As a striking
sequel to Dr. McBride's prediction made in February,* is the
following extract from a letter of Deady to Nesmith, dated
November 22 : "Bush is breaking ground against his Republi-
can brethren and the time is not far distant when he and they
will quit the entente cordial — it only exists in name now."

The Argus strongly supported the policy of the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation and on December 6, 1862, for opposing it
made a venomous attack on Bush in an editorial under the sug-
gestive caption: "The Lion's Skin Torn From a Donkey."6
This editorial, while intemperate in language and radical in its
presentation, presents so good a view, both of the attitude of
the Republican radicals toward the Statesman at this time and
of the position which Bush had assumed toward the Adminis-
tration, that it is freely quoted in the following excerpts :

"Now that it has made all the money out of the Union
party it expects to, this sheet has thrown off its 'Union'
cloak far enough to show its teeth which are now gnash-
ing in real Corvallis Union style, at the President for
proclaiming freedom to the slaves, at Congress for abolish-
ing slavery in the District of Columbia, and at the Govern-
ment generally for adopting what it terms the policy of
'freedom-loving Austria' for suspending the writ of habeas
corpus. . . . This sheet lets no opportunity slip to
charge the Government with peculation and fraud, to cry
down and depreciate its currency, 7 to rail at anti-slavery
men as abolitionists. . . . and in short to play Into the
hands of rebellion by such sly jeers and villainous false-

5 Supra, p. 342.

6 "Bush and Little Preach (Billy Adams) are throwing mud at each other in
fine style. The Statesman begins to read as of yore." — Deady to Nesmith, Dec. 18.
(Adams still wrote for the Argus though Craig was now in direct management of
the paper.)

7 The Argus vigorously urged the acceptance and use of the legal tender notes
at par.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 19

hoods as Pat Malone8 has been retailing in much better
style for months past. While such men as Malone deserve
to be beaten with rods, he of the Salem concern deserves
to be thrashed with scorpions. . . . The President's
blow at the cause of the rebellion. . . . gave the seces-
sion squirt at Salem a long coveted opportunity to plunge
his carcass into the stinking pool of treason, with his
'Union' cloak drawn closely round his breech as a tempta-
tion to real Union men to follow. The same instinct and
innate love of doing something dirty that led this black-
hearted villain and white-livered scoundrel, among our
Oregon volunteers in 1855, to stab Whigs has now
prompted the whining cur to pin his nose to the seat of
McClellan's breeches and raise a yell over his removal as
a persecution of a Democrat. . . . The whole object
of this sheet is to assist in breaking down the Administra-
tion. . . . It is for the Union if slavery can be pre-
served, to again stink and rule the government. . . .
Some men may differ with us, but we have no time to
argue with those who are green enough to wish to carry
adders in their bosoms till they are stung to death
If there is any hope for the success of pure principles in
Oregon, Union men must scotch this new head of the
hydra-headed snake of secession at once."

On the other hand, the feeling manifested toward Bush by
the organized Democracy was no more cordial, as is made evi-
dent by Malone in the Corvallis Union : "The political harlot
of the Salem Vampire has had a new revelation ! He has
learned a new 'lesson' from the signs of the 'hour.' But he has
reached the end of his tether. The wrigglings of the reptile in
his efforts to steal into the Democratic party only breeds a big
disgust. "9

In defending himself and like Union Democrats, Bush showed
how zealously they had upheld the Administration and only
hesitated now at the manifestation of its growing partisan ten-
dencies. He charged that there was a growing movement to
reorganize the government as well as a rebellion to destroy it,
referring to the determined efforts to free the Negroes. He

8 Editor of the Corvallis Union at this time.

9 Quoted in Argus, Feb. 14, 1863.

20 W. C. WOODWARD

alluded to Gov. Andrew's threat that Massachusetts would
give no more troops unless the slaves were emancipated, and
intimated that those stood better by the Administration who
criticized and acquiesced than those who coerced, overawed and
bullied it against its convictions. He declared he should con-
tinue to stand by the Administration in all matters of right and
criticise it when he thought it was wrong.10 In allusion to the
offer of a bet which had been made that within three months
Bush would be a red hot secessionist, he replied that while he
was in favor of maintaining the Government at every hazard,
he wouldn't destroy it, either to enslave or liberate "niggers;"
that he believed it to be a government of white men, and that
if the liberties of that race could be preserved, he regarded it of
comparatively little consequence what fate might betide the
"nigger."11 He declared that the radicals' test of loyalty had
become, not, "Are you for the Union?" but "Are you for
Emancipation?"12 As for him, he was for the Union first and
the Union only. The Emancipation Proclamation13 and the
removal of McClellan were the two rocks on which broke the
Statesman's loyalty to Lincoln.

In March, 1863, Bush laid down his scepter as editor of the
Statesman. C. P. Crandall and E. M. Waite secured the paper,
the former acting as editor. The policy continued to be that
which had been adopted by Bush — that of criticism of the Ad-
ministration. In November of the same year, the Argus and
the Statesman were consolidated under the name of Statesman,
the paper being published by the Oregon Printing & Publish-
ing Company, the directors of which were J. W. P. Huntington,
Rufus Mallory, D. W. Craig, C. P. Crandall and C. N Terry.'4
Radical Republicans and Douglas Democrats were thus asso-
ciated together in the directorate. Loyalty to the Union was
reaffirmed and with the change of management the tone of the

10 Statesman, Dec. i, 1862, editorial, "Standing by the Administration."

11 Ibid., Dec. 8.

12 Statesman, Dec. 15.

13 "After 12 o'clock to-night I suppose there will be no slaves in the rebellious
states — so Abraham's proclamation says. The shackles will fall at his word, I
'spect."- — Bush to Deady, Dec. 31.

14 Statesman, Nov. 2.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 21

paper changed. There was no more depreciation of Lincoln and
laudation of McClellan. The Statesman resumed its unwaver-
ing allegiance of 1861.

As far as actual political events were concerned, the year 1863
was an uneventful one in Oregon. There were no political
campaigns — no elections. However, it was a critical year. The
various fortunes of the conflict in the East were closely fol-
lowed in distant Oregon. As the prospect for the success of the
Union arms grew darker, secession sympathizers in Oregon be-
came more rampant. The Dalles Mountaineer, a Douglas
Democrat paper, announced near the end of the year that six
Oregon newspapers had been suppressed as treasonable, :s in the
following order: Albany Democrat, Jacksonville Gazette, Eu-
gene Register, Albany Inquirer, Portland Advertiser and Cor-
vallis Union. Their suppression was acquiesced in by the
Mountaineer, but it expressed a doubt as to whether they had
done half as much injury to the Union cause as the blind parti-
san Republican papers which had steadily endeavored to instil
the belief that to be a friend of the Union it was necessary to
subscribe to the doctrines of such crazy fanatics as Wm. Lloyd
Garrison and Wendell Phillips. It charged that the aim of
"these miserable apologies for newspapers" had been to force
every man either into the abolition or secession ranks, and that
apparently it had been a matter of indifference with them which
of the traitorous factions he joined. Evidence is thus fur-
nished from another source of the Union Democratic sentiment
against emancipation.

A series of resolutions was introduced October 2, 1862, in
the Confederate Congress and referred to the committee on
foreign affairs, recognizing the practical neutrality of the States
of California and Oregon and the Territories of Washington
and Nevada. The resolutions suggested the advantages which
would result to the people thereof upon an immediate assertion
on their part of their independence of the United States and
proposed the formation of a league, offensive and defensive,
between the said states and Territories and the Confederate

15 Quoted in Statesman, Dec. i, 1863.

22 W. C. WOODWARD

States of America.16 It was well understood in Oregon that
the plotters for a Pacific Republic were merely biding tfyeir
time, waiting to strike until the further success of the Confed-
erate armies should render the Union cause hopelessly des-
perate.17 It was for this reason, together with the danger of
Indian outbreaks, that the companies of the Oregon volunteer
regiment of cavalry, which had been enlisted for service in the
war, were retained in the Northwest.

The organization of secession sentiment in Oregon was rep-
resented in the Knights of the Golden Circle. There were about
ten circles in the state — among them two at Portland, two at
Salem and one each at Scio, Albany, Jacksonville and in Yam-
hill County.18 Fortunately, their operations were seriously
handicapped, as two spies employed by Oregon's Adjutant-
General, C. A. Reed, kept him fully informed of the work and
plans of the Knights. A plan to assassinate Reed and capture
the arsenal and several attempts to capture government arms
are declared by him to have been apprehended and frustrated.
Complete lists of the membership of the order were secured and
on these lists appeared the names of nearly all the prominent
Democratic19 editors and politicians. The Knights divided on
the question of the overt act in connection with the scheme of a
Pacific Republic. Some were anxious to raise the standard of
revolt in Oregon while others dissented.

But in the dark days of 1863 the secession Democrats were
not the only ones to whom the idea of an independent govern-
ment on the Pacific Coast, appealed. One of the very promi-
nent men in the state, both then and for nearly a half century
afterward, a leading participant in the Union movement, argued
openly in the state house with the state secretary and treasurer
and before the Adjutant-General, in behalf of a Pacific 'Re-

16 Reported in Statesman, Dec. 8, 1862.

17 Conversation with Judge Williams.

1 8 Statements relative to the Golden Circle are based on a personal interview
with C. A. Reed, of Portland, who was Adjutant-General for Oregon during the
war.

19 In this period the term "Democratic," unmodified, refers exclusively to
the Democrats who remained in the party organization and opposed the Union
movement — the Democrats known as Copperheads and Secession Democrats.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 23

public. "Now is the time to strike," he urged. "We are the
natural allies of the South and the North will be in no position
to oppose us." The Adjutant-General called him into his office
and threatened him with arrest for treason if he repeated the
expression of such sentiment. A few Union victories followed
and the man in question made a public address in Salem in
favor of upholding the Union.20

In the fall of 1863, by which time a considerable number of
Union Democrats had broken with the Administration, there
were continued references in the press to attempts being made
by the Democratic leaders to unite the various factions of their
party under one standard.21 Many were the defiant allusions
made by the Statesman during this period to the Copperheads —
the peace-at-any-price men, the real allies of the South. At
the same time, under its new management, it attacked those
who had supported the Union and who still professed to be War
Democrats, but who were now in favor of leaguing themselves
with the peace or Secession Democrats of the state, thus making
the "tail for the snake of secession." To them, represented by
such men as Bush, Harding and Thayer, it gave the name of
Coppertails. The Statesman scoffed at their belief that the
Copperheads would permit them to fix up a policy and plat-
form suitable for loyal men to stand upon, and said, "The
Democratic party as now constituted, is, nine-tenths of it, for
peace at all events."22 In defense of its position it quoted the
platform as proposed by James O'Meara, leader of the Oregon
Copperheads, the last plank of which read : "We are for peace,
now and always, and shall regard any peace honorable that is
conformable with the independence of the Northern States."

In the closing days of the year, the Loyal Leagues made their
appearance in Oregon. In April the Statesman had reported

20 This incident was carefully related to the writer by Mr. Reed with the
request that the name be withheld.

21 "The secessionists of this state are taking immense trouble to reorganize
the 'Democratic party.' Let them reorganize till the archangel blows his trumpet
— it won't make them any more numerous. ... It is still the same old
Copperhead brigade. . . . Go ahead, old snake, you can't put on a skin that
won't be known and 'spotted.' " — Statesman, Dec. 7, 1863.

22 Statesman, Dec. 14.

24 W. C. WOODWARD

that the New York papers announced that on March 9 a pledge
was drawn up and signed by thousands of men in that city,
binding the signers under the name of the Loyal National
League, to an unconditional loyalty to the Government of the
United States ; to an unwavering support of its efforts to sup-
press rebellion. The League was a secret organization, estab-
lished to bear the same relation to the Union cause that the
Knights of the Golden Circle bore to that of the South. It was
also given impetus by the action of those Union Democrats who
had broken with the Administration and who were now consid-
ered obstructionists by the unconditional supporters of the war.
On account of the secret nature of the organization there were
no references to it of a local nature by the Republican papers
until February 29, 1864, when a leader appeared in the States-
man— "Union Leagues — Golden Circles." "The Copperhead
mind of this state is terribly alarmed about the introduction of
the Loyal Leagues," said the Statesman, which, after showing
that patriotism was the motive of the one and treason of the
other, declared that there ought to be a Loyal League or Union
Club in every precinct in the state.

The "Union League of America for the State of Oregon,"
was organized at Portland, December 14, 1863. The initiative
was taken by Governor Gibbs, the organization being effected
through a dispensation granted to A. R. Elder of California by
the Grand Council of that state.23 It was provided that the
Grand Council should be composed of the twenty-five persons
named in the charter and of one delegate from each subordin-
ate council in the state. The officers chosen were : Grand Presi-
dent, Gov. Gibbs; Vice-Presidents, E. D. Shattuck, A. G.
Hovey, Stephen Coffin, Thos. Frazar, S. M. Gilmore ; treas-
urer, Addison M. Starr; secretary, H. C. Coulson; marshal,
M. F. Mulkey; sentinel, E. L. Jones; herald, E. J. Northrup.
Others of prominence among the charter members were
W. Lair Hill, Thos. H. Pearne, John H. Mitchell, Dr. Wilson

23 In July, 1909, Mr. Himes, curator of the Oregon Historical Society Col-
lections, secured possession of the record books of the State League and of the
Multnomah Council No. 2, containing in each case the constitution, proceedings
and list of members. To these the writer was given access.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 25

Bowlby, W. C. Johnson, Thos. Monteith and Hiram Smith.
Dispensations were recorded for the establishment of councils
throughout the state. The Drew resolution, to be noticed later,
was the only matter of political significance noted in the re-
corded proceedings of the State Council.

The Multnomah Council, Number 2, was organized at Port-
land, December 28, and attained a membership of over two
hundred. Judge Geo. H. Williams was elected president, Levi
Anderson, vice-president, Joseph N. Dolph, assistant vice-presi-
dent, and J. J. Hoffman, secretary, with other minor officers.
The active political work of the League is indicated by action
taken at a meeting on March 22, 1864, when a committee was
elected to confer with a similar committee from Council No. 10
of South Portland to select suitable persons to be put in nomi-
nation for the various city officers. The two councils went
into a joint nominating convention, March 26. At the meeting
of the Multnomah Council on April 4, resolutions were intro-
duced by J. N. Dolph and adopted, to the effect that no mem-
ber of the Union League who gave his support or vote in favor
of independent candidates of doubtful loyalty, should be con-
sidered a reliable Union man. This was the sequel to the ac-
tion of Amory Holbrook and a few followers in bolting the
regular Union nominations in Multnomah County and putting
out an independent Union ticket. Division of sentiment appar-
ently followed the passage of the above resolution. On April 12
after "animated discussion" a resolution was passed severely
deprecating the conduct of certain members who had talked
against the League and had endeavored to persuade persons
from becoming members. At the same time, a committee was
appointed to solicit the attendance of members at the next
meeting, which was indicative of growing indifference. The
last meeting of the Multnomah council of which record was
made was held May 3, 1864.

At a special meeting of the Grand Council of the State
League held April 19 a resolution proposed by Judge Williams
was adopted, protesting against the appointment of J. W. Drew
as paymaster in the army on the ground that he was a man of

26 W. C, WOODWARD

doubtful loyalty and opposed to the Administration, and asking
the President to remove him. Copies of the resolution were
ordered sent to the National Grand Council at Washington and
to the President. This raised the ire of Senator Nesmith,
largely responsible for Drew's appointment, and was the occa-
sion of a private expression on his part on the Loyal League in
general and on some of the dramatis personse in particular. "I
am ignorant of your opinion of that organization in Oregon
called the Loyal League," he wrote to Deady,2* "but I know
that your sense' of justice, if not your abhorrence of secret
political organizations would force you to condemn so low,
vile and dirty a trick. For my own part I regard the organiza-
tion with more detestation than I did the Know Nothings. Its
Origin and perpetuation in our state is only for the benefit of
such lying, dirty demagogues as Gospel Pearne and Guts Gibbs
who own, control and run it in Oregon." And Nesmith, though
elected to the United States Senate in 1860 as a Democrat
had been loyally supporting Lincoln in the prosecution of the
war. The Loyal League had a brief course in Oregon. It was
organized from patriotic motives, but judging from the records
of the councils examined, it found no direct mission to fulfill
and dissipated its energies in little political bickerings which
were its undoing.

The campaign of 1864 opened early in the year. The Union
State Central Committee met at Salem, January 6, and issued
a call for the various precinct and county conventions, leading
up to the state convention to be held at Albany, March 30.25
The Statesman urged all loyal men to enter upon the campaign
with vigor. The Union element of the state lacked organiza-
tion, it contended. The Copperheads were declared to be using
all the, whips and spurs of party drill — clubs, open and secret,
and lodges of the Golden Circle, through which "vile lies,
false teachings and rankling passion" were disseminated. Union
party meetings began to be held over the state. One of the
most important of the early meetings was one held at LaFayette

24 From College Hill, Ohio, July 18, 1864.

25 Statesman, Jan. n, 1864.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 27

February 23, addressed by Judge Williams, Judge Boise and
T. H. Pearne, who were the principal speakers in the campaign,
on the Union party side. The meeting heartily endorsed Lin-
coln's policies, including his amnesty and reconstruction policy,
decried the "peace, peace" cry of the opposition and denounced
the Democratic party for its affiliations with secessionists.

Despite the patriotic assertions made at the time the Union
movement was launched, patriotism and politics had refused to
become divorced. As long as there were remunerative offices
to be filled, this was inevitable. Late in 1862, Bush had claimed
that the, Republicans in general were insincere in their expressed
desire to ignore party lines. But through all the many political
vicissitudes the Statesman had succeeded in maintaining what
was an apparent life lease on the lucrative office of state printer.
And now the Oregonian had some very pertinent comments to
make upon the subject of non-partisan patriotism.26 It assented
to the idea that the Union party should be conducted without
reference to past political affiliations of its members. Not, it
declared, because the Republican party as such, had done any-
thing inconsistent with the Union organization, "for the last
is the natural result, the mere continuation of the former. It
is in fact the same, with a different name, adopted to save the
political pride of those who did not feel disposed, even for the
sake of the country, to call themselves Republicans." Contend-
ing that the Republicans were greatly in the majority in the
Union party, the Oregonian asserted that it could not be de-
nied that they had manifested a generous disposition to share
honorable positions with their former opponents. In this the
Oregonian avowed acquiescence. "We are opposed, however,"
it continued, "to the disposition which is sometimes too plainly
manifested, to demand as the price of adherence to the cause
of patriotism the entire control of the Union party, not for its
welfare, but that those who have been managers of the Demo-
cratic party may maintain their position as political leaders. It
is all very well to say, let there be no distinctions in regard to
former politics, but when this is only observed on one side, dis-

26 Oregonian, Feb. 13.

28 W. C. WOODWARD

trust is awakened. The Union party has been cheated by this
kind of management and for that and other good reasons, sin-
cere Union men will insist that there shall be frank and decided
devotion to the cause of the country alone," This tacit appeal
to "sincere Union men" was evidently efficacious as Mr. Pit-
tock, publisher of the Oregonian, received the nomination the
next month for state printer!

There was this inevitable jealousy between the two parties
making up the Union organization. There was also the factor
of personal interest and ambition, always quick to make capital
out of an appeal to patriotism. The Douglas County Union
convention condemned the practice "prevalent in this state" of
men who held offices, actively engaging in political meetings
and influencing men by promise of patronage, as a practice cal-
culated to corrupt conventions and legislatures.2? Further-
more, there was political jealousy between different sections of
the state. Southern Oregon demanded political recognition.
The Oregon Sentinel of Jacksonville asserted, March 12, 1863,
that when the war broke out, "whisky-soaked, taunting treason
was hopefully jubilant in Southern Oregon" and that loyal men
felt that but little was wanting to create revolution and parti-
san warfare in their midst. But the treasonable doctrines that
had been taught us as the tenets of the Democratic party had
been spurned and refuted, the wavering had been recalled to
their allegiance, and now the southern part of the state asked in
no uncertain tone for the nomination by the Union party of
Orange Jacobs as Congressman, or of some southern man who
would look out for the interests of his own district.28 Subjects to
which the Southern Oregonians demanded attention were their
mining interests, the opening and protection of an emigrant
road into their section and a proper disposal of the Indians
which were on their borders. The Jackson county convention
in its instructions for Jacobs, declared that the northern part
of the state having had four representatives and five Senators
in the past four years, the South should have the undisputed

27 Deady correspondence, March 23, to San Francisco Bulletin.

28 Oregon Sentinel, March 19, 1864.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 29

right and privilege to furnish the next Representative. At the
same time, it passed the resolution : "It is indispensable to the
unity, harmony and success of the Union organization that
we ignore all local issues and political divisions on local in-
terests, which only inure to the advantage and success of fac-
tionists and the common enemy !"29 A good example, this, of
the difficulty, which characterized the period, of harmonizing
political theory and practice. As the war advanced the polit-
ical considerations — party, personal and sectional — tended to en-
croach more and more upon the purely patriotic.

The Union State Convention heartily endorsed the war meas-
ures of the Administration, including especially the, Emancipa-
tion Proclamation. The prospective amendment to the Consti-
tution abolishing slavery was championed. The Amnesty Proc-
lamation was approved as a peace measure both honorable and
magnanimous. Locally, a resolution was adopted against tax-
ing mines — "a Morgan for the election to catch miners' votes
for somebody."^0 It was the one concession granted to the
Southern Oregon voters.

On the first ballot for nomination of a Congressman to suc-
ceed J. R. McBride, the leading candidates and the votes given
them were: McBride 11, W. C. Johnson 9, Dr. Wilson Bowl-
ley 4, O. Humason 15, J. H. D. Henderson 34, Joel Palmer 10,
Orange Jacobs 25. 3I The fifth and deciding vote stood: Hen-
derson 60, Palmer 31, Jacobs 21. Henderson, a Presby-
terian minister and a school teacher, might be consid-
ered a charter member of the Republican party and rep-
resented the radical element in it. This was his first appear-
ance in politics, except for his canvass for a seat in the legis-
lature in 1854 on the Maine Law ticket. Sectional jealousies
were largely responsible for the defeat of McBride for renom-
ination. Oregon was at this time asking for a branch United
States mint and McBride's disposition toward having it located

29 Oregon Sentinel, March 19, 1864.

30 Deady to the San Francisco Bulletin.

31 Proceedings, in Statesman, April 4.

30 W. C. WOODWARD

at The Dalles raised a strong feeling against him in the west-
ern and most populous part of the state.

The vote on state printed2 stood : Pittock of the Oregonian,
57 ; Craig, of the Statesman, 50. For the first time since it was
established in 1851, the Statesman lost the state printing of-
fice. H. N. George, Geo. L. Woods and J. F. Gazley were
nominated for Presidential electors. As delegates to the Na-
tional Convention^ T. H. Pearne, J. W. Souther, F. Charman,
M. Hirsch, Josiah Failing and Hiram Smith were selected and
instructed to vote for the renomination of Lincoln.

In commenting upon the results of the convention, the Ore-
gon Sentinel said that considering the strength that Mr. Jacobs
carried into the convention, "we are prepared to congratulate
Congressional aspirants in Southern Oregon that there is no
show for you." However, in its next issue, April 9, it at-
tacks, both on the grounds of principle and policy, the proposi-
tion of a few disgruntled ones to bring out an independent
Union candidate. The latter were advised that if they wanted
to get the Union party of Oregon to send a citizen of the south-
ern counties to Congress or the Senate, they must change their
tactics ; that the politicians of the Willamette had the power to
control all these little matters and that nothing was to be gained
by fighting or finding fault with them.

While factional differences were making their appearance in
the Union ranks, there was by no means entire harmony in the
Democratic party. The Southern secession element was for
peace at any price. On the other hand, many of those who
were now returning to their old party allegiance, dissatisfied
with Lincoln's administration, still professed to be War Demo-
crats and demanded the continued prosecution of the war — but
only for the maintenance of the Union. Illustrative of this lat-
ter attitude is the following resolution passed by the Polk
County Democratic Convention : "We are in favor of prose-

32 The election of a printer at this time was necessitated by the death of
Harvey Gordon who had been elected in 1862.

33 It is significant that according to the proceedings, the references in the
convention were merely to the National Convention, the prefix Republican being
studiously omitted.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 31

cuting the war for the purpose of suppressing rebellion, main-
taining the Constitution and executing" the laws ; but we are
opposed to any war for the abolition of slavery, or for any
other purpose but for the maintenance of the Constitution and
Union." In contrast to this was the following statement of
O'Meara, one of the leaders of the secession Democrats : "The
Democratic party is opposed to the present unnatural, unjust,
savage abolition war. Our leaders must say so in obedience to
the party command. There is no such thing as a prosecution
of this war for the restoration of the Union and the supremacy
of the Constitution."

The platform adopted by the Democratic State Convention
which met at Albany, April 13, demonstrated the truth of the
prediction which had been made by the Statesman, that the
Copperheads would erect no platform upon which loyal War
Democrats could consistently stand. The first plank renewed
faith in and devotion to the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions
of 1798-1799.34 There was an "irrepressible conflict" between
this and the third plank which condemned the actions of the
rebellious states. This is explainable by the evident, labored
attempt to satisfy two elements in the same platform. How-
ever, the same resolution went on to condemn and denounce
"that usurpation of tyrannical authority which prohibits the
return of those states to the Union, until they shall have made
their constitutions conform, not to the will of their respective
people, but to suit the anti-slavery views of President Lincoln
and his party." An amendment of substitution was offered to
this resolution declaring that the Union had not been dissolved
and that when any seceded state should be brought back to its
allegiance either voluntarily or by force, it should be restored
to all its constitutional rights and privileges, free from all Con-
gressional or executive dictation. The amendment was de-
feated by a vote of 76 to 11, demonstrating the secession
strength in the convention. Usurpation, tyranny, fraud and all
violations of the Constitution and laws were condemned whole-
sale in the usual terms. As a special mark of denunciation,

34 Proceedings, Statesman, April 18.

32 W. C. WOODWARD

the abolition of slavery was singled out and characterized as
unjustifiable, revolutionary and dangerous. Another attempt to
bait the Douglas Democrats is found in the resolution: "We
endorse the sentiment of Senator Douglas that the Government
was made on a white basis for white men," etc. The Conven-
tion declared it would hail with joy, peace on the basis of the
Crittenden Compromise or any honorable basis and condemned
all attempts to hinder such settlement as evincing unworthy
partisan hate and malice. With a fine show of patriotic zeal
the assembled Democrats capped their resolutions with a dec-
laration against all secret political organizations as being sub-
versive of our Republican form of government! Adequate
mental reservation is to be presumed to have been made by the
Knights of the Golden Circle in attendance.

The fact that Ex-Governor Whiteaker was chairman of the
convention is suggestive of its political animus. Col. J. K.
Kelly, who had made the race for Congress as the candidate
of the National Democrats in 1858, was now named as the
regular Democratic nominee.3^ He received 71 votes and his
competitor, Benj. Hayden, 14. No nomination was made for
state printer. A. E. Wait, Benj. Hayden and S. F. Chadwick
were nominated for Presidential electors and Benj Stark, L.
P. Higbee, W. McMillan, Jefferson Howell, John Whiteaker
and N. T. Caton were elected delegates to the National Demo-
cratic Convention.

In the campaign which followed, the first plank of the Demo-
cratic platform was made the center of attack by the Union
party. The Virginia and Kentucky resolutions were shown
to be the source of nullification and secession doctrines and
Oregon Democracy was charged with at last fighting under
its true colors. Lane came out from his seclusion and made a
few "Copperhead, secession speeches."36 Governor Gibbs and
Judge Williams, especially the latter, were the leading Union

35 "However he may dislike abolitionism, he does not believe in the anarchical
and seditious teachings of the Resolutions of 1798. He is dragged into the
canvass by those who desire to have the benefit of his ability and good name.
If the party could elect, he would have been the last man selected." — Deady,
April 20, 1864, to San Francisco Bulletin.

36 Statesman, May 30.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 33

speakers. The Democrats made a desperate effort to carry the
state or at least to win enough seats in the legislature to give
them a voice in the election of the next United States Senator.
To this end they centered their efforts in certain counties. 37 In
the June election Henderson was victorious over Kelly by a
majority of 2643, the latter carrying but the four counties —
Columbia, Jackson, Josephine and Umatilla.38 The Democrats
elected but seven members of the legislature ; two in the sen-
ate, one each from Josephine and Linn ; five in the house, three
from Jackson, and one each from Josephine and Umatilla.39
The member from Umatilla was La Fayette Lane, son of the
old General.

It was for the legislature of 1864 to elect a successor to
Senator Harding.-*0 Both Harding and Nesmith had been
giving the Lincoln administration good support in the United
States Senate. Oregon's Republican Congressman, McBride,
had written to the Argus March 13, 1863, lauding the two
Democratic Senators for devoting their energies to the support
of Lincoln in overthrowing the rebellion. The Oregonian,
March 18, 1864, cheerfully credited Harding with having "gen-
erally reflected the wishes of the majority of his constituents
in his congressional action." Nevertheless, neither Harding nor
Nesmith was in accord with the Republican policies that were
rapidly being developed by the issues of the war. They, and
particulary Harding, had taken positions that were not at all
satisfactory to those to whom they owed their election.^1 They
were far from representative of the Union party in Oregon in
1864. Hence, naturally, Harding was not considered seriously
for re-election. The two recognized candidates were Judge
Williams and T. H. Pearne.

37 In Polk county, voters were colonized in large numbers from outside
districts to vote for the Democratic ticket (see Statesman, June 6).

38 Official returns in Statesman, July 18.

39 Statesman, Sept. 5.

40 When Nesmith and Baker were elected Senators in 1860, the latter was
elected for the short term, ending in 1864. On his death, Stark filled the vacancy
by appointment until the Legislature of 1862 elected Harding to serve the
remaining two years.

41 Oregonian, Dec. 19, 1863.

34 W. C. WOODWARD

In the organization of the legislature John H. Mitchell was
elected president of the senate and now started on his long
political career which was to be inextricably woven with the
political history of the state. The senatorial campaign of 1864
was singularly free from any suggestion of "unclean practice."^
Deady wrote to the Bulletin, September 13 : "The matter is
decently and quietly managed on all hands. No open rooms,
no free drinks or eleemosynary eatables. Plain, earnest men
are gathered about in little groups discussing the election, with
reference to the good of the country and some particular project
or person." The first ballot, taken September 15, stood : Wil-
liams 27, Pearne 20, W. H. Watkins 2, J. F. Miller 6. The
vote for the latter represented the Democratic strength minus
one vote, that of Curl, who voted for Williams. The third
ballot resulted in election, Williams getting 31 votes, Pearne
16, Watkins 2 and Miller 6.

At last Judge Williams realized the ambition from the
achievement of which his pronounced free state doctrine had
heretofore been largely instrumental in preventing him. He
was at this time considered a Republican practically, though
he had never avowedly become so. It was at least well under-
stood that he would never go back to the Democratic party.-"
Considering the great place which Oregon's "Grand Old Man"
has had for over a half century in the history of the state, the
characterization which was made of him at this time by Judge
Deady, is full of interest :*4 "He is clever in both the English
and American sense of that much used and much abused word ;
is generous and unsuspicious and does not long cherisb ill will
towards any one. Personally, he is popular with the peop1e arid
his election is very generally satisfactory or cheerfully ac-
quiesced in. ... Though earnest, he is not destructive and
will help build up rather than tear down. He is a good popular
speaker, clear and distinct in his ideas, always forcible, often

42 "The cleanest in the history of the state," said Judge Williams to the
writer. "I didn't spend a dollar and used no influence whatever with members,
and I don't believe Pearne did."

43 Personal statement of Judge Williams.

44 Correspondence, Sept. 19, to San Francisco Bulletin.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 35

eloquent and sometimes rises into the region of imagination and
adorns his speech with pure poetic gems.45 . . . Judge
Williams is a man of today and draws his inspiration from the
associations and wants of the present."

At this session of the legislature the notorious Viva Voce
ballot law, by which the Democrats had made "daylight shine
through the Know Nothing Wigwams" in 1855, again put in
its periodical appearance. A bill of repeal was introduced in
the house and was supported by the five Democratic members
and opposed by all the Union members, in the realization that
circumstances alter cases or, as an onlooker put it, that "What
is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander."46

Meanwhile, the Presidential campaign was in progress, and
was rapidly becoming very active in Oregon. "Old Abe" and
"Little Mac" were the watchwords of the contending parties.
Clubs were formed in every direction. The Loyal Leagues were
being disbanded by the Union men and Lincoln and Johnson
clubs substituted for them. Many prominent Democrats who
had been identified with the Union organization were now sup-
porting McClellan, among them, Bush, Nesmith, Harding,
Thayer, Hayden, Grover, Elkins and Humason. The attitude
of Senator Nesmith was well expressed in what was known in
Oregon as the "Milwaukie letter," dated at Milwaukie, Wis-
consin, September 2, 1864, and written to Harding, who had
returned from Washington to Oregon. Nesmith had just at-
tended the National Democratic Convention at Chicago. His
letter is important as showing the position of a certain class of
loyal war Democrats who had been faithfully supporting the
Lincoln Administration in prosecuting the war. He confessed
that he took no particular interest in the canvass, yet, regarding
McClellan as an honest man and a patriot, he should prefer to
see him elected for the reason that it would remove the ob-
stacles to terms of peace. In case the war continued, he thought

45 As an example of his apt, poetic expression — he addressed informally a
company of friends who called to congratulate him in the evening of the day of
his election. In thanking them for efforts in his behalf, he said: "I will write
these obligations upon the tablets of my memory and recite them daily as the
rosary of my friendship."

46 Deady, correspondence, Oct. 22, to Bulletin.

36 W. C. WOODWARD

that McClellan would be surrounded by more competent and
honest advisers than those by which Lincoln had been, and
that the war would be prosecuted with more ability and vigor.
He voiced his objection to the mixing of the slavery question
with that which was the prime object of the war — the preserva-
tion of the Union. However, as far as the Chicago platform
itself was concerned, he said it consisted of vague and glitter-
ing generalities, and that he had no unity with the "peace bait"
if it meant recognition of the Southern Confederacy. Indeed
he pledged his best efforts to Lincoln toward bringing about a
successful termination of the war.

On the other hand, Judge Deady, who at the opening of the
war was a radical, pro-slavery Democrat of the Breckinridge
.school, supported Lincoln in 1864. The following keen char-
acterization of the situation is found in a private letter written
by him to Nesmith, November 12 :

"I took no part in the election of consequence, but
voted for Lincoln. This change of Presidents every four
years to make a new deal of the offices, is the curse of the
country and is as much the cause of our present troubles
as all other things combined. Besides I have no very
exalted opinion of Mac at best. He is neither one thing or
the other. Mr. Lincoln I think a pure man, means well
and is gifted with as much good common sense and saga-
city as often falls to the lot of men, particularly Presidents.
. . . The people are the authors of most of Mr. Lin-
coln's mistakes (if they be mistakes) and as usual now
seek to hold him alone responsible for them."
It is evident from the contents of the newspapers prior to
the November election that there was felt a vague alarm over
the country at large of a Copperhead conspiracy of some nature
that might result in revolution in the North in case of Republi-
can success at the polls. That this alarm was strongly felt in
Oregon, is clearly shown in the following notice which ap-
peared in the Daily Statesman, November 10 :

"The Mayor of this city has called a meeting tonight
for the purpose of conferring in relation to the apprehen-
sion which is generally diffused, of an armed outbreak. It
has been thought best by men of all political organizations

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 37

that such a meeting should be held and it is hoped that
everybody who attends will do so in a fair, candid and
calm spirit, so that the uneasiness now prevalent may be
effectually removed."

The meeting was held, pacifying speeches were made, and a
committee composed of both Copperheads and Union men —
J. S. Smith, N. T. Caton, R. P. Boise, C. G. Curl and J . C .
Peebles — was appointed to draft pacificatory and reassuring res-
olutions which were reported to another meeting held on the fol-
lowing evening. "There was a meeting to suppress insurrection
at Salem last night," wrote our faithful chronicler Deady to
Nesmith. "Don't know how much cause there is for it, but
suspect there is some truth in the statement that arms have been
shipped here from California and distributed through the in-
terior of the state."

Oregon gave Lincoln a majority over McClellan of 1431
votes.47 McClellan carried nine counties — Baker, Benton, Jack-
son, Josephine, Lane, Linn, Tillamook, Umatilla and Wasco —
but with small majorities ranging from 10 in Benton to 119
in Umatilla. Lincoln's majority in November was only about
one-half what Henderson's had been in June. The Union vote
in the state had not fallen off — it had increased by over 1100
votes; but the Democratic vote had increased by nearly 2500.
In the hitherto sparsely settled districts of Northeastern Ore-
gon, the Democrats gained nearly 1000 votes in the five months.
The vanguard of "Price's Army" had arrived. The cloud the
size of a man's hand could be seen on the political horizon of
the Union party.

47 Official returns, in Statesman, Dec. 5.

CHAPTER XIV
POLITICAL REALIGNMENT

The feeling of political uncertainty which pervaded the Na-
tion after the death of President Lincoln and the inauguration
of Andrew Johnson, was strikingly reflected in Oregon. Politi-
cal chaos reigned for months. The political associations which
had resulted from the war were on the verge of dissolution over
the issues which the war had raised. Readjustments were being
sought, very cautiously and warily. But in all this political
shifting, the new President was an important factor. The fact
that he was an unknown quantity added to the confusion of the
situation which political conditions in Oregon would have ren-
dered sufficiently confusing at best. Every faction and every
.newspaper was busily trying to find itself politically, in rela-
tion to the President. Each faction was accusing all the others
of crafty designs and selfish purposes. The unmodified Demo-
crats hated Johnson and hated the Bush-Douglas-McClellan
factionists who were evidently preparing to become Johnson
Democrats. One wing of the Union party, whose exponent
was the Statesman, was loyally supporting Johnson, but looked
askance at the Bush faction. The members of the latter were
accused of planning a flank movement for the purpose of cap-
turing the Johnson idea for their wing of the Democratic party
and thus knocking out the foundations from under the Union
party's platform. The other wing of the Union party, led by
the Oregonian, was already reflecting the radical Republican
movement of the East by covertly attacking Johnson. The Ore-
gonian and the Statesman were again manifesting that cordial
hatred toward each other which had characterized the days of
the old Democratic Regime, when the columns of each were
made lurid by the flaming pens of Dryer and Bush. Each was
soon applying the epithet of "Copperhead" to the other.

Harding was now regarded as an apostate by the Unionists.
On his return from Washington in March, 1865, the States-
man, in what might be termed a prose version of Whittier's
"Ichabod/' grieved over him as lost to the Union cause which

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 39

had honored and trusted him.*8 Bush and Harding were looked
upon at the close of the war as the leaders of the Douglas-
McClellan men in an effort to reorganize the Oregon Democ-
racy on the basis of President Johnson's policy. The States-
man spoke of this as "a flank movement intended to capture our
Union platform" and said, "Democrats are welcome to a place
under the Union banners, with Andy Johnson as our leader,
but we would much rather they would come in open day."49
The Statesman labored to show professedly loyal Democrats
how impossible and unnatural was a union between them, under
the leadership of Bush and Harding, with the secession, unre-
constructed Democracy of the state, under the leadership of
O'Meara and Malone. The latter was characterized as "the
real Democracy of these latter years" which "will hang on to
the old resolutions of 1798-1799 and vote with the Southern
disorganizers, nullifiers, Mexican and English exiles arid the
Booths and Surratts generally. They don't like the Govern-
ment, never did and don't intend to." "What then, is your duty
as citizens?" asked the Statesman in an editorial, "A Few
Words to Democratic Subscribers. "$° "Plainly this: cast in
your votes and influence with the party that has the ability and
strength to conduct the affairs of the Nation successfully."

But if on the one hand the Statesman was desirous of head-
ing off Democratic reorganization along the lines suggested, no
less anxious was the Copperhead Democracy itself. It desired
Democratic reunion but not reorganization under the auspices
of Bush and Harding, whom it characterized as "disorganizing
reorganizes." Its attitude, was forcefully expressed by Malone
in the Oregon Reporter, published at Jacksonville:*1

"Let not the men who stood the brunt of battle for the
last four years, allow the Salem nest of Puritan sneaks —
who led their followers into the abolition ranks and cannot
now get them back — take the lead of them. These infamous

48 Statesman, March 20, 1865.

49 Ibid., October 2.

50 Statesman, July 31.

51 Quoted in the Statesman, Sept. 25.

40 W. C. WOODWARD

renegades have no party — no strength. Having led their
followers into the camp of the enemy, Bush and Harding
are officers without privates. They have no party, but de-
sire to get back and take the lead of ours. ... To
thwart these men next June, let the legislative tickets be
watched in the various counties. These fellows who elected
Baker in 1860 must be punished. . . . Until these
Judases are dead and buried and their memories made in-
famous, there can be no clean foundation on which to build
a Democratic party in Oregon."

To add to the complexity of the situation, a controversy was
raging in the ranks of the Copperhead Democracy itself, be-
tween two of its leading papers, the Albany States Rights Dem-
ocrat, edited by O'Meara and the Eugene Review, edited by
Noltner. O'Meara insisted on "committing the party to an
unequivocal endorsement of the most extreme doctrines ever
taught by the politicians of the Calhoun school." He fought
Johnson and opposed the idea of the party's adopting a policy
of expediency — insisted on remaining unreconstructed, in brief.
The Review on the other hand wished to follow the expedient
policy adopted by the Northern Democracy. It inclined toward
Johnson and wished to profit by the strife between him and the
Radicals. Thus, in 1865 we find on one hand, the Union party
with its two Statesman-Oregonian, later Johnson-anti-Johnson,
wings. On the other, the organized or Copperhead Democracy
with its discords. And between the two organized parties
fluttered the following of Bush and Harding, who, in the lan-
guage of the old fable, had hardly determined whether they
were to be beasts or birds. The manner in which, within the
next three or four years, these various factions were fused and
aligned in two political parties and the influences which brought
about that result, it will be the purpose of the remaining pages
to show.

The Oregonian had spoken on the subject of reconstruction
as early as the summer of 1864 and voiced clearly the congres-
sional attitude. It held that before the seceded states should be
readmitted to the Union they must first "be divested of all
sovereign capacity and pass through a probationary territorial

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 41

existence."52 But after Lincoln announced his policy, the Ore-
gonian reversed its attitude and supported it, holding that the
states had never been out of the Union and attacking Sumner's
territorial idea both as unhistorical and impolitic.53 The first
serious treatment of the subject by the Statesman appeared
May 29, 1865, in a leader — "Is It Reconstruction?" It asserted
that the very term "reconstruction" implied a previous dissolu-
tion. This had not been admitted by Lincoln, was not admitted
by Johnson or by any sound, safe leader in the Union party
and could not be it asserted, without admitting at once the
whole secession theory. It championed Lincoln's doctrine, that
the Government was dealing with individuals, not with states.
On one hand it deprecated the attitude of the radicals, like
Chandler, Sumner and Wade who looked upon the subjugated
states as reduced to Territories, and on the other it objected to
the contention of the Democrats in congress that the southern
states had not been disorganized and that they were entitled to
resume their federal relations with their existing secession or-
ganizations and officers. The Statesman used the term "reor-
ganization" in place of "reconstruction" and said in conclusion :
"The work of reorganization will probably be brief and will
have but one obstacle — the status of the Negro. The work of
pacification will require much time and careful management."
The Oregonian had a few good words for Johnson during
the first weeks of his term, but ere long began to oppose him,
very mildly at first, in his reconstruction policy. What might
be termed mild, question-mark editorials appeared in the Ore-
gonian in the early fall of 1865. November 11, it asserted that,
while it would not have been safe to follow the radicals implicitly,
it was by no means wise to utterly discard their suggestions. It
admitted that as the President had chosen to consider the rebel-
lious states as never having withdrawn from the Union, it
became necessary to follow out a line of policy which should be
consistent with itself and which should not interfere with the
rights of the states as separate political communities. Neverthe-

52 Oregonian, July 23, 1864.

53 Ibid., March 4, 1865.

42 W. C. WOODWARD

less, the Oregonian declined to acquiesce in such a policy which
in general terms it admitted to be logical and necessary. It
furthermore opposed Johnson for extreme clemency toward
"the rebels" when he had said on his accession that treason was
a crime and must be punished with severity.

The Oregon Sentinel, which represented the Union party in
the southern part of the state, declared the best test of a man's
Unionism to be that he was a firm, consistent supporter of the
Johnson Administration, exactly as the support of the Lincoln
Administration had been the test during the war.54 Even after
the veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill in February, 1866, which
marked the decisive break between Johnson and Congress, the
Sentinel was conservative and declared its allegiance to the
President. It made the statement that of the eight Union
papers in Oregon, six favored the veto, agreeing that it was
necessary and that the President had not and would not aban-
don the Union party and go to the Democracy ; that only one
paper had abused President Johnson for his vetoes

On February 24, the Oregonian frankly admitted the schism
between the President and Congress. It accused Johnson of
ignoring the latter; of having pursued a plan which was ob-
noxious to a very large proportion of the loyal people of the
country ; of recognizing with political power, the rebels. "The
Union party does not want to break with President Johnson.
It is loth to declare its dissent from his policy. . . . But it
will no longer potter with rebels nor will it consent to have the
advantages of the great and costly victory it has gained, frit-
tered away. . . . We will not abandon the President ; let us
wait and see if he will totally abandon us."

In a two column editorial, "A Decisive Hour," the Statesman,
February 26, treated, rather dramatically,, the opening political
feud at Washington. After defending the grounds on which

54 Sentinel, Oct. 21, 1865.

55 Ibid., March 17, 1866. The opposite view is given by Deady in a letter
to Nesmith, March 2: "The Statesman sustains the President, but I know of no
other Union paper or leading influence that does in this state. I know nothing
about the merits of the Freedmen's Bill, but the reasons he gives for its veto
I think radically wrong as is his whole theory about the states of the late Southern
Confederacy. I suppose you agree with the President and I fancy are a candidate
for the Senate."

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 43

the veto was based as being in harmony with all the precedents,
teaching and policy of Lincoln's Administration and avowing
that it would therefore sustain him to the utmost, the Statesman
made the following somewhat fervid utterance :

"The radicals in Congress have abandoned both the Union
party and the President. . . . The Copperheads are
ready to catch at anything to divide us. They are now
hurrahing for Johnson but cannot tell why. . . . We
will be fools and recreant traitors if we permit the Copper-
heads to champion the President. We are his proper and
rightful defenders. ... As a Union party we must
endorse Johnson unanimously. We must do it now.
Your President has not deserted you. He has not gone to
the Copperheads. . . . Never fear. Seward stands
by Johnson ; the people stand by Johnson," etc.
The Oregonian replied in like vein in a long editorial in
which it practically read the Statesman out of theUnion party :56
"The President seems disposed to sever his connection
with the great Union party, and the Oregon Statesman
goes with him. So do the Review and the States Rights
Democrat. . . .57 The Statesman has found its long
sought opportunity. . . . The combination against the
Union party which it foreshadowed, has been effected.
. . . The 'Johnson party' is born! . . . The
Statesman is 'for Andrew Johnson against all his enemies.'
We are for the whole loyal party and will not sever our
connection with it to go with a single person, even though
that person be the one who has all the federal offices at
his disposal. The Democratic party in the coming canvass
will go for Pres. Johnson. He will be their champion.
And as the Statesman sustains him against the Union
party, it may find its proper associations with the Review
and the Democrat. But there will fee no division in the
Union party. The little circle of 'mutual admiration' men
who make the Statesman their organ may slough off if
they will. The party will be far better off without them."
These two quotations, the one from the Statesman and the
other from the Oregonian, show clearly the opposite positions
which the two leading Union papers of Oregon held and the
resulting attitude which they manifested toward each other.

56 Oregonian, March 3, 1866.

57 Statesman, April 17, 1865.

44 W. C. WOODWARD

From this time on, the Oregonian attacked Johnson as unre-
servedly as any well recognized political opponent, and as
viciously.

The views of the two journals as to the proper status of the
Negroes, freed by the war, were almost as antithetical as on
the general question of reconstruction. Governor Gibbs called
a special session of the legislature, to meet December 5, 1865,
to consider the Thirteenth Amendment which had been pre-
sented by Congress to the various states. The Amendment
passed the senate by a vote of 13 to 3 and the house by a vote
of 30 to 4. The seven Democrats of the assembly vigorously
opposed it. The Statesman was almost alone in opposing the call
of the special session, arguing that the settling of the question at
that time would rob the Union party of a good issue in the
approaching campaign, and that it would entail useless expense.
Emancipation suggested, almost immediately, other vital issues
anent the future of the Negro, which began at once to receive
attention. The chief of these issues was naturally that of negro
suffrage.

The first explicit statement on the question made by the
Statesman appeared October 2, 1865. It came out squarely
against the issue and was inclined to ridicule those Union men,
and especially the office-seekers for their delicacy in discussing
the subject or avoidance of it altogether. In a sentence, its
objection to the enfranchisement of the Negro was this : "We
do not believe that any democratic or republican form of gov-
ernment can successfully govern two separate and distinct races
of people in large numbers with equal political rights to both
races." The Oregonian did not yet give an explicit expression
on the issue, satisfying itself with giving space to a few innuen-
does at the position of the Statesman, which called forth the
rejoinder — "The Statesman has expressed its opinion plainly
upon this, the most important question of the day, while the
Oregonian, with its usual want of manly frankness, is waiting
to see which way it will be prudent to jump."s8

58 Statesman, Oct. 30, 1865.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 45

At the special session of the legislature above referred to
three resolutions upon the subject were passed. The first an-
nounced agreement with Pres. Johnson in his position that
suffrage is a question that constitutionally belongs to the states,
and not to Congress and that suffrage is a political and not a
natural right. The second applauded the Negroes for loyal
support of the, Union and declared it the duty of Congress to
guide and assist them in attaining to the highest standard of
which they were capable. The third declared that if the Negroes
did not fare well in the South under the new conditions, Con-
gress should take steps toward colonizing them in a new state
of their own. The Oregonian, November 18, deprecated "set-
ting the whole state in an uproar by discussing with vehement
warmth" a question that "is not now and probably never can
become a matter of paramount importance here." It asserted it
to be a matter for each state to settle for itself and still did not
commit itself on the general issue.

Beginning in the year 1866, the Democratic papers of the state
pushed the subject to the front in the effort to force a political
issue in the approaching campaign on the subject of negro suf-
frage or as they presented it, negro equality. The Oregonian,
whose great anxiety was to avoid such an issue, was finally,
May 5, goaded into the expressive, effective retort :

"One cannot pick up any Democratic newspaper without
finding these terrible words (Negro equality) staring at
him from all parts of the page. . . . The world has
furnished many remarkable instances of 'the ruling passion
strong in death,' but the Democratic party has been per-
mitted to become about the most remarkable example on
record. Born of the slavery interest, nurtured by the
profits of human bondage, hoisted to and kept in power by
the slave trade and propagandist and now dying of an
overdose of 'nigger' and self-administered treason, the
Democratic party will have no consolation not derived
from recollections of the 'nigger' and strongly objects to
being buried in anything but a 'nigger' shroud, a 'nigger'
coffin and a 'nigger' grave. It will expire with 'negro
equality' last on its mortal tongue,"

Interest in and preparations for the election of 1866 began to

46 W. C. WOODWARD

be manifested very early. In November of the preceding year,
in an editorial, "The Slate Made Up," the Oregonian made a
bitter attack on the Statesman and "the little knot of chronic
office-seekers who hover about the state capital," for trying to
dictate the ticket to be nominated by the Union party. It ac-
cused the Statesman, Nesmith, Harding and a few others, of
making it up from among their own ilk, asserting that there
was but one of the old Republican party among the "Clique's
elect." In another attack, December 2, under the caption, "The
Salem Program," the Oregonian charged the Statesman and its
following with arranging to organize a third party — a conserv-
ative Union party, shutting out the radical Copperhead Demo-
crats on one side and the radical Republicans on the other.
From this time each paper labored to show that it represented
the real Union party in Oregon.

In 1865 the Democrats began to claim the next election on
the strength of the emigrant vote, a good indication of the ex-
tent and political nature of which had been given in the presi-
dential election of the preceding year. Immediately at the
close of the war it seemed to be generally understood that there
would be a general emigration of Southern refugees to the
Northwest, and the papers took up the discussion as to the
legal and political status of such as voters. The legislature of
1864 passed an act prohibiting any one voting in Oregon who
had been directly engaged in the rebellion, saving his rights
under Lincoln's amnesty proclamation. This law was modified
at the special session of 1865 in a way which the Statesman
declared made it "just such a harmless affair as any guerilla
from Price's army would desire."5^ It asserted that there were
five or six hundred rebels in Oregon who had never taken
either the amnesty oath of Pres. Lincoln or Pres. Johnson
and objected strongly to allowing such a vote. It demanded
that the Confederate rebellion be treated as something more
odious than a Democratic holiday. In the language of An-
drew Johnson — "treason should be made odious."

59 Statesman, Jan. i, 1866.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 47

The Union State Convention of 1866 met at Corvallis, March
29. A young man from Multnomah County served as secre-
tary of this convention. Since May of the preceding year he
had been editor of the Oregonian and had already given evi-
dence of that ability which was to give that journal the political
prestige in Oregon which had been held by Bush and the
Statesman and which has later given the editorial page of the
Oregonian a national reputation. The young man was Harvey
W. Scott.

The platform adopted was a clever piece of political strategy,
in which its framers succeeded admirably in their evident de-
termination to be as vague as possible on the struggle between
Congress and the President and on the issues confronting the
country.60 It declared that as to the best plan of restoring the
late revolted states to the exercise of all their functions in the
Union and as to the legislation necessary to freedmen, loyal
men "may honestly differ." A remarkable echo, this, sugges-
tive of the days of the old Democratic regime when good
Democrats were accorded the privilege of honestly differing
on the slavery question. That "obstinacy and pride of opinion"
was rebuked, where or by whom displayed, that would give
strength to the enemies of the Union through discord and di-
vision among the friends. The third resolution expressed a
desire for a full recognition of all civil and political privileges
to the people of the revolted states, as soon as compatible with
national safety and the protection of the loyal people in those
states.61 Imprecations were heaped on the men or party who
would countenance repudiating the national debt. A further
evidence of the attempt to suit both the strict and loose con-
structionists in the Union party was found in the declaration — -
"We will as we ever have, support the State Governments in

60 Proceedings, in Statesman, April 2.

61 Deady, April 6, to Bulletin: "This is evidently the work of those who
sympathize with Congress and at the same time are not disposed to dogmatize,
so as to leave no room for those who lean toward the President to act and vote
with the party. It assumes rather than asserts that the relation of the 'late
revolted states' with the Union is a matter within the authority and power of
Congress. In the end, much depends upon the instincts and personal proclivities
of the candidate who stands upon it."

48 W. C. WOODWARD

all their rights, as the most competent administrators of their
domestic concerns and the surest breastwork against anti-
republican tendencies ; and preserve the General Government in
its whole constitutional vigor." Another vivid reminder here
of Democratic platform building in ante-bellum days. The
Satesman manifested ill-concealed signs of disgust over the
platform while the Democratic view was pungently expressed
by the Oregon Daily Herald, April 5, which caustically ar-
raigned the resolutions for their glittering generalities, double-
dealing, misrepresentation and evasion. At the end of a long
string of questions which it claimed had been totally ignored
by "the Corvallis wire-pullers," the Herald asked — "Shall
President Johnson be supported in his praiseworthy attempts to
restore the Constitution to its pristine vigor? Or shall the
Radicals — the Jacobins of America — assume power and over-
ride the Constitution?"

In selecting the ticket, the policy which Oregon had adopted
of electing a new man for Congressman for each succeeding
term was followed and Rufus Mallory of Marion was named
to succeed Henderson. He had been a Douglas Democrat
and was one of the directors of the Oregon Printing and Pub-
lishing Company, which published the Statesman. He was
characterized by Judge Deady62 as a man of very fair natural
abilities — a practical politician with his ear to the ground to
catch the drift. Eastern Oregon was recognized in the nomi-
nation of Geo. L. Woods, of The Dalles, for governor, a man
of eloquence and prepossessing appearance. S. E. May and
E. N. Cooke were renominated for state secretary and treasurer,
respectively, and W. A. McPherson of the Albany Journal was
named for printer.

The platform adopted by the Democrats in state convention
at Portland, April 5, was a lengthy one, treating the various
issues in some detail.63 However, it was by no means free
from those "glittering generalities" with which the Herald
had charged the Union resolutions — such as an expression for

62 Deady, April 6, to Bulletin.

63 Statesman, April 23.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 49

the support of the state governments in all their rights and
the Federal Government in all its vigor. The congressional
policy relative to the South was heartily condemned and Presi-
dent Johnson was as heartily and unequivocally endorsed. The
shade of Senator Douglas was again tacitly invoked for aid in
leading Douglas Democrats back into the fold, in a resolution
endorsing his expression that this Government was made on a
white basis for white men, hence "we are opposed to extending
the right of suffrage to any other." The platform denounced
as a base insult to the gallant living and heroic dead, the efforts
of the Radicals to convert the Nation's victory into a partisan
triumph, seeking to make the late war one of conquest, instead
of suppression of the rebellion — for subjugation instead of re-
storing the Union, for the Negro instead of the white man.
Centralization of power, the protective tariff and the system of
national banks were, opposed and the taxation of United States
bonds demanded.

James D. Fay64 of Jackson was nominated for Congress ; Jas.
K. Kelly of Wasco for governor; L. F. Lane of Multnomah,
for secretary ; John C. Bell of Marion for treasurer ; James
O'Meara, of the States Rights Democrat, Linn, for printer.
Editor O'Meara now found himself running for a lucrative office
on a platform which strongly endorsed President Johnson
whom he strongly opposed.65 He accordingly came forth
cheerfully with the manifesto — "We shall stand by the Presi-
dent. To be with the President is to beat back fanaticism."66

An interesting and significant characterization of the per-
sonnel in general of the two state tickets is found in a private
letter from Senator Nesmith, dated at Washington, May 20,
1866, to Judge Deady. "It seems to me," he writes, "that the
Democratic ticket — with the exception of Kelly — is such a one
as Jeff Davis himself would select, while the other is such as no
one ought to select. The first is controlled by men who de-

64 "Of Irish descent, a little fellow with a gamey manner — florid, fluent, ready
and impudent. A thorough going anti-coercion Democrat."— Deady, April 6, to
Bulletin.

65 Supra, p. 40.

66 Quoted in Oregonian, April 28.

50 W. C. WOODWARD

sired to see the. Government disrupted and the latter is con-
trolled by those who desire to keep it so. I sympathize with
neither. I was in hopes that the conservative men of the state,
would combine upon the President's policy and give some prac-
tical aid in restoring the country to its former prosperous con-
dition— barring however the institution of slavery to which you
were once so devoted. I perhaps expected too much of trading
politicians who have more regard for party than for country."

The bitterness and desperate nature of the campaign which
followed' is better reflected in the Oregonian than in the
Statesman, the former throwing its whole strength into the fight.
It made a specialty of showing up the records of all the Demo-
crats connected with the campaign and quoting past treasonable
utterances by them, thus rendering the, campaign bitterly per-
sonal. As a last appeal to voters it begged them to "give the
old traitor, Jo Lane, another kick," asserting that if the Demo-
crats gained the legislature, Lane was to be sent back to the
Senate. The Democrats laid stress upon what they termed the
fanatical and disruptive measures of the Radicals in Congress,
charging that the Union party was composed of disunionists.
They were insistent in their demand for the taxation of United
States bonds, were strong against the tariff, and were hysterical
over threatened "Negro equality."6? On the whole, the Union
party nominees and campaigners took the side of Congress as
against Johnson. The Statesman, now the only Johnson paper
in the Union party, became very much subdued in its attitude —
even to the extent of endorsing the reconstruction report of
the Congressional committee.68 The Unionists denied the im-
putations of the Democrats on the subject of negro suffrage,
some maintaining that this was not an issue in the canvass,
others expressing their opposition to the principle.

The result of the election was very close, especially as com-
pared with the results of elections since the forming of the
Union organization. The whole Union ticket was elected, the

67 "Shall U. S. bonds be taxed? Shall the toiling millions of this land pay
the taxes of the rich? Shall negroes be placed upon the same social and political
footing with white men," etc. — Oregon Daily Herald, April 5.

68 Deady to Nesmith, June u.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 51

majorities ranging from 27769, given to Woods for governor, to
600 for May. The majority given to Mallory for Congress-
man was 553. The composition of the new legislature was-,
senate — Union 15, Democratic 7; house — Union 26, Demo-
cratic 21.7° Here was plainly demonstrated the returning
Democratic strength — the drift toward political realignment.
The legislature of 1862 had contained three Democrats ; that of
1864, seven ; that of 1866, twenty-eight. The Union party had
gained nearly 500 votes since the presidential election of 1864,
but the Democrats had gained over 1300.

The Statesman said the result was quite as good as it had
reason to expect ; that the immigrant vote was much larger
than any one expected, but that the Union ticket had either di-
vided that vote or largely recruited from the McClellan vote of
the last election, else it had been defeated. ? l The Oregonian
asserted bluntly that much of the increased vote was due to
the immigrations from Price's disbanded forces, "all of whom
gave aid and comfort to the Democratic ticket in Oregon as
they did to the rebellion in Missouri. "?2 In noting that some of
its exchanges viewed the election as a Radical triumph while
others claimed that it was an endorsement of Pres. Johnson's
course, the Oregonian asserted that men of candor would not
claim that a victory, achieved by a party which sustained the
congressional policy throughout in direct opposition to that of
Johnson, was a very brilliant victory for the President. "The
victory was fairly gained," it declared, after the severest con-
test ever known in the state."73

The Union party was turning strongly toward the Congres-
sional side of the great political controversy in the early months
of 1866. The temporary espousal of Johnson by the Demo-
crats of the state greatly accelerated this tendency and practi-
cally forced the wavering ones in the Union ranks to associate

69 This was the majority as found by the Legislature which canvassed the
returns. See Oregonian, Sept. 15.

70 Statesman, July 30.

71 Ibid., June 18.

72 Oregonian, June 9.

73 Oregonian, June 30.

52 W. C. WOODWARD

themselves with the Radical element of the party. A Conserva-
tive Union party in Oregon, under the leadership of the Presi-
dent, as desired by Senator Nesmith, was made impossible.
Whatever danger there was of a division of the Unionists was
averted, and the way was paved for the future rehabilitation of
the Republican party. The situation was forcefully expressed
in a private letter from Judge Deady to Senator Nesmith, dated
August 9, 1866: "You ask me to recommend a man for the
place (U. S. Marshal) who is a Johnson man — who is neither a
Radical nor an opposer of the war. This is a narrow field in
this state. Most decent people here are either with Congress
or opposed to it. The latter class are generally Democrats and
were opposed to the prosecution of the war."

As early as March 6, 1866, a club had been formed at Wash-
ington, D. C., by leading senators and others who supported
Johnson. 74 In June the executive committee of the club called
a "National Union Convention" to meet at Philadelphia, August
14, for the purpose of effecting a national organization of the
conservative Union forces. Senator Nesmith was prominently
connected with the movement, and was a member of the execu-
tive committee. Other Oregon representatives at Philadelphia
as given by the Oregonian, September 22, were : W. H. Farrar,
or "Slippery Bill Farrar," McClellan Democrat, a member of
the committee on organization; Ex-Governor Geo. L. Curry,
Copperhead editor of Portland Advertiser, which had been
suppressed, vice-president for Oregon; E. M. Barnum, seces-
sion Democrat, member of committee on resolutions. Senator
Nesmith was the only man representing Oregon at this Na-
tional Union Convention, who was a consistent Union man, and
the Oregon representation was probably fairly suggestive of
the political complexion of the convention at large.

The calling of the Philadelphia convention and the enthusi-
astic notice given it by the Democrats all over the country was
an added and decisive influence in uniting the Union elements
in Oregon on the side of the Radicals. The Oregon Sentinel,

74 VV. A. Dunning, "Reconstruction, Political and Economic," p. 73.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 53

which only six months before was championing Johnson, now
denounced the Philadelphia Convention and those connected
with it. "We will yield Mr. Johnson to the Democracy cheer-
fully and feel satisfied that he rightfully belongs there. . . .
Johnson & Co. were forced to ally themselves to the Democ-
racy in order to gratify their egotistical ambition and we have
the mortification of seeing those whom we chose as leaders,
made the silly or perhaps willing tools of men who can outwit
them in political chicancery." The Statesman, which had so
zealously espoused Johnson, likewise began to weaken as the
strife between the President and Congress developed, and after
the call had been issued for the meeting of the National Union
Convention. D. W. Craig, formerly of the Argus, had secured
the controlling interest of the Statesman75 and in August, 1866,
sold the paper to Benjamin Simpson, a Union Democrat, who
had been one of the directors of the Oregon Printing and Pub-
lishing Company. Craig's editor, J. Gaston, said in his parting
salutation — "Let us stand, not for men, but for principles. If
•we divide into 'Johnson men' or 'Radicals,' into 'Douglas Demo-
crats' or 'Republicans/ we but abandon the field of politics to
the control of unmitigated Copperheads. "?6 This was a de-
cidedly different tone from that which had characterized the
Statesman heretofore.

But the accession of the new management marked another
change in the checkered career of the paper. "A change has
come over the spirit of the Statesman," announced the new edi-
tors, the sons of the new proprietor, Sylvester C. and Samuel
L. Simpson, in their salutatory. "Already you have heard the
farewell shot of the retiring editor and now, ere its echoes
have died away, we come to renew the battle. . . . Opposed
to the Utopian ideas of fanatical reformers, yet having no sym-
pathy with treason, we shall calmly yet earnestly discuss every
measure for the restoration of the states and the general weal
of our common country." The Statesman accordingly renewed

75 Geo. H. Himes, "History of the Press of Oregon," in Oregon Historical
Quarterly for December, 1902, p. 360.

76 Statesman, Aug. 13.

54 W. C. WOODWARD

its allegiance to Johnson, espousing the Philadelphia Convention.
It declared for the re-election of Nesmith as senator against the
attacks directed against him by the Oregonian and savagely
attacked negro suffrage. The "middle of the road" position,
which the Statesman now assumed was a difficult and untenable
one. As Deady had keenly observed, this was a narrow field in
Oregon, or better, it was a wide field but very thinly populated.
The political exigencies were sharply dividing the people into
the Radical Unionists on the one hand and the Democrats on
the other. Few indeed were they who maintained a middle
position, and the Statesman was thus now the spokesman of a
very small constituency. As the weeks passed, it seemed to
realize the hopelessness of its position. On November 5, 1866,
in answer to critics, who prophesied for it a speedy dissolution,
the Statesman gave expression to a despairing protest which is
here quoted in part as portraying very accurately the feelings
of those who struggled against the political currents which
would take them to one extreme or the other :

"There must be a golden mean somewhere between"
sympathy with rebellion and the worship of thick-lipped
deities. . . . Surely there is a love of country which
shall not combine with too great a veneration of the Negro.
. . . With Stephen A. Douglas we entertain a few
somewhat heretical notions about this being a white man's
government and do not propose to yield them. . . .
But there is one platform that is wide enough for us all —
support of the Union, and for the flag, love and loyalty.
The Statesman was with the Government in the Valley of
the Shadow' and shall not wander from its faith when
the night is scattering and brighter fields are opening be-
yond. ... A liberal policy toward the conquered
states was the one, in our judgment, most worthy of the
Nation and best calculated to harmonize the clashing an-
tagonisms of a broken Union and soothe the virulence of a
discomfited people ; and for that, no excess of radical ma-
jorities shall drive us to the confessional."

By this time, after the fall campaigns in the East in which
the President had demonstrated his personal foibles, the States-
man felt compelled to abandon him. But yet while "blushing

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 55

for his imprudence in trailing the robes of office in the filth
of brutal crowds," it declared itself to despise above all things
"that party whose bosom is a shield to such infamous outlawry
and whose banner is the protection of swaggering vagabond-
ism." Thus did the, Statesman hurl final defiance at the Re-
publican element which now wholly dominated the Union party.
In the following month, December, 1866, the paper was sold to
the owners of the Unionist with which it was merged, the name
of the Statesman being dropped. The Oregonian., in announc-
ing the demise of its old rival, granted that it had one time
absolutely controlled the politics of the state but observed that
its final plunge into the depths of Johnson "conservatism" had
been too much for it.77 Within a few years the old name was
re-adopted but the days of the Statesman as an important factor
in the political history of Oregon, were over.

The Oregonian was the true exponent of the Union party as
now constituted. The spirit of the party is exemplified in an
editorial, December 15, 1866, on "Radical Reconstruction,"
which hailed with satisfaction the fact that Congress "is push-
ing forward fearlessly." "The work of reconstruction is now
to begin from the foundation and will go back to where it
stood on the surrender of the rebel armies. . . . The ac-
tion of the South has made it necessary. Traitors will take
back seats. Loyal men will govern. Reconstruction, radical,
thorough and complete., is to begin."

Democratic support of President Johnson in Oregon was
brief and fleeting. For the expediency of the, hour, the Demo-
crats championed him in the spring campaign of 1866 as a
flank movement against the Unionists. But their support was
never hearty and sincere and the June election was hardly over
before this became evident. On July 18, Deady wrote to
Nesmith, "The Democratic papers here, are beginning to show
their teeth at Johnson and Seward and I am quite sure that
they will do the same towards you when it comes to the
pinch." The Oregon Herald, now edited by Beriah Brown,
formerly editor of the San Francisco Democratic Press/73 was

77 Oregonian, Jan. 5, 1867.
77-a In which Brown had
act led to the gutting of the establishment on April 15, 1865.

77-a In which Brown had unsparingly criticised President Lincoln, which
led to

56 W. C. WOODWARD

made the official organ of the Johnson Administration in the
State and thus remained a staunch Johnson advocate. The
other Democratic papers refused to follow its lead and made
the Herald a target for their splenetic shafts. The Oregonian,
in commenting upon the efforts of the Herald to commit Ore-
gon Democrats to Johnson, thus aptly characterized the Oregon
Democracy : "This Johnsonized organ has made a grand mis-
take. Oregon Democracy is not the sort of material the official
appointee supposed. It is radical. It is earnest. Its ideas are
precisely those which animated the late Confederacy. It will
adopt no half way measures. It cannot be warped from this
policy to that, as in other states. It never had any sympathy
with the Philadelphia Convention or regard for Johnson. It
will not tolerate anything but the most extreme doctrine. In
supposing the party might be made somewhat more conserva-
tive, Johnson's organ has made a grievous mistake. "78

The term of Senator Nesmith was about to expire and it
was for the legislature of 1866 to choose his successor. Serving
in such a momentous period, embracing the whole of the Civil
War, he had rendered conspicuous service to the Union.78a As
Congressman McBride had written home,79 Nesmith, deserting
his Democratic confreres, had supported nearly every Adminis-
tration measure for the prosecution of the war. He exercised
a large influence in the framing of some very important
measures and some of them passed through the aid of the
one Democratic vote. During his six years in the Senate no
Oregonian had gone to Washington without feeling a sort of
proud consciousness that his senator was a man among men
and that it was something worth while to be known as one of
"Old Nes' constituents/'80 Under these, circumstances he might
apparently, have expected re-election at the hands of a legisla-
ture which was safely Union. But there was hardly even a
possibility of such. On the issues which had arisen out of the
war, he had disagreed with the Republican element of the

78 Oregonian, Jan. 12.

78-3 Nesmith was a member of the Committee on Military Affairs.

79 Argus, March 13, 1863.
SoDeady, Oct. 27, 1866, to Bulletin.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 57

Union party. In the policy of reconstruction he was now
valiantly holding to a conservative or middle position. This
did not suit Oregon politicians who "would that he were either
hot or cold." He was in the position of the Statesman — lead-
ing a cause which had few followers. Individuals might dream
of third parties, founded upon the policy of the President, the
utterances of the Philadelphia Convention or "any other nar-
row isthmus between these two great oceans of popular senti-
ment and passion."81 But it was all a dream — and especially in
Oregon. Differing with him as to the policy to be pursued
toward the South,82 Judge Deady, quondam pro-slavery Demo-
crat, had in July written his friend Nesmith frankly of the
situation : "I believe that you have more friends in the Union
party than the other,, but the Union party of this state, particu-
larly the brains and conscience of it, is thoroughly on the side
of Congress and against Andy. And I do not think any per-
sonal considerations (and all these are in your favor) will
induce them to support anyone for the Senate that does not
agree with them on this issue and all questions included in it."
In a word, Nesmith was crushed between the upper and
nether millstone. The Republicans considered him a Democrat,
which was not unnatural, considering that he had been elected
as such, had supported McClellan and was now the supporter
of Johnson, and opposed the Republican policy anent the freed-
men. On the other hand, the rock-bound, unreconstructed
Democrats hated him with a cordial hatred. They disliked him
politically for the support of the war and they cherished against
him a personal grudge for his alliance with the Republicans in
I860, which sent him to the Senate and resulted largely in the
overthrow of the Oregon Democracy. The situation in which
Nesmith found himself was more than suggestive of the general
situation in Oregon. Political differentiation had been effected

1 i Ibid.

82 "Although I think you are altogether estray in your present political
predilections, yet you are as likely to come around right as others who might
start in so." — Deady to Nesmith, Aug. 14, 1866.

58 W. C. WOODWARD

along new lines — political realignment was rapidly being
affeeted.83

The senatorial election of 1866 was the first of a long series
of political intrigues and imbroglios which have been associated
with the history of the Republican party in Oregon and which
have made the state noted for its senatorial vendettas and
deadlocks. And it is at least significant that in this first fac-
tional fight, appeared the man round whom the fierce political
warfare of the state was long to rage — John H. Mitchell. Gov-
ernor Gibbs was the Union caucus nominee for senator, with 21
votes, Mitchell following with 15. Had all who entered the
caucus abided by its decision, Gibbs would have been elected
with one vote, to spare. But three members bolted the caucus
nominee, and the highest vote which Gibbs received during the
contest was 33.8s The first ballot stood : Gibbs, 33 ; J. S. Smith,
Democrat, 21; Nesmith, 9; scattering, 6. The votes given
Nesmith were from Democratic members. From the first to
the eighth ballot there was little change, except that Nesmith's
support went to Smith. H. W. Corbett received one vote on
every ballot until the, eighth, when he received 5. The ninth
ballot : Gibbs 20, Smith 30, Corbett 9, Jesse Applegate 4, W. C.
Johnson 5. From then on to the fourteenth ballot Corbett in-
creased slowly, Gibbs again attaining his maximum strength on
that ballot. The Democrats changed from Smith to J. K. Kelly
and on the fifteenth ballot transferred their support to Ex-
Governor Whiteaker. W. C. Johnson then withdrew the name
of Gibbs in the interest of party harmony and nominated Cor-
bett. The sixteenth and final ballot read : Corbett 38, Smith 14,
Prim 7, Kelly 5, Nesmith 4, Whiteaker 1. Some of the Union
members, in switching from Gibbs to Corbett, took occasion to

83 Deady, Oct. 27, to Bulletin.

Nesmith, Washington, D. C., Nov. 13, to Deady: "I knew from the first
that I had no party in the state and that there was no show. Some Republicans
commended my course in support of the war. . . but denounced me freely
because I was not in favor of its prosecution after the rebels had ceased to resist.
Besides, I was not up to their standard with respect to the superiority of the
negro over the white man. On the other hand a portion of the Democracy could
not forgive me for having supported the war and because I did not support the
rebellion."

85 Oregonian, Sept. 29 and Oct. 6.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 59

denounce bitterly the bolters who had thwarted the expressed
will of the party organization. They asserted that they had
been assured that if Corbett were not elected, Nesmith would
be, which fear they declared made it easy for them to support
Corbett. Antagonism was evident between the Union members
and Nesmith.

In commenting on the result, the Oregonian, October 6, said :
"The second great triumph of the present session of the legisla-
ture has been achieved by the Union party. The ratification of
the Constitutional amendment was the first victory;86 and this
is now fitly followed by the election of a United States senator
who is in the strictest sense identified with the Union party of
Oregon and of the Nation." Deady characterized Corbett as
"a Radical in thought and a Conservative in action, a man of
strong convictions, but temperate and moderate in speech and
conduct."8? From the permanent organization of the Oregon
Republican party in 1859 until 1862, the new senator had been
chairman of the state central committee. Though the old Repub-
lican leaders were generally averse to giving up their own
party organization for an alliance with the Union Democrats
in 1862, the determination of the question devolving largely
upon Corbett, he yielded to the entreaties of the Douglas lead-
ers and signed the joint call for the Eugene convention which
led to the formation of the Union party.

While the break between Johnson and Congress drew the
political lines in such a way as practically to separate Republi-
cans and conservative Democrats, both clung to the name
"Union," each denying to the other the right to use it. Not
until the spring of 1867 did the Oregonian use the name
"Republican" in designating its political party. May 25, it
declared it to be the imperative duty of the "Union-Republi-
can" party to keep its organization compact and perfect, in
preparation for the great campaign a year hence. June 22, in
an editorial "The Republican Party," it explained and de-

86 The Fourteenth Amendment passed the Legislature by the following vote:
Senate, 13 to 9; House, 25 to 22. See Statesman, Sept. 24.

87 Deady, Oct. 3, to Bulletin.

60 W. C. WOODWARD

fended the use of the new name or rather, the resumption of
the old one.

The trend of political affairs at Washington during 1867,
naturally tended still further to make for political solidarity in
Oregon. Feeling became more intense as the political warfare
at Washington became more and more pronounced. It be-
spoke a heated campaign in the state in the approaching elec-
tion of 1868. The real sentiment and animus of the people
are often more truly portrayed in resolutions adopted in
county conventions than in state, where the platform makers
proceed with more conservatism and caution. For example,
the Polk County Democrats declared in March, 1868, that they
would oppose with force if necessary, "any attempt of the
abolitionists to impose a President upon the people of the
United States, elected by the negro vote of the ten states now
under military despotism/' The reconstruction act was de-
nounced as revolutionary and treasonable and its immediate
repeal demanded.88 On the other side some of the Republican
county conventions spoke aggressively against Johnson, "the
treacherous apostate/'89 and endorsed the impeachment pro-
ceedings. The Clatsop Republicans declared that the abomin-
able secession heresy of states rights, as expounded by the
leaders in the secession Democratic party, was too absurd to be
entertained by any unprejudiced man of sense or patriotism.^0

The Democratic State Convention met March 19 at Portland.
The committee on resolutions — Col. J. E. Ross, R. B. Cochran,
Benj. Hay den, Beriah Brown and J. H. Slater, appointed in
the morning, were to report at the afternoon session.91 The
convention re-assembled at 3 o'clock but the committee was
not ready to report. Brown, editor of the Herald, ''Johnson's
organ," said there seemed to be an irreconcilable difference in
the committee and suggested that it be instructed to bring in
two reports. At 7 in the evening, Hayden presented a majority

88 Daily Herald, March 21, 1868.

89 Wapato Union Club resolution March 18.

90 Daily Oregonian, March 20.

91 Proceedings, Daily Oregonian, March 20, 21.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 61

and Brown a minority report. O. Humason of Wasco moved
that both reports be referred to a new committee, without
reading. The motion carried by the close vote of 71 to 68,
the new committee comprising Humason, J. C. Hawthorne,
J. F. Miller, John Whiteaker, Chas. Hughes. Their report,
presented the next day, was accepted. The struggle in the first
committee suggests the expiring efforts of Johnson's friends in
Oregon for Democratic vindication of the President.

The platform was even longer than that of 1866, covering a
range from a declaration in favor of liberal Congressional aid
for a judicious system of railroad improvement in Oregon to a
resolution of sympathy for the Irish in their struggle for civil
liberty. It opposed the "sharing with servile races the priceless
political heritage achieved alone by white men." The recon-
struction acts and the usurpation by Congress of judicial and
executive functions were denounced with a gusto which left
nothing to be desired. There were the usual resolutions de-
claring for the sacredness of the Constitution, limited powers
of the federal government and the sovereignty of the states
over their internal affairs. The platform called for the equali-
zation of the burdens of taxation, the payment of the public
debt in like currency as contracted and the taxation of United
States securities.

S.F.Chadwick, John Burnett and J. H. Slater were nominated
as Presidential electors. As delegates to the National Demo-
cratic Convention, N. M. Bell, W. W. Page, O. Joynt, Beriah
Brown and P. P. Prim, were chosen. Hayden presented a reso-
lution instructing them to vote for G. H. Pendleton as the
Democratic candidate for President. Brown opposed it vigor-
ously, asserting that he never had and never would serve
under instructions. This was but an echo of the struggle in
the committee on resolutions. Hayden suggested to Brown
that he could easily resign, which the latter promptly did. J. C.
Avery was elected delegate in his place and the Pendleton
resolution was adopted. The apparent inconsistency between
the Pendleton instructions and that plank of their platform

62 W. C. WOODWARD

declaring that good faith and justice demanded that the public
debt be paid in like currency as contracted, did not seem to
disturb the equanimity of the assembled Democrats. J. S. Smith
was unanimously nominated for Congressman.

The Republican view of the convention was expressed in the
following declaration made by the, Marion County Union-
Republicans: "We recognize in the names presented by the
Copperhead Convention at Portland a very decided predomi-
nance of the rebel element and the exclusion of every so-called
'War Democrat' from a place on their ticket, which reminds us
forcibly of the fact that we are again fighting the same old
adversary in another campaign and demonstrates the political
axiom that a Democrat can no more change his politics than
the Ethiopian can his skin or the leopard his spots. "92

The Union-Republican platform, adopted at Salem,, March
24, endorsed the work of Congress as unreservedly as the
Democrats had condemned it ;93 spoke for the preservation, at
the ballot box, of the fruits of the war ; favored the admission
of the representatives of Southern states in Congress "at the
earliest practicable moment when the public safety will per-
mit ;" condemned every scheme for the repudiation of the whole
or any part of the national debt and denounced the proposition
to pay in legal tender notes those debts contracted to be paid
in specie, as only a milder term of repudiation ; encouraged
foreign immigration and met the Democratic "Irish" plank by
expressing sympathy for all people struggling for civil and re-
ligious liberty ; acknowledged debt of permanent recognition to
American sailors and soldiers for saving the country ; bespoke
liberal federal appropriations to aid in the construction of
railroads.

David Logan was nominated for Congressman, receiving 56
votes as against 51 for P. E. Sullivan of Polk County. Orange
Jacobs, A. B. Meacham and Dr. Wilson Bowlby were named
for Presidential electors and Josiah Failing, J. L. Parrish, Max-
well Ramsby, M. Baker, C. C. Beekman and H. R. Kincaid, as

92 Daily Oregoni?n, March 24.

93 Proceedings, Daily Oregonion, March 27.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 63

delegates to the National Convention. The convention was
unfortunate in the selection of its congressional nominee. While
a man of marked ability, Logan's habits made him a vulnerable
candidate, There was great dissatisfaction over his nomina-
tion and his defeat was freely predicted at once by members
of his own party.94 The temperance and church people deserted
him, especially the Methodist Republicans, Smith, the Demo-
cratic nominee, being a Methodist.

The campaign of 1868 was marked by that vehemence of
party feeling which had always rendered Oregon politics in-
tense and strenuous. The Oregonian made a target of the first
plank of the Democratic platform, which expressed renewed
allegiance to the time-honored principles of the Democratic
party. It insisted that these principles were embodied in the
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, with their offspring of
nullification, secession and rebellion. On the subject of re-
construction, the Democrats demanded the admission of the
Southern representatives in Congress at once and now main-
tained Lincoln's position that the seceding states had never
been out of the Union. The question of repudiation, or the
payment of United States bonds in gold or paper figured
prominently. But more noisily discussed than all was the
question of negro suffrage and equality. The Democrats ac-
cused the Republicans of standing for universal negro suf-
frage. This the latter denied, maintaining that the colored
men had been enfranchised in the Southern states as a measure
of necessity in reconstruction, but that those states, when again
in the Union, would each have power to regulate the suffrage
for itself. But the Democrats returned continually to the at-
tack with such convincing arguments as, "Do you want your
daughter to marry a nigger?" "Would you allow a nigger to
force himself into a seat at church between you and your

94 In a letter to Nesmith, March 27, Deady said Jesse Applegate was instru-
mental in securing the nomination of Logan, controlling nearly all the southern
county votes and capturing J. G. Wilson by making him chairman of the convention.
"Billy Adams, Medorem Crawford and Huntington are furious and all swear they
will not support Dave. Billy says openly that he will vote for Smith. I think
that all the federal officers are opposed to Dave, while he is defiant and swears
that if he is elected their heads shall tumble."

64 W. C. WOODWARD

wife?" and "D n a nigger!" On two points they kept up

an incessant clamor — they lost no opportunity to denounce
"niggers" and "taxes."9*

The June election resulted in a decisive victory for the
Democratic ticket and the first defeat which the Union party
had suffered since its organization. Smith was elected con-
gressman over Logan by a majority of 1209 and the Demo-
crats secured 43 of the 69 seats in the legislature, each house of
which had a Democratic majority. The Oregonian took the
defeat philosophically96 and after the first shock sought to ex-
plain how it happened. It stated that ever since the Califor-
nia election of the preceding fall when an 18,000 Union ma-
jority in that state had been turned in to a 9,000 Democratic
one, it had been very difficult for the Union party to maintain
its ground in Oregon. The Dalles Mountaineer, Democratic,
attributed Logan's defeat to the finance question and the
heavy taxes that the people were now compelled to pay. It
even went so far as to assert its belief that if a vote were to
be taken in Oregon upon the question of paying the national
debt, the latter would be repudiated.9? But the Union-Repub-
lican press maintained that their defeat was not attributable to
defection in the, ranks of their party, but that it was entirely
owing to accessions to the Democratic party within the past
two years from the disbanded Confederate armies — to the "in-
flux of a rebel, guerilla population" which had been emigrating
westward to escape the consequences of reconstruction.98 The
election figures at least partially supported the Union-Repub-
licans in this contention. The latter had barely held their
strength shown by the election of 1866. The vote for Logan,
admittedly not a strong candidate, was 300 above that given
Governor Woods two years previous. But the Democratic vote
had increased by 1800 in the same period, and, what was

95 Daily Oregonian, June 5.

96 "All that we have to say at this time is soon said. We are beaten. We
(the Union party) are too big to cry and we are too badly hurt to laugh." — Daily
Oregonian, June 2.

97 Quoted in Daily Oregonian, June 8.

98 Oregon Sentinel, June 13,
Daily Oregonian, June 12.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 65

more to the point, practically one-third of this increase was
registered in the three northeastern counties alone — Union,
Grant and Baker — which were steadily being populated by
the Southern emigrants. And it is not to be supposed that
these three counties received all this emigration.

Five months later the Democrats carried the state for Sey-
mour against Grant, for President. But in the November elec-
tion the Democratic majority, 165," was so small that the
influence of "Price's Army" as a determining factor in the po-
litical readjustment in Oregon was more than ever pronounced.
In an editorial on the result, "Oregon a Lonely Mourner for
the Lost Cause," the Oregonian announced : "Price's rebels
have once more come to the relief of the Copperhead cause.
The reinforcement was opportune." The suggestive, though
highly colored characterization of the much heralded "army"
followed:100 "It appears that Price's boys in Eastern Oregon
can be relied on to give any required majority for the restora-
tion of the 'Lost Cause.' The nomadic rebel Democracy of
the country lying between the waters of the Missouri and up-
per Columbia, combining the characteristics of the wild Indian
and the unreconstructed rebel, can change about from one
place to another to suit the exigencies of elections, voting now
in Oregon, again in Idaho, Montana or Washington and back
again in Oregon when the next occasion requires. . . . They
constitute the Democratic flying brigade, operating on the
frontier. It is anything but agreeable to have a majority of
the actual voters of the state beaten by this wandering rebel
horde who live nowhere and help to bear none of the burdens
of government."

Whatever the influences to which the returning Democratic
majorities of 1868 were attributable, the fact remained, the
ante-bellum political status in Oregon had for the time been
re-established. Upon the new issues which had arisen, two
distinct parties had aligned themselves. Upon these and ever
new occurring issues the future political battles of the state

99 Daily Oregonian, Dec. 4.

100 Daily Oregonian, Nov. 10.

66 W. C. WOODWARD

were to be fought. Whatever its potency might continue to
be elsewhere, the rallying cry of "Save the Union !" would no
longer win political victories in Oregon.

Having first reviewed the situation in Oregon in the ante-
Territorial period, as a basis of political development, the
writer has attempted to give a faithful portrayal of the rise
of political parties in Oregon ; of the manner of their organi-
zation and of the influences by which party organization was
maintained. It has been the intention to present a view of the
political life and activity of this early period. The history of
the slavery question in Oregon has been followed in an en-
deavor to show how extensive and how all-inclusive was the
influence of the great National issue. It effected the organiza-
tion of a new party and the overthrow of the Democratic re-
gime and the disintegration of the Oregon Democracy. The
general breaking down of old party lines on the opening of
the war and the alignment of the people into the two classes
of Union and Disunion, has been shown. And lastly, the
process of political adjustment and realignment, growing out
of the issues raised by the war, has been followed, leading up
through the elections of 1868 which resulted in returning vic-
tory for the Democrats.

Having traced the political history of the state to this point
of post-bellum readjustment, the purpose of the writer has
been fulfilled. The Democratic party maintained in the main
its advantage for a few years, after which honors were for a
time pretty evenly divided between the two parties. The Re-
publican party gradually assumed the ascendancy again, but
the fierce factional struggles which have taken place within
its ranks, have many times deprived it of the victories which
its numerical superiority would imply. The story of these later
political struggles is interesting — partaking often of the dra-
matic and sensational. However, they were not shaped and
dominated by the force of great National and vital issues to
the extent that were the earlier political activities, to the period
of which the writer has confined his efforts.

NOTE ON SOURCES

Necessarily, in treating a subject of this nature, great de-
pendence must be placed in the newspapers of the period, as
sources of material. First, in the records of what actually took
place — reports of conventions and meetings of various kinds,
resolutions and platforms adopted, legislative proceedings, etc.
Second, fully as important, but to be used more guardedly, the
expression of public opinion upon those passing events, this
public opinion being registered in editorial comment, contrib-
uted articles and in oral public expression. Obviously, to meas-
ure public sentiment at all accurately by newspaper utterances,
it is necessary to have before one, papers representing the va-
rious political points of view. In this the writer has been
fortunate. From the time political activity in Oregon really
begins, newspapers of opposite political tendencies have been
available.

Of these, the Oregonian, the Oregon Statesman and the
Oregon Argus have been relied upon most extensively. They
were the most representative of the Oregon press and ex-
tended over the greater part of the period under consideration.
On the period of ante-political organization, access was had
to the Spectator, and, in a limited degree, to the Western
Star, Milwaukie, changed to the Oregon Weekly Times in June,
1851. Next in importance to the first three journals mentioned
should be named the Oregon Weekly Union, the exponent of
anti-Union sentiment in the Civil War era. Other papers di-
rectly consulted, were the Oregon Weekly Times, the Oregon
Sentinel and the Oregon Daily Herald. Indirectly, yet other
papers have been frequently used, by means principally of edi-
torial utterances reproduced in the above mentioned journals.

Closely related to, but differing slightly from the Oregon
newspaper sources, is the correspondence of Judge M. P.
Deady to the San Francisco Bulletin, to be found in what is
known as the "Deady scrapbook," in possession of the Oregon
Historical Society. In Judge Deady the capacities of keen
observation and trenchant expression were combined with the
faculty of being able to write with a minimum of personal,

68 W. C. WOODWARD

political bias. For this reason, these letters, covering the
crucial period of the sixties and written for the perusal of out-
side readers, are almost invaluable. The same may be said
of his personal correspondence.

Supplementing the newspaper material in a very important
manner, is the private correspondence, in the Oregon Histor-
ical Society collections, of many men who were the most ac-
tive participants in the politics of the time, notably Joseph
Lane, Asahel Bush, J. W. Nesmith, Judge Deady and Jesse
Applegate. In this connection may be mentioned also the per-
sonal interviews with such men as Judge Geo. H. Williams,
former Adjutant General C. A. Reed, W. R. Bishop and Geo.
H. Himes, who, either from actual participation or observation,
or both, threw much light on the events of a half century ago.

Other primary material used was the collection of Oregon
pioneer documents to be, found in the Bancroft Library of the
University of California. These are largely memoirs and relate
principally to settlement and to the period of the Provisional
Government. As representative of these may be mentioned,
Jesse Applegate's "Views of Oregon History," Deady's "Ore-
gon History," Peter H. Burnett's "Recollections of the Past"
and Elwood Evans' "History of Oregon."

Likewise covering the period of the Provisional Govern-
ment are Grover's "Oregon Archives" and a volume, "Unpub-
lished Documents, Oregon Archives," Ms., in the Bancroft
Library.

Of secondary material used, the "Quarterly of the, Oregon
Historical Society," 1900-1909, contains much that has been
suggestive and helpful. Such contributions, for example, as
"The Genesis of Political Authority in Oregon" and "Social
Evolution in Oregon," by J. R. Robertson, and "The Slavery
Question in Oregon," by T. W. Davenport, are typical of va-
rious articles dealing with both social and political beginnings
in Oregon, together with various phases of political develop-
ment.

The printed Proceedings of the annual meetings of the Ore-

POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON

gon Pioneer Association have been used to some extent — for
material on the period of settlement principally.

From the nature of the subject, the assistance to be obtained
from secondary books, has necessarily been slight. Such books
as have been used for reference have been sufficiently cited in
the footnotes.

APPENDIX I

The Vote on the Adoption of the Oregon Constitution,
November 9, 1857.

(From the official returns published in the Oregon Statesman,
December 22.)

Constitution

Slavery

Free Negroes

Counties Yes

Yes

Benton ... 440

215

283

368

132

459

Clackamas. 530

216

655

113

594

Clatsop ... 62

Columbia.. 30

Coos 68

Curry 117

121

Douglas . . 419

203

248

377

560

Jackson . . 465

372

405

426

710

Josephine . 445

139

155

435

534

Lane 591

362

356

602

783

I inn . . 1111

176

198

1092

113

1095

Marion ...1024

252

214

1055

1115

Multnomah 496

255

653

112

587

Polk 528

188

231

484

584

Tillamook . 23

Umpqua . . 155

201

181

Wasco 55

122

Washington 265

226

428

393

Yamhill ... 371

274

107

522

521

Total ...7195
Maj'ties .3980

3215

2645

7727
5082

1081

8640
7559

70 W. C. WOODWARD

APPENDIX II

The Vote in the Presidential Election of 1860.
(Official returns in the Statesman, Dec. 3.)

County Douglas Lincoln Breckenridge Bell

Benton 140 202 381 3

Clackamas 173 409 324 3

Clatsop 38 68 29

Columbia 38 46 30

Coos 88 71 22 3

Curry 69 42 53 6

Douglas 288 321 502 23

Jackson 406 394 675 88

Josephine 221 261 371 32

Lane 166 492 555 8

Linn 312 580 671 5

Marion 864 598 286 17

Multnomah 364 570 261 5

Polk 390 180 215 4

Tillamook 8 11 13

Umpqua 72 151 75 3

Wasco 147 168 255 2

Washington 134 360 140 3

Yamhill 213 420 216 7

Totals 4131 5344 5074 212

Plurality 270

THE EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON
THE OREGON TRAIL

By T. C. Elliott

This year of our Lord nineteen hundred and eleven is com-
memorative in the basin of the Columbia River. Eighteen
hundred and ninety-two marked our first centenary, when Prof.
John Fiske crossed the continent from Cambridge to deliver
before the Oregon Pioneer Association at Astoria an address
in honor of the discovery of the Columbia River by Capt.
Robt. Gray. In 1905 the Lewis and Clark Exposition (really
suggested by the Oregon Historical Society) at Portland most
fittingly commemorated the transcontinental explorations of
that wonderful expedition. During this present year of 1911
there have already been held exercises at Astoria to celebrate
the coming of the Tonquin by sea with its division of the As-
torians, and at Kettle Falls in honor of the arrival there of that
great pathfinder David Thompson from Canada ; and now dur-
ing these closing days of the year in this beautiful valley of
the mountains is gathered this company to recall the presence
here in December, 1811, of the land division of the Astorians
under the leadership of Wilson Price Hunt. And what a
passing was that one hundred years ago in contrast with the
luxurious train service that brought your visitors to this city to-
day ! Traveling on foot, reduced to dog and horse flesh for food,
and even that very difficult to obtain ; weary, faint and anxious,
their leader "pushed on from day to day, with no other alter-
native to be sure but still courageously inquiring for the Co-
lumbia River which he knew must be ahead of them could they
survive to reach it. Those were the first white men yet known
to have passed through Eastern Oregon: all honor to their
passing !

It is not the purpose, of this address to retell the story of
that journey in its detail; others will have done that and it is
being religiously brought to your attention by the press.

NOTE. — An address delivered at the centenary exercises at Baker, Oregon,
December 28, 1911.

72 T. C. ELLIOTT

Rather let me refer briefly to the early development of this
particular part of the transcontinental route then traversed for
the first time and to a few of the fur traders, American and
Canadian, who were prominent in the exploration and trade
of the Columbia River basin, of which this valley is a part.
We of today have personal recollection of that sudden rush
to Alaska almost within the last decade, of how men of cul-
ture and of career took part in the isolation, exposure and
dangers incident to that remarkable movement. Bearing that
in mind it is possible to better appreciate the call in earlier
years of the fur trade to the men of family name, of educa-
tion and of marked commercial ability who undertook and en-
dured the hardships and associations common to such a life. Be
it remembered that it was the fur trade that brought the Cabots
to the coast of North America; the fur trade that following
the voyage of Capt Cook lured the Yankee trading vessels to
the Northwest coast of America and to the discovery of the
Columbia River; the fur trade that opened the first transcon-
tinental way across the Rocky Mountains at the sources of
the Columbia; the fur trade that saved Oregon to the United
States (if such a term is ever proper) by the opening of this
track across the plains and mountains and furnishing our gov-
ernment with information as to the country and actually mark-
ing the way for the pioneer. And this Valley is located di-
rectly upon the Oregon Trail.

First in priority of travel and trade to be mentioned is Wil-
son Price Hunt, who led the way through this Valley and
passed none too comfortable a night here just one hundred
years ago. Search the pages of your biographical dictionary
and you will fail to find his name, but the building occupied by
the Central National Bank upon one of the principal business
corners of the historic city of St. Louis marks the location of
his family residence ; he had been in business there before
being associated with Mr. Astor and returned to that city
after the affairs of the Pacific Fur Company were wound up.
Mr. Hunt was a gentleman and a scholar. He was born in New
Jersey in the year 1782. and doubtless endured troublesome

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 73

nights in that state as well as in this valley, for that was
before the control of the birth of mosquitoes by scientific de-
vices. He was therefore less than thirty years of age when
here one hundred years ago. He later became one of the
prominent men of St. Louis when that city was the emporium
for the entire region West of the Mississippi and by Pres.
Monroe was appointed postmaster and held that office for
nearly twenty years, and that when it meant something more
than mere political skill to be appointed to such an office. He
married in later life into a leading family and died there in
April, 1842. With his neighbor, Gen. William Clark, an earlier
traveler on the Columbia, he was one of the charter members
of Christ Church, and his name plate appeared upon a pew in
the former edifice of that, the oldest Protestant Episcopal Church
of the Great Southwest. He was also prominent in Masonic
circles. Upon Mr. Hunt devolved the chief authority in the
conduct of the affairs of the Pacific Fur Company on the
Columbia, and but for his enforced absence from Astoria the
business of the Company might possibly have been brought
to a different conclusion. We read of his passing bon mots
and crossing commercial swords with Count Baranoff at Sitka,
in Alaska, and of his purchasing for ten thousand dollars upon
credit only the brig Pedlar at the Sandwich Islands in order to
return to the Columbia and protect the interests of the Com-
pany, transactions which reflect handsomely his forcef ulness and
integrity. Quite appropriately might his name be honored by
tablet or monument in this city, or by a peak of the Elkhorn
Mt. range, as the man who first traveled the Oregon Trail
from Shoshone Falls to the Pacific Ocean.

Wilson Price Hunt did not see this Valley again, nor did
many of those who were, in his party. The following summer
(1812) a few of the Astorians returned through here, Mr.
Robert Stuart to carry dispatches to Mr. Astor and Messrs.
Crooks and McClellan to quit an enterprise with which they
were already disgusted ; their journey to St. Louis lasted until
the following spring and was full of peril and hardship. In
spite of that Ramsay Crooks became eloquent about the coun-

74 T. C. ELLIOTT

try he passed through and Thomas H. Benton in his "Thirty-
Year's View" speaks of being entertained by Mr. Crooks at
Brown's Hotel in Washington for days with descriptions of the
region beyond the Rockies, while he, Benton, in 1821, was
waiting for Missouri to be admitted to the Union and his
credentials as its first senator to be passed upon by the Senate ;
and it was this same Ramsay Crooks who helped to inspire
Dr. John Floyd of Virginia to introduce that first measure ever
introduced in Congress respecting the occupation of Oregon.
Ramsay Crooks after 1813 became prominent in the fur trade
of the Lakes and was in charge of Mr. Astor's interests there.
And by way of diversion the opportunity offers here to retell a
story of Mr. Silas B. Smith's of Clatsop Plains before the Ore-
gon Hist. Society in 1899. Speaking of the arrival in the Colum-
bia in 1840 of the ship Lausanne from New York with the rein-
forcement of Methodist missionaries Mr. Smith said : "It was
arranged that we should take passage on the ship. The bar pilot
had been engaged at Honolulu, a sailor who had entered the
river once twenty years before. No wonder there were terrors
on the bar ! At Baker's Bay an Indian by the name of Ramsay
was engaged as river pilot, the same who was interpreter on
the, Tonquin at the time of her destruction at Clayoquot. He
had only one eye but was a good pilot. Ramsay was his Eng-
lish name ; it came, I think, from Ramsay Crooks, given the
same way as General Joe Lane gave half his name to the Rogue
river chief who was afterwards known as Chief Joe. * * *
Above Oak Point a special express from Dr. McLoughlin met
us with vegetables and fresh provisions ; with the express was
a mulatto with the high sounding name of George Washing-
ton. He had a statement from Dr. McLoughlin that he was a
river pilot. Of course, with such a paper from the Doctor,
he was immediately installed as chief pilot, to the great humilia-
tion of Ramsay. George, however, did not run the vessel many
miles before he placed her high on a sand bar. It was Ram-
say's opportunity; stepping to the captain and pointing to
George Washington, he said, 'He know how to cook the meat,
he no pilot, you let me pilot ship and me run her aground,

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 75

you take a knife/ and with a pantomimic sweep of his hand
he drew it across his throat. It is needless to say the Indian
was reinstated as pilot."

In the summer of 1813 also a small party of Astorians
passed eastward through this valley under the leadership of
John Reed, who is described as a Hibernian. Among them
were the interpreter, Pierre Dorion, and his wife, and the in-
structions were to trade and trap for furs on the streams now
known as the Weiser, Payette and Boise during the fall and
winter. This party were killed by the Indians, all except the
faithful Madame Dorion, that mother of the first child of
white parentage to be born in Eastern Oregon, which event
took place in this Valley on Dec. 30th, 1811. She found her
way back to the Columbia in the spring of 1814 and among
those to whom she related her story was the next fur trader of
whom I would especially speak, Mr. Donald Mackenzie, who
was then bound for New York by way of the Columbia and
Saskatchewan and Montreal with the report of the final winding
up of the Pacific Fur Company's affairs at Astoria and with
drafts to the amount (according to Mr. Ross) of eighty thous-
and dollars in his belt. The terms of the sale to the Northwest
Company included transportation from Astoria to Montreal
for such Astorians as wished to return.

With the passing of the Astorians from the Columbia the use
of this trail appears to have been discontinued for fours years,
There may have been straggling white hunters passing over it
but we as yet have no record. It remained for this same
Donald Mackenzie to return to the Columbia before the Snake
Country trade was again undertaken ; and that was in the year
1818. Quite likely Mr. Mackenzie passed through this valley
on an exploration trip during the winter of 1817-18, but of that
we are not certain.

Donald Mackenzie is a fur trader who has not yet received
merited attention for what he accomplished on the Columbia.
In family line he is said to have been related to Sir Alex.
Mackenzie who made that first journey across the continent by
land in 1792-3 and established British rignts north of the 49th

76 T. C. ELLIOTT

parallel which made the political cry of "Fifty-four Forty or
Fight" look so ridiculous to our diplomats in 1844-5-6. Donald
Mackenzie had seen service in the fur trade in the Indian Coun-
try of British North America with the "Northwesters" of
Canada and joined the Astorians under some special induce-
ment. At Cauldron Linn (at Milner, Idaho, about twenty
miles above Shoshone Falls) in October of 1811 with a few
others he separated from the main party and found his way
to Astoria a full month in advance of Mr. Hunt, having suc-
ceeded in forcing his way through the rough mountains along
the east bank of Snake river and across Salmon river to the
Clearwater and thence to the sea in canoes. If he had differ-
ences with Wilson Price Hunt they were only those common
to the different dispositions of men, and incident to his own
really superior experience in the field life of the fur trade to
that of Mr. Hunt himself ; and his service with the Pacific Fur
Company was both intelligent and valuable. He returned to
the Columbia in the fall of 1817 as a chief factor in the
Northwest Company with instructions to assume the manage-
ment of all the business of that Company in the Interior, as
distinguished from that of the Coast and lower river, and
especially to develop the trade in the Snake Country which he
knew from actual observation to be so valuable.

Donald Mackenzie was a wonderful man to deal with In-
dians ; his influence over them was remarkable, due to his
powerful physique and activity as well as his tact, courage,
endurance and daring. (Washington Irving relates in "As-
toria" his bold entrance into the lodge of one of the robber
— Klickitat — chiefs at Wishram — Celilo — in quest of a rifle that
had been taken from the whites). His hair is said to have been
of the color some people prefer to call sandy and his weight
about three hundred and twenty pounds. This would make
him a very good physical duplicate of our own President Taft,
but golf would have been slow exercise for him. He was a
great pedestrian, could outwalk any of his associates and was
continually on the move.

The first thing that Donald Mackenzie did after getting the

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 77

trade of the various posts of the upper river organized to best
advantage and himself making a flying trip to the Snake coun-
try, was to erect a Fort at the mouth of the Walla Walla river
as a base for the Snake country trade. This was named Fort
Nez Perces., but came to be more generally known as Fort
Walla Walla (and the site is even now platted as such on the
county records of Walla Walla County although a mere sand
and gravel flat without improvement at the present day). This
was in the summer of 1818. Not at all daunted by the lateness
of the season, Mr. Mackenzie then organized his first Snake
Country expedition. Quoting from Mr. Ross we are told that
"the expedition was composed of fifty-five men of all denomi-
nations, one hundred and ninety-five horses, and three hundred
beaver traps, besides a considerable stock of merchandise ; but
depending upon the chances of the chase, they set out without
provisions or stores of any kind." * * * "The party took
their departure at the end of September, in the full view and
amid the cheers of all the natives. Turning his back, there-
fore, upon the rest of his extensive charge, with all its ease
and fruits of comfort, Mackenzie, without any second or friend
in whom he could confide, placed himself at the head of this
medley, to suffer new hardships and face new dangers, in the
precarious adventure." This is the party which undoubtedly
passed through the Powder River Valley in October of 1818
and began to break up into small parties and occasion the
leader much trouble in this very vicinity. Mackenzie led the
main party clear to Black Bear River as he called it and leav-
ing them there himself returned to Fort Nez Perces, arriving
after traveling six hundred miles on snow shoes in mid-winter,
accompanied by only six companions. Here was a winter
journey not yet awarded poetic recognition and illustrating
the energy, tirelessness and leadership of this man !

On his return trip to the Portneuf that spring Mr. Macken-
zie (desiring to know the practicability of transporting his furs
by water route) accomplished a feat that seems to us remark-
able in the light of present day navigation; he ascended the
Snake river from the, mouth of the Clear water to the mouth of

78 T. C. ELLIOTT

Burnt river through what we know as the Box Canyon in a
Canadian batteau or barge. Four of his companions returned
to Fort Nez Perces down through the Canyon again in the
bateau with the following letter to Mr. Ross: "Piont Suc-
cessful, Head of the Narrows, April 15th, 1819. The passage
by water is now proved to be safe and practicable for loaded
boats, without one single carrying place or portage; therefore,
the doubtful question is set at rest forever. Yet from the force
of the current, and the frequency of rapids it may still be
advisable, and perhaps preferable, to continue the land trans-
port, while the business in this quarter is carried on upon a
small scale. We had often recourse to the line. There are
two places with bold cut rocks on either side of the river, where
the great body of water is compressed within a narrow com-
pass, which may render those parts doubtful during the floods,
owing to rocks and whirlpools ; but there are only two, and
neither of them are long." With but two companions he con-
tinued on across the plains of Idaho and his letter continues:
"I am now about to commence a very doubtful and dangerous
undertaking, and shall, I fear, have to adopt the, habits of the
owl, roam in the night and skulk in the day, to avoid our
enemies. But if my life is spared, I will be at the river
Skam-naugh (i. e. the Boise), with my people and return, by
the 5th of June. Hasten, therefore, the outfit, with some addi-
tional hands if possible, to that place. A strong escort will be
advisable, and caution the person you may send in charge to be
at all times, both day and night, on his guard." Their route
followed the well established trail through this valley, and the
value of the beaver skins packed through here, two packs of
sixty pounds each to the animal, would surprise us, if known.
Time is lacking to follow Mr. Mackenzie during his four
years' development of the trade in the Snake country. From his
journals quite surely were taken the names that became at-
tached on the Arrowsmith (London) maps to many of the
localities of the Upper Snake river region; Brule (or Burnt),
Owyhee, Weiser, Payette, Malade, Portneuf and others ; and
if these journals could become available it is almost certain that

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 79

they would reveal him to have been a visitor to Great Salt
Lake, the actual discoverer of which is still in doubt.

In the fall of 1821 news was received at Fort Nez Perces
that the name Northwest Company had passed out of legal
existence and the trade been consolidated under that of the
Hudson's Bay Company ; this marks the beginning of the, use
of that powerful name on the waters of the middle and lower
Columbia. This news rather disturbed conditions for the time
and the command of the Snake Country expedition leaving in
the Fall of 1822 was entrusted to Finan Macdonald, a clerk,
but whose knowledge of the country of the upper Columbia
basin could hardly have been excelled by anyone, for he had
reached its waters with David Thompson in 1807-8 and had
been west of the Rockies ever since. He it was who passed
this way in the fall of 1822, but having ideas of his own as to
a more direct route to and from the hunting grounds returned
the following year across the mountains northward to the Bit-
ter Root Valley and through the Flathead country to Spokane
House. The career of Finan Macdonald is but little known
and he is given only passing mention; his ideas of the better
route were tried out during 1823-4 by Alex. Ross and the use
of the trail from the Columbia to the Boise, by way of Powder
river was again discontinued by large parties but undoubtedly
used by detached trappers and couriers.

During the organization of the Pacific Fur Company in
1809-10 an office was necessarily maintained in Montreal ; Don-
ald Mackenzie was one of those especially active there in the
selection of the voyagettrs for the overland party. Employed
for a time in Mr. Astor's office was a young man whose father
dignified the position of "Justice of the Court of the King's
Bench" at Montreal, the Honourable Isaac Ogden. This young
man, the youngest of a large family of children and his father's
favorite, tired of the study of law in comparison with the
glamour of the fur trade ; and there is reason to suspect from
traditional accounts that he was given to youthful activities —
not necessarily vicious — which disturbed the serenity of mind
of his mother and her activities in society. (See Bancroft's

80 T. C. ELLIOTT

Hist, of N.-W. Coast). He entered the employ of the North-
west Company in 1811 (just one hundred years ago), and his
daring career as a clerk in that Company on the Columbia and
elsewhere was known to Donald Mackenzie, with whom prob-
ably Governor Geo. Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company
consulted as to the difficulties and importance of the Snake
Country trade. At any rate Peter Skene Ogden (a name now
familiar and honored in Oregon history), is the next fur
trader to be noticed as a traveler over this trail. He assumed
command of. the Snake Country expedition in the winter of
1824 and set out from Flathead Fort about the middle of
December of that year at the head of "the most formidable
party that ever set out for the Snakes/' consisting of "25
.lodges, 2 gentlemen, 2 interpreters, 71 men and lads, 80 guns,
364 beaver traps 372 horses." His first year was disastrous
in that nearly half his men deserted under persuasion of a
party of Rocky Mt. Fur Company (American) trappers, but
for all that he passed through this valley en route to Fort Nez
Perces about the first of November, 1825, with a goodly num-
ber of beaver skins in his packs.

The story of the career of Peter Skene Ogden could well
occupy an entire address. He is the man whose name became
tradition around Great Salt Lake in Utah so that upon the
arrival there of the Mormons the present city of Ogden was
christened in his honor ; the man who first explored the region
of the Humboldt river, who first recorded the name of Mount
Shasta, who first explored the central and southern Oregon
country which is now being so rapidly developed ; the man who
hastened up the Columbia immediately after the massacre of
the white people at the Wai-i-lat-pu Mission in 1847 and
ransomed the fifty or more women and children held in cap-
tivity there by the Cayuse Indians. This story has been re-
cently published by the Oregon Historical Society and is avail-
able to such as desire it at your Public Library. You are more
especially concerned in his associations with this particular Val-
ley and the mountains which surround it and streams which
flow through it. The Wilson Price Hunt party passed through

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 81

here under conditions of dire distress, but their situation was
not one whit less serious than that of Peter Skene Ogden's
party of trappers while crossing the Elkhorn mountains from
the waters of the John Day river to those of the Powder or
of Burnt River in the winter of 1825-6.

A few entries from his journals will tell that story in his
own words :

"Thursday, 26th (January, 1826). Ice forming- on river;
course east by north 8 miles over a lofty range of hills bare of
wood N. E. Here we leave the waters of Day's River. Since
joining Mr. McDonald, allowing we had one hundred hunters,
had we not our traps we must have starved to death. Where
the Indians of this part reside in winter I cannot (tell) ; have
no doubt concealed in the mountains. * * *

"Friday, 27th. My guide refuses to proceed, says road is
bad and horses require day's rest. I was obliged to comply.
Thank God, when we get across the mountains I trust I shall
soon reach Snake River or south branch of the Columbia; 9
beaver and 1 otter.

"Saturday, 28th. Our guide says there are 6 feet of snow
in mountains ; impossible to pass in this direction ; must try an-
other. Many in the camp are starving. For the last ten days
only one meal every two days. Still the Company's horses
must not fall a sacrifice. We hope when we get across the
mountains to fare better ; today 4 beaver.

"Sunday, 29th. Three inches of snow ; raised camp for S.E.
6 miles ; our guide says he intends to return. A horse this
day killed ; on examining his feet, the hoof entirely worn away
and only raw stump.

"February 2. We are now on the waters of the south branch
of the Columbia.

"February 3. This surely is the Snake Country; as far as
the eye can reach, nothing but lofty mountains. A more gloomy
country I never yet saw; too ( ?) horses killed for food today.

"Saturday, February 4th. We have taken 85 beaver and 16
otter on Day's River; my Snake guide brought in 4 sheep
(Ibex). He says this is Burnt River.

82 T. C. ELLIOTT

"Feb. 5th. Course E. N. E. Crossed river three times
and found the ice sufficiently strong to bear our horses One
of the men detected this day stealing a beaver out of another
man's trap; as starvation was the cause of this he was par-
doned on condition of promising not to do it again.

"10th Feb. Followed the banks of Burnt River S. S. E.
10 miles. One horse killed. Nearly every bone in his body
broken. Two of the men could not advance from weakness.
We have been on short allowance almost too long and re-
semble so many skeletons ; one trap this day gave us 14 beaver.

"11 Feb. Crossed Burnt River within 3 miles of its dis-
charge into Snake River or South branch of Columbia. It
has given us 54 beaver and 6 otter."

But such experiences did not discourage in the least; the
following season always found him at the, same post of re-
sponsibility and subject to the same exposures. Those respon-
sibilities were even greater than had existed in earlier years
because the American trappers had arrived from across the
divide of the Rockies and the competition was more keen and
the Indians more troublesome. On his way to the Portneuf in
1827 Mr. Ogden found Rocky Mountain Fur Company trap-
pers at work as far west as the Weiser river and heard of
them even in this very vicinity. And with three thousand
beaver skins in his packs valued at between ten and twenty
thousand dollars at Fort Vancouver it meant some care and
responsibility to journey from the extremes of the Snake Coun-
try (Pocatello or Winnemucca for instance) to the Columbia,
often with less than a dozen people in his company. The usual
custom was to leave Fort Nez Perces in September by the
trail leading up the Walla Walla river as far as the Forks of
that stream, five miles above Milton, Oregon ; to cross the Blue
Mountain Range by what has become the Toll Gate road to the
lower end of the Grande Ronde Valley at Summerville (and
there they used to cut the lodge or tepee poles for the season) ;
thence they passed through the Grande Ronde Valley and over
the divide to the Powder river usually making a camp for the
night at the large spring, called by them a fountain, now

EARLIEST TRAVELERS ON OREGON TRAIL 83

quite certainly located about five miles from this city and ap-
propriately called Ogden's Fountain; and from here by the
regular road to the Snake River at Huntington. It was along
in this Valley that Mr. Ogden would begin to divide his party
into detachments, sending them in different directions upon
different streams with instructions to meet again at a certain
place and date ; and rarely were the appointments missed. The
whole party would return to Fort Nez Perces again in June or
July following.

In the summer of 1829 Mr. Ogden was ordered to conduct
a party to California and he turned over the Snake Country
Brigade to his worthy companion John Work (or Wark as
spelled in Scotland) who succeeded to its difficulties and dan-
gers. Our record of the journeys of John Work is not yet en-
tirely available and we are unable to speak at length. John
Work was another forceful fur trader who left his track along
most of the streams of the Columbia basin. His journals were
kept very regularly and usually with some elaboration, and to
him we are indebted for much of the detail that can be stated
with accuracy concerning those early days. His body lies
buried at Victoria in British Columbia where the family line is
perpetuated through descendants of William Fraser Tolmie,
who married one of his daughters. Mr. John Work continued
in charge of the Snake Country trade (as far as we know),
until 1832-4, when that irrepressible Yankee from Cambridge,
Mass., Nathaniel J. Wyeth, twice crossed the plains and moun-
tains to compete with the Hudson's Bay Company for the com-
merce of the Columbia and built Fort Hall on the Upper Snake.
And with the advent of the American travelers from across
the Rockies we will consider this chapter complete.

The development of the "Oregon Trail" may be otherwise
termed an example of "the survival of the fittest to survive."
The white man has followed in the track of the red man ; first
on foot, then on horseback, then in the wheeled wagon or
"horse-canoe," a little later in the passenger coach, later still
in the Pullman, and finally in the automobile. When Wilson
Price Hunt fell into direst extremity the Shoshone Indian con-

84 T. C. ELLIOTT

sented to show the way his people had traveled, from the time
he could remember and earlier. This was the road used by
the Cayuses on their way to the buffalo country ; for the plains
and valleys of Southern Idaho and Oregon and Northern Utah
and Nevada were once the range of the buffalo. This was the
war track connecting the Snake with the Nez Perces nations,
for it was the nature of the Indian to maraud. With the ad-
vent of the white man came commerce, then habitation here
and there, and progress step by step to the civilization of the
present day.

Such centenaries as this, .which recall the deeds and men of
former years, fitly contribute to the culture of the present.

CENTENNIAL OF ARRIVAL OF FIRST WHITE MEN
IN BAKER COUNTY.

By George H. Himes

It was a happy as well as a timely thought on the part of
Rev. J. Neilson Barry, rector of the Protesant Episcopal
Church at Baker, Oregon, to begin early in 1911 to agitate
the question of celebrating the one hundredth aniversary of
the arrival of the first white men in the Powder Valley. These
men were led by Wilson Price Hunt, a partner of John Jacob
Astor, who left St. Louis on March 12, 1811, and constituted
the overland section of the Astor Expedition. Mr. Barry followed
the suggestion by making a critical study of the route followed,
so far as it is described by Washington Irving in his "Astoria,"
and other books relating to the subject. And furthermore,
from the time when the expedition left Snake River on its
way to Powder River Valley and on westward to the locality
where Baker is now situated, and on beyond to Grand Roride
Valley, a distance of over one hundred miles, Mr. Barry ex-
plored the route the Hunt party followed, by rail, bicycle,
wagon or on foot, as the necessites of the self-appointed task
required. By describing these experiences from day to day
and comparing the trails he found with the roadways of the
present time in the daily papers of his city for several weeks
prior to the date fixed for the celebration — December 28th —
much interest in the event was aroused among the citizens of
Baker.

During the afternoon of the day appointed two auto loads
of the, guests from outside of Baker — among them Judge
Stephen A. Lowell and Senator C. A. Barrett, Pendleton,
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla, Washington, Senator Walter A.
Pierce, Hot Lake, and George H. Himes, Portland — were
taken to "Ogden's Fountain" — Peter Skene Ogden's camp,
Sept. 30, 1828 — and camping ground of Hunt one hundred
years ago — both on the "Cold Spring Ranch," six miles south
of Baker, owned by Mr. D. H. Shaw. This trip was made in
the teeth of a fierce snow storm, which gave the participants a

86 ARRIVAL OF FIRST WHITE MEN IN BAKER COUNTY

hint of the conditions which both Ogden and Hunt and his
men frequently encountered, to say nothing about the contrast
in the method of locomotion.

At six o'clock P. M. a banquet was given at the Geiser
Grand Hotel, with over one hundred of Baker's principal citi-
zens present in addition to the guests from abroad. Two espe-
cially interesting characters — David Littlefield and William H.
Packwood — were in attendance as guests of honor. Mr. Little-
field is the only survivor of the party which discovered gold in
Griffin's Gulch, about nine miles from Baker, in August, 1861,
and Mr. Packwood is the only surviving member of the Oregon
Constitutional Convention of August- September, 1857. Mr.
Charles H. Breck, of Baker, was toastmaster and responses
were made by a number of the visiting guests.

At eight o'clock the formal exercises were held at Nevius
Hall, with Judge William Smith, of Baker, presiding. The
principal address was given by T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla,
Washington, and his subject was "The Earliest Travelers on
the Oregon Trail." This address appears in full elsewhere in
this number of The Quarterly. Judge Lowell, Senators Pierce
and Barrett, Mr. Littlefield, Mr. Packwood and Mr. Himes
followed with short addresses; emphasis being given by each
speaker to the educational value of preserving the memory of
historical places and the actors connected with the same.

At the suggestion of Mr. Himes the following telegram,
signed by Mr. Elliott, Director, and himself as Assistant Sec-
retary of the Oregon Historical Society, was sent to the Ameri-
can Historical Association in session at Buffalo, New York:
"Citizens of this place and members of the Oregon Historical
Society are celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of the
entrance of Americans into the Powder River Valley. This
body of men, led by Wilson Price Hunt, was the overland
section of the Astor party. We send you greeting."

An announcement was made by Judge Smith that the cen-
tennial of the discovery of Hot Lake, Union County, would be
celebrated in August next with special exercises and a barbecue.

NOTES

A few years ago the State of Kansas provided for the mark*
ing of the course of the old Santa Fe Trail across that State ;
last year a commission created by act of the legislature of
Nebraska undertook the marking of the old Oregon Trail
throughout its course in that state. Would it not be seemly
for the State of Oregon to take cognizance of its wealth his-
torical prestige?

The legislature of Indiana at its last session provided for
the initial steps toward erecting a building which shall house
the state library and museum. This building is designed to be
a "permanent memorial for the centennial of Indiana's state-
hood." The state and local archives of that commonwealth
have been examined as to their safety and the need is seen for
the permanent and proper housing of these records. It is be-
ing strongly urged that all documents, both state and local,
which are not in current use, be placed under the care of the
department of archives and history.

At the eighth annual conference of historical societies held
at Buffalo in December one of the two principal subjects of
discussion was historical society buildings. The speakers empha-
sized the need of clear and definite ideas of the purposes to be
served by such a building. Among these were that it should be
useful to as many people in a community as possible ; that it
should contain an auditorium of ample size, thoroughly equip-
ped for entertainments and especially for illustrated lectures ;
the offices should be adapted to the sort of work to be carried
on and that the building should contain some place where the
quiet essential to historical and literary work may be found.

At the third annual conference of archivists, also held in
conjunction with the meeting of the American Historical As-
sociation at Buffalo, the problem of protecting archives from
fire was the main topic of discussion. This was suggested by
the recent catastrophes at Albany and at Jefferson City. Con-
stant supervision, with fire-fighting apparatus in readiness,
was counted indispensable even in a building structurally fire-
proof.

r*.

THE QUARTERLY

ollhe

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XIII JUNE 1912 NUMBER 2

Copyright, 1912, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavow! responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to iu paces

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE OREGON PRO-
VISIONAL GOVERNMENT AND WHAT
CAUSED ITS FORMATION

Address delivered by Frederick V. Holman at Champoeg.May 2. 1912*

In order to have an accurate idea of the Provisional Govern-
ment of Oregon, the reasons which led to its creation, and of
its beginning, it is necessary to consider the condition of affairs
in the Oregon Country prior to, and in the years 1841 and

1842.

THE OREGON COUNTRY.

Prior to the boundary treaty of June, 1846, fixing the
present boundary line between the United States and Canada,
from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, what is
known as the "Oregon Country" was definitely bounded on
the south by north latitude 42 degrees, then the north boundary
of the Spanish settlements west of the Rocky Mountains, and
now the north boundary lines of the States of California and
Nevada ; on the west by the Pacific Ocean ; and indefinitely on
the east by the summit of the Rocky Mountains; and on the
north by an undetermined line, claimed by the United States
as being 54 degrees and 40 minutes, north latitude. It in-
cluded all of the present States of Oregon, Washington, and
Idaho, and parts of the States of Montana and Wyoming, and
a large part of the present Dominion of British Columbia.

* (When Mr. Holman began writing this address, he intended it should be
merely an address at the anniversary of the meeting of May 2, 1843. As it was
desired to have it printed in this Quarterly, while he wrote it in the form of an
address, he made it a brief history of the Oregon Provisional Government, including
causes which led to its formation. A portion only of this address was read by him
at Champoeg, May 2, 1912. — Editor.)

90 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

In this addresss I cannot go into the details of the respec-
tive claims of the United States and of Great Britain to the
Oregon country, nor on what these respective claims were
based.

After the discovery of the Columbia River by Capt. Robert
Gray, May 11, 1792, there were, no land expeditions by either
government, nor expeditions by any of its citizens to the
Oregon country until the expedition of Lewis and Clark which
reached the mouth of the Columbia River in 1805, and except-
ing also the journey of Alexander Mackenzie, one of the part-
ners of the Northwest Company, in 1793, which was north of
latitude 52 degrees. On this journey, Mackenzie discovered
the upper waters of what is now called the Fraser River in
British Columbia. Nor shall I more than mention the estab-
lishment by the Northwest Company (of Montreal), in 1806,
and thereafter, of posts in the northern interior of British
Columbia on the Fraser River, its tributaries, and its and their
vicinities, nor the discovery by David Thompson, in 1807, of
the head waters of the Columbia River.

I shall but merely mention the founding of Astoria, April
12, 1811, by the Pacific Fur Company, controlled by John
Jacob Astor; of the treacherous sale of the assets of this
company by Duncan McDougal — one of Astor's partners — to
the Northwest Company in October, 1813 ; of the capture of
Astoria, November 13, 1813, by a British sloop-of-war, and of
the restoration of Astoria to the United States, October 6, 1818,
under the provisions of the treaty of Ghent, signed December
24, 1814, by which the war of 1812 was terminated.

The Northwest Company continued the business and enter-
prises in the Oregon Country, which it had acquired by the
purchase of the business of the Pacific Fur Company, and also
of the. business which the Northwest Company had established
on its own account in the Oregon Country, until it coalesced
with the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821. In 1824, Dr. John
McLoughlin came to take charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's
affairs west of the Rocky Mountains. He changed the head-

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 91

quarters of the company from Astoria, near to what is now the
City of Vancouver, Washington, naming the place Fort Van-
couver. From his arrival in Oregon until 1840, and for a
few years after that year, he was the great and noble auto-
crat of the whole Oregon Country, its ruler and the protector
of all peoples therein, not only of the Indians, but of the white
people, without regard to race, citizenship, or religion. And
this came about by common consent, and by the fact that he
was by nature a great leader and captain of men — absolute,
severe, just, honest, humane, kindly, and courteous to all white
people — to those connected with his company as well as to
those having no relation to it. He was the absolute, but just,
master of the Indians, of whom, it is estimated, there were
one hundred thousand in the Oregon Country when he came,
in 1824.

THE JOINT-OCCUPANCY OF THE OREGON COUNTRY.

Unfortunately, the Treaty of Ghent did not settle the Ore-
gon question. By what is called a convention, instead of a
treaty, between the United States and Great Britain, signed
October 20, 1818, it was provided that the Oregon Country
should be free and open for a period of ten years, to the citi-
zens and subjects of the two countries, i. e., what was called
joint-occupancy. Another convention for joint-occupancy be-
tween these countries was signed August 6, 1827, which con-
tinued in force until the boundary treaty of 1846 went into
effect.

There were no laws of the United States in effect in this
whole Oregon Country. There was little trouble between the
white people, or between the white people and the Indians,
for the great command of Dr. John McLoughlin was practi-
cally supreme; although it had no more than a moral force
with citizens of the United States, for he did not attempt to
exercise authority over them.

By the Act of the British Parliament in July, 1821, the
Courts of Judicature of Upper Canada were given jurisdic-
tion of civil and criminal matters in the Indian Territory and

92 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

othetf parts of America, not within the protection of Lower
or Upper Canada, nor of any civil government of the United
States. Under this law, Justices of the Peace in the Oregon
Country were appointed. James Douglas, afterwards knighted
and Governor of Vancouver's Island, was the first Justice of
the Peace at Fort Vancouver. But this act of Parliament did
not apply to American citizens, and no attempt was made to
enforce it upon them.

SETTLERS IN THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

As early as 1825, from what he had seen of the Oregon
Country, Dr. John McLoughlin concluded that Western Ore-
gon was the finest portion of North America, that he had seen,
for the residence of civilized man. He later ascertained that
wheat of an exceptionally fine quality grew there.

The Hudson's Bay Company was bound, under heavy penal-
ties, not to discharge any of its servants or employes, in the
Indian country, and to return them to the places where they
were originally hired. But prior to 1827, several Canadian
servants or employes, whose times of service were about ended,
did not desire to return to Canada but to settle in Oregon. To
accommodate these persons, Dr. McLoughlin agreed to keep
them on the books of the Company, to purchase, their wheat,
and to sell them supplies at very reasonable prices. The first
settler in the Willamette Valley was Etienne Lucier. He first
settled at a point about where Stephens' Addition to East Port-
land is situated, but in the year 1827, or 1828 (the exact year
is doubtful), he moved to what is now called French Prairie,
not far from Champoeg, and made there his permanent resi-
dence, which continued during his life. He died in 1853.

In course of time, other French-Canadian servants or em-
ployes of the Hudson's Bay Company settled on French
Prairie, so that, in 1841, there were a number of families there,
the number of grown men being about sixty.

Hon. Willard H. Rees, in the annual address, in 1879, before
the Oregon Pioneer Association, speaking of these French-
Canadian settlers, said:

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 93

"There were a very few of the old Canadian settlers who
had received any book education, and as few that could
speak any English. The latter was in a great measure
owing to the formation by the early fur traders of a dialect
called the Chinook Jargon, comprising words from the In-
dian, French and English languages."

Nevertheless, they were men of good character, and of
kindly disposition, and regarded Dr. McLoughlin with simple,
but absolute, reverence. Among these French-Canadians, in
addition to Etienne Lucier, were Joseph Gervais, and Louis
LaBonte, who came to Oregon with the party of Wilson Price
Hunt in 1812.

AMERICAN SETTLERS IN THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY PRIOR TO

1841.

Prior to 1841 a number of American citizens, and a few
British subjects, most of them having Indian wives, had settled
in' different parts of the Willamette Valley, and particularly
near French Prairie, in parts of Yamhill County, and on what
was called the Tualatin Plains, situated in Washington County.
These men were men of high courage, and most of them had
been engaged in trapping or trading with the Indians. It is dif-
ficult, if not impossible, now, to ascertain the names of all of
these early settlers, and in some instances, there is doubt as
to the exact years in which they settled in Oregon. After a
somewhat careful examination, however, I believe that I have
obtained the names of most, if not all of them, who were living
in Oregon in February, 1841, and, at least, approximately the
respective years in which they settled in Oregon. The Ameri-
can citizens I shall hereinafter call "Americans."

The following men were Americans : William Cannon, who
came to Oregon in 1811, with the party of Wilson Price Hunt.
He was living in the Willamette Valley when Commodore
Wilkes was here in 1841. Solomon H. Smith, Calvin Tibbetts,
and G. Sargent came to Oregon with the first expedition of
Nathaniel J. Wyeth, in 1832, and settled in the Willamette
Valley. George W. Ebberts, a free trapper, is said to have
settled in the Willamette Valley in 1833, but in Bancroft's His-

94 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

tory of Oregon, it is said he came in 1839, and in Gray's
History of Oregon, it is said he came in 1840.

It was in 1834 that the real settlement in Oregon by Ameri-
cans began. The first expedition of Nathaniel J. Wyeth, in
1832, was a failure because his vessel, loaded with goods and
supplies, was wrecked in the South Pacific ocean, but his party
was very small when it arrived in the Oregon Country. He
returned to his home in Boston, Massachusetts. In 1834 he
came again to Oregon with a large party, well equipped. With
him came the first missionaries : Rev. Jason Lee, and Rev.
Daniel Lee, Canadians and British subjects, Cyrus Shepard,
P. L. Edwards, and Courtney M. Walker, Americans. They
were all Methodists. These Methodist missionaries settled on
or near French Prairie at a place about ten miles north of
Salem, and there established the first mission of any kind in
the Oregon Country.

After continuing his enterprise for a time, this second ex-
pedition of Wyeth's failed, and he sold all his assets to the
Hudson's Bay Company. Of the men in this second expedi-
tion, there settled in Oregon: James A. O'Neil, Thomas J.
Hubbard, Charles Roe, Richard McCrary, all Americans.

In 1834 there came from California, a party led by Ewing
Young, who settled in Chehalem Valley, on the west side of the
Willamette River, not far distant from Champoeg. In addi-
tion to Ewing Young, there were the following white settlers .
Lawrence Carmichel, Joseph Gale, Webley John Hauxhurst,

John Howard, Brandywine, Kilborn, and

John McCarty, all Americans.

In 1835 there also came a party from California who
settled in the Willamette Valley. They were : Dr. W. J. Bailey,
born in Ireland, George Gay, an Englishman, each of whom
joined with the Americans in founding the Provisional Govern-
ment, and John Turner, an American.

William Johnson, an Englishman, settled near Champoeg
about 1835. Commodore Wilkes speaks of staying at John-
son's house in 1841. Wilkes says that Johnson was a seaman
and took part in the naval fight between the Constitution and

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 95

the Guerriere in the war of 1812, but Wilkes does not say on
which ship Johnson fought. Presumably, from Wilkes' nar-
rative, Johnson was on the Constitution. After being a trap-
per for several years, Johnson settled in Oregon.

In 1836 there came the first missionaries appointed by the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. They
were: Rev. H. H. Spalding, Dr. Marcus Whitman, and their
wives, and W. H. Gray, Presbyterians. They established their
missions at Waiilatpu, near the present city of Walla Walla,
Washington, and at Lapwai, near the present city of Lewiston,
Idaho. In 1838 they were joined by Rev. dishing Eells and
Rev. Elkanah Walker, and their wives, Congregationalists,
appointed by the same Board, who established a mission at
Tshimakain (now spelled Chemakane), near Ft. Colville, Wash-
ington, and by Cornelius Rogers who was a teacher, first at
Lapwai and afterwards at Waiilatpu. None of these mission-
aries took part in forming the Provisional Government, except-
ing W. H. Gray, who had left these missionaries and settled in
the Willamette Valley prior to 1841. They were all Americans.

In 1837 the following Methodist missionaries arrived in
Oregon: Dr. Elijah White and wife, Rev. David Leslie and
wife, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, Alanson Beers and wife, W. H.
Willson, and three women missionaries, who afterwards mar-
ried Methodist missionaries. In 1837 Henry Wood came from
California with the Cattle Company. They were all Ameri-
cans.

In 1838 there came to Oregon the first Catholic mission-
aries. They were : Rev. Francis Norbert Blanchet, afterwards
the first Catholic Archbishop of Oregon, and Rev. Modeste
Demers, afterwards a Bishop. They were French-Canadians
and British subjects. Rev. Pierre DeSmet, the noted Jesuit
missionary, did not come to Oregon until 1840, and did not
make Oregon his permanent home. He was a Belgian.

In 1839 or 1840, there were several free trappers who made
Oregon their home, having left the service of the American
Fur Company. They settled on Tualatin Plains. They were:
William Craig, John Larison, Joseph L. Meek, Robert Newell,

96 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

C. M. Walker, and Caleb Wilkins. Osborn Russell probably
came in 1842. They were all Americans and were brave,
hardy and competent mountain men who were well styled
"Independent Trappers." In the report of Gov. Joseph Lane
"to the Secretary of War, or the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs," dated October 13, 1849, he said that Robert Newell,
who had been appointed a sub-agent of Indian affairs, "is an
old mountaineer having spent ten years in the mountains [from
1829 to 1839], where he followed trapping," and that "from
1839 to the present time [1849], he has resided within the
district to which he is assigned to duty and has become well
acquainted with the Indians in the valley of the Willamette."

In May, 1839, a party of fourteen persons left Peoria,
Illinois, for Oregon. A few only of this party arrived and
settled in Oregon in 1840. They were: Amos Cook, R. L.
Kilbourne, Robert Shortess, and Sidney Smith, Americans,
and Francis Fletcher and Joseph Holman, Englishmen. In
1839 there came John Edmund Pickernell, an English sailor,
who went by the name of Edmunds.

Later in 1839, another party left Peoria for Oregon, which
also did not arrive in Oregon as a party. One of this party
was Robert Moore, who arrived in 1840 and took up a land
claim on the west side of the Willamette Falls, opposite Ore-
gon City. Others who settled in Oregon were Pleasant Arm-
strong, George Davis and Joel Walker. Rev. J. S. Griffin,
Ashael Munger and their wives, independent missionaries,
arrived in Oregon late in 1839. They wintered with the
Presbyterian missionaries. In 1841 Griffin and wife settled
on Tualatin Plains. Munger and wife came to Salem late in
1841. They were all Americans.

In 1840 there came another party of independent mission-
aries, all Americans. They were: Rev. Harvey Clark, Rev.
P. B. Littlejohn, Alvin T. Smith, and their wives. They also
settled on Tualatin Plains.

There were some other Oregon settlers who arrived in or
prior to 1840. Some of these were : John Green, Felix Hatha-
way and Charles Watts, Americans. I am unable to give the

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 97

years in which they settled in Oregon. They were of the
party of eight that built the vessel STAR OF OREGON in
1841. W. H. Gray in his History of Oregon, page 190, says
that Felix Hathaway, who was a ship carpenter, was a sur-
vivor of the William and Ann, a vessel which was wrecked at
the mouth of the Columbia River in 1829. All other Oregon
histories and accounts of the wreck say that no one survived
the disaster.

George LeBreton, an American, who was chosen May 2,
1843, the Clerk or Recorder of the Supreme Court of the Pro-
visional Government, came to Oregon, in 1840, on the Brig
"Maryland," as supercargo, the brig being commanded by
Captain John H. Couch. LeBreton made Oregon his home.

So far as I have been able to learn, only two white men
settled in the Willamette Valley in 1841 : William M. Doughty,
a free trapper, an American, and Charles McKay, a Scotchman,
but in 1841 a party consisting of twenty-three families being
about sixty persons, all British subjects, and agriculturists
from the Red River Settlement and Territory, some of whom
were French-Canadians, arrived at Ft. Walla Walla, October
4 of that year, and a short time after, most of them settled
on the Nisqually Plains on Puget Sound. Later, probably
in 1842, most of them settled in the Willamette Valley (Lee
and Frost's "Ten Years in Oregon," 216). One or two
stayed on the Nisqually Plains. Two or three families settled
on the Cowlitz River. This is the party, on whose supposed
arrival in the fall of 1842, is largely based the Whitman Myth.

THE LAUSANNE PARTY.

In 1838 Rev. Jason Lee returned to the eastern states to
obtain additions to the Oregon Methodist Mission. Even at
that time, the Mission, as a mission, was a failure, for the
reason that there were scarcely any Indians in the Willamette
Valley to be converted. Nevertheless, he raised a large sum
of money, and the ship Lausanne was chartered, which brought
a number of missionaries and a large quantity of goods for a
store and materials for the construction of grist and saw mills.

98 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

With the arrival of the Lausanne the Oregon Methodist Mis-
sion became in effect a Methodist colony. (Hines' "Missionary
History of the Pacific Northwest," page 139). In this His-
tory Rev. H. K. Hines says, that after the arrival of the
Lausanne party, often called the "great re-enforcement," the
entire force attached to the Methodist missions was as follows :

"Ministers : Jason Lee, Daniel Lee, David Leslie, H. K. W.
Perkins, G. Hines, A. F. Waller, J. L. Frost, W. W. Kone
and J. P. Richmond. In the secular department, Dr. Elijah
White, Ira L. Babcock, George Abernethy, H. B. Brewer,
L. H. Judson, J. L. Parrish, James Olley, Hamilton Camp-
bell, Alanson Beers, W. H. Willson and W. W. Raymond.
Teachers : Miss Margaret Smith, Miss Chloe A. Clark, Miss
Almira Phillips, Miss Elmira Phelps, with Miss Orpha
Lankton as stewardess. All of the ministers, and all in
the secular departments, except W. H. Willson, had families.
Together, they constituted a missionary force of forty-one
adults, and in the several families there were not far from
fifty children."

REASONS FOR FORMING A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.
As I have said, there were no laws in Oregon which applied
to American citizens, but the Hudson's Bay Company, through
Dr. McLoughlin, exercised a commanding influence over the
conduct of affairs. There were no lawsuits, for there were
no courts and but little trouble between the American settlers,
or between them and the Hudson's Bay Company's people, and
other British subjects, although there was occasionally some
small friction. The Indians in the Willamette Valley were a
negligible quantity. The Methodist mission, by reason of its
numbers, and having a store and mills, attempted to exercise
control over public affairs, although not in an offensive way.
These early American settlers in Oregon, and the British
subjects, who affiliated with them, were not the kind of men to
be forced to do anything by either the Hudson's Bay Company
or the Methodist mission, or by anyone. The French-Canadian
settlers were men, by nature, peaceable, and made no trouble.
It was a peculiar, but pleasant, state of affairs, where men re-
spected the rights of each other and there was no government.

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 99

To these settlers in the Willamette Valley the conditions
must have seemed almost ideal. The French-Canadians had
been in the wilderness for many years, where they had trapped,
paddled the canoes for many a weary mile each year, and
carried the heavy packages over many portages. They had
been subject to discipline and to the exercise of authority by
their superiors in the Hudson's Bay Company. They were old,
or becoming so, from age, and by reason of hardships suffered.
Their gentle dispositions caused them to take kindly to retire-
ment and an easy way of living. Their Indian consorts were
patient, obedient, and were constant workers. Their children
were contented. They were under the protection of the Hud-
son's Bay Company and of Dr. John McLoughlin, whom to
obey was a pleasurable duty. All their wheat was taken by
the Company at a good and constant price. They purchased
their goods at prices which gave the Company a very moderate
profit. Their fields and their gardens supplied them in abun-
dance. The streams were full of trout, and game, especially
deer, was plentiful. They had priests of their religious faith.
The Methodist missionaries did not try to proselyte them.
Their only trouble was the knowledge that sooner or later
death would come. They paid no taxes. They, their families,
and their properties, were safe from assault or other dangers.
The Indians were peaceable and not to be feared. They were
not troubled by letters or newspapers. What more could
they ask?

The other settlers were of a different mold and character.
They were nearly all men of the frontier and of the moun-
tains. Most of them were men who dared to do, and who had
settled in the Willamette Valley, after years of hardships, priva-
tions, and daring. They had lived with and fought savage
Indians, taking chances on their lives on many occasions. They
were not accustomed to take orders from anyone unless they
had agreed to his command, nor to fail in anything they under-
took. They were accustomed to look danger straight in the
eye, and not be afraid ; to encounter hardships, and not to
shirk ; to hear the call of duty, and to perform it. They were

100 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

not afraid of the Hudson's Bay Company, and Dr. John Mc-
laughlin was the friend and benefactor of each of them. To
them the Missionaries were not rulers nor dangerous. They
were merely harmless and amusing. To attempt to coerce
these, settlers would have been unwise. To interfere with their
families, their rights, or their properties, would have been dan-
gerous. And so they lived in an easy and careless fashion with
their Indian wives and their half-breed children, without care
and without need for laws, but always respectful of the rights
of others. They, too, grew some wheat and vegetables, and
hunted and fished, and occasionally did some trapping in an
idle way for pleasure and profits, for Dr. McLoughlin took
their surplus wheat and furs and sold them merchandise on
the same basis he treated the French-Canadians. They had no
more trouble than the latter, and took life nearly as easily. It
was a pleasant way for trappers and frontiermen to spend the
time, especially after the days of declining years began.

It is one of the traditions or instincts of Americans to form
temporary organizations where laws do not prevail. This was
the case in Eastern Tennessee, where a provisional government
was established in 1772, which was known as the "Wautauga
Association," and the "State of Franklin" in 1784. It was done
in the formation of mining districts in California before it
became a State, and in early mining days of Oregon and Idaho.
March 16, 1838, a mass meeting of the American citizens was
held in the Willamette Valley, and a memorandum drawn up
and sent to Senator Linn, who presented it to the Senate Janu-
ary 28, 1839. It was signed by thirty-six settlers. After
setting forth the fertility of the soil, and the commercial ad-
vantages of Oregon, the petition set forth:

"We have thus briefly shown that the security of our per-
sons and our property, the hopes and destinies of our chil-
dren are involved in the objects of our petitions."
This petition also set forth that there was no civil code in
Oregon, and that the petitioners could "promise no protection
but the ulterior resort of self-defense." It ended as follows:
"It is therefore of primary importance that the Government
should take energetic measures to secure the execution of all

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 101

laws affecting- Indian trade and the intercourse of white men
and Indians."

In 1840 another petition was sent to Congress, setting forth
the condition of affairs, and calling the attention of Congress to
their condition as an infant colony, without military force and
civil institutions to protect their lives and property and chil-
dren. It ends as follows :

"We respectfully ask for the civil institutions of the Ameri-
can Republic. We pray for the high privilege of American
citizenship, the peaceful enjoyment of life, the right of acquir-
ing, possessing and using property, and the unrestrained pur-
suit of rational happiness."

Another petition to Congress, dated March 25, 1843, was
signed by a number of settlers in the Willamette Valley. The
prayer of the petition is as follows :

"And now your memorialists pray your honorable body, that
immediate action of Congress be taken in regard to their
country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our
territory, as may, in your wisdom, be thought best for the
good of the American citizens residing here."

Of course, Congress could take no action in this matter, par-
ticularly, for the reason that the convention for joint-occupancy
was in force, and this convention, by its terms, could not be
terminated without at least one year's notice from one country
to the other. These petitions, however, show that as early as
1838, the idea of some form of government was in the minds
of the American settlers in Oregon.

Ewing Young, in February, 1841, had become the most
prosperous American settler in Oregon. He was a man of
great force of character, who had lived in Mexico and Cali-
fornia and on the American frontier for a number of years be-
fore coming to Oregon. He died on February 15, 1841, and
was buried February 17, on which occasion many of the
American settlers were present. It became known that he had
left no will, and, so far as known, he had no heirs.

On February 15, a meeting was organized by electing Rev.
Jason Lee chairman, but no record can be found of this meet-
ing. February 17, another meeting was called, and Rev. Gus-

102 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

tavus Mines was chosen Secretary, and George LeBreton was
added to the committee. It was decided that a committee of
seven be elected for the purpose of drafting a constitution and
code of laws for the government of the settlements, south of
the Columbia River ; and that all settlers, north of the Colum-
bia River, not connected with the Hudson's Bay Company, be
admitted to the protection of the laws of this government on
making application to that effect. There were then no American
settlers north of the Columbia River, although there were a few
Protestant Missionaries east of that river, and north of the
present north line of the State of Oregon. It was also deter-
mined for the committee to propose the making of certain
offices. (Oregon Archives, page 5). A meeting was held on
February 18? at the Methodist Mission, and Rev. David Leslie
was elected chairman and Sidney Smith and Gustavus Hines
were chosen secretaries. The proceedings of the previous
meeting were presented to the assembly and were accepted in
part. It was determined that a committee be chosen for framing
a constitution and drafting a code of laws and that the fol-
lowing persons compose the committee : Rev. F. N. Blanchet,
Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Gustavus Hines, J. L. Parrish, David

Donpierre Charlevon, Robert Moore, Etienne

Lucier, and William Johnson. Dr. Ira L. Babcock was ap-
pointed to fill the office of Supreme Judge with probate powers,
and George LeBreton was chosen to fill the office of clerk of
courts and public recorder. A sheriff was chosen as well as
three constables. It was resolved that, until a code of laws
be adopted by the community, Dr. Babcock be instructed to
act according to the laws of the State of New York. It was
further resolved to meet on the first Tuesday of June, 1841.
At the meeting on June 1, 1841, Rev. F. N. Blanchet re-
quested to be excused from further serving on the committee
to draft a constitution and code of laws. He was excused,
and Dr. W. J. Bailey was chosen to fill the vacancy, and the
committee was instructed to meet on the first Monday in
August, 1841, and that they report to an adjourned meeting
on the first Tuesday in October, 1841.

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 103

It was further resolved that this committee be instructed to
confer with Commodore Wilkes,, of the American squadron,
and with Dr. John McLoughlin, with regard to framing a con-
stitution and code of laws for the community. The committee
was instructed to take into consideration certain other matters.
So far as can be found, there was no meeting in October., and
no further proceedings resulted from this preliminary organi-
zation.

In Commodore Wilkes' Narrative of the United States Ex-
ploring Expedition, Vol. IV, page 352, he said that a com-
mittee of five waited upon him to consult and ask his advice
relative to the establishment of laws. He then said :

"After hearing attentively all their arguments and reasons
for this change, I could see none sufficiently strong to induce
the step. No crime appears yet to have been committed,, and
the persons and property of settlers are secure. Their principal
reasons appear to me to be, that it would give them more
importance in the eyes of others at a distance, and induce
settlers to flock in, thereby raising the value of their farms
and stock. I could not view this subject in such a light, and
differed with them entirely as to the necessity or policy of
adopting the change.

"1st. On account of their want of right, as those wishing
for laws,, were, in fact, a small minority of the settlers.

"2nd. That these were not yet necessary even by their own
account.

"3rd. That any laws they might establish would be a poor
substitute for the moral code they all now followed, and that
evil-doers would not be disposed to settle near a community
entirely opposed to their practices.

"4th. The great difficulty they would have in enforcing
any laws, and defining the limits over which they had con-
trol, and the discord this might occasion in their small com-
munity.

"5th. They not being the majority, and the larger part of
the population being Catholics, the latter would elect officers
of their party, and they would thus place themselves entirely
under the control of others.

"6th. The unfavorable impressions it would produce at
home, from the belief that the missions had admitted that in a
community brought together by themselves they had not enough
of moral force to control it and prevent crime, and therefore
must have recourse to a criminal code.

104 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

"From my own observation and the information I had ob-
tained, I was well satisfied that laws were not needed, and
were not desired by the Catholic portion of the settlers. I
therefore could not avoid drawing their attenion to the fact,
that after all the various officers they proposed making were
appointed, there would be, no subjects for the law to deal
with. I further advised them to wait until the Government of
the United States should throw its mantle over them. These
views, I was afterwards told, determined a postponement of
their intentions."

Dr. McLoughlin, at first, was not in favor of establishing a
government, unless it was absolutely an independent one and
merely for mutual protection. The movement was controlled
by men, some of whom he knew were unfriendly, if not openly
opposed or hostile to him and to his Company. Among these
were several Methodist Missionaries, with whom he had had
trouble in relation to his land claim at Oregon City. He had
reason to fear that his right to his land claim might be inter-
fered with by such a government. That his fears in this re-
spect were justified is shown by the land laws adopted by the
Provisional Government, July 5, 1843. It was apparent that
it was intended to make such a government in the interests of
the United States, if not actually opposed or hostile to Great
Britain and to the Hudson's Bay Company. If such were the
case, he would be disloyal to the country, of which he was a
subject, and false to his company, of which he was the head
in all the Oregon Country. A resolution passed at the meeting
of February, 1841, certainly sounded like hostility to his Com-
pany. It was that:

"All settlers north of the Columbia River, not connected with
the Hudson's Bay Company, be admitted to the protection of
our laws on making application to that effect."

POPULATION OF OREGON IN 1840 AND 1841.

It is interesting to take into account the number of people in
Oregon in 1840 and 1841. In J. Quinn Thornton's "History
of the Provisional Government of Oregon" (Transactions of
the Oregon Pioneer Association for the year 1875, pages 43-
96), he says:

"In the autumn of 1840, there were in Oregon thirty-six
American male settlers, twenty-five of whom had taken native

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 105

women for their wives. There were also thirty-three American
women, thirty-two children, thirteen lay members of the Pro-
testant Missions, thirteen Methodist ministers, six Congrega-
tional ministers, three Jesuit priests, and sixty Canadian-French,
making an aggregate of one hundred and thirty-seven Ameri-
cans, and sixty-three Canadian-French (including the priests
in the latter class) having no connection as employes of the
Hudson's Bay Company.

"I have said that the population outside of the Hudson's Bay
Company increased slowly. How much so, will be seen by
the fact that up to the beginning of the year 1842, there were
in Oregon no more than twenty-one Protestant ministers,
three Jesuit priests, fifteen lay members of Protestant churches,
thirty-four white women, thirty-two white children, thirty-four
American settlers, twenty-five of whom had native wives. The
total American population will thus be seen to have been no
more than one hundred and thirty-seven."

Rev. Gustavus Hines, in his "Missionary History of Oregon/'
says that in 1840 there were only nine Methodist ministers in
the Oregon Mission. Some of the lay members, of which J.
L. Parrish, the Mission blacksmith, was one, became ministers,
which probably accounts for the difference in the estimates of
Thornton and Hines as to the number of Methodist ministers.

In Gray's "History of Oregon," pages 185-192, he endeavors
to give a list of the early settlers in Oregon, and says that
he, at one time, made a list of names, but the list had been
lost. He further says:

"It will be seen that we had in the country in the fall of
1840, thirty-six American settlers, twenty-five of them with
native wives ; thirty-three American women ; thirty-two chil-
dren, thirteen lay members of the Protestant Missions, nine-
teen ministers (thirteen Methodist, six Congregational), four
physicians, three American and one English, three Jesuit
priests, and sixty Canadian-French, making outside of the
Hudson's Bay Company, one hundred and thirty-seven Ameri-
cans and sixty-three Canadians, counting the three priests as
Canadians."

This is one of the instances in which Gray's History agrees
with other Oregon histories.

106 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

DOCTOR ELIJAH WHITE" AND THE IMMIGRATION OF 1842.

Dr. Elijah White first came to Oregon in 1837, as a Metho-
dist missionary and physician to the Mission. He quarreled
with Rev. Jason Lee and returned to the eastern states in
1841. Early in 1842, while in New York, he was appointed
by the United States Government as "Sub-Indian Agent for
Oregon/' whatever that might mean. What right the govern-
ment had to appoint such an officer in Oregon, where joint-
occupancy was in force, has never been fully explained. What
his duties were seem never to have been defined. He, there-
fore, conducted himself as he pleased. He was instructed to
go to Oregon without delay, which he did. He proceeded to
western Missouri and succeeded in getting together about 112
persons, of whom about 50 were men over 18 years of age.
May 16, 1842, the party left Elm Grove, Missouri, for Oregon.
This is what is known as the "Oregon Immigration of 1842."
At Fort Laramie, Francois Xavier Matthieu and a few other
French-Canadian trappers joined the immigration. Leaving
their wagons at Fort Hall, they came to Oregon on horses
and arrived at Oregon City early in October, 1842.

What Dr. White lacked in real authority he supplied by
his imagination and ingenuity. His attempts to act as a quasi-
ruler met with opposition and in some cases with resentment.
He was in favor of a provisional government, provided he was
chosen governor, and be, at the same time, "Sub-Indian Agent."
He wished to be captain and also beat the drum. It was a
case of ambition thwarted. He may have been wanting in
some qualities, but he never was lacking in "nerve."

In 1842, A. E. Wilson, an American, came to Oregon as
supercargo of the brig Chenamus, commanded by Capt John
H. Couch. Wilson remained in Oregon City in charge of a
store, stocked with goods brought on the Chenamus, and owned
by Cushing & Company of Newburyport, Massachusetts.

OPPOSITION TO A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

In the winter of 1842-43, the advocates of a provisional gov-
ernment continued to agitate it. There was a discussion of

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 107

the matter by the Oregon Lyceum or Falls Debating Society
at Oregon City. After a long discussion, the following reso-
lution was presented by George Abernethy, the Steward of
the Methodist Mission, afterwards Governor of the Provi-
sional Government:

"Resolved, That if the United States extends its jurisdiction
over this country within the next four years, it will not be
expedient to form an independent government."

For some reason or reasons Rev. Jason Lee and George
Abernethy opposed the formation of the Provisional Govern-
ment in 1843, although the former was chairman of the meet-
ing held February 17, 1841, and he was one of the committee
appointed at the meeting of February 18, 1841, to frame a
constitution and to draft a code of laws. It is probable that,
as leaders of the Mission Party, they feared that such a gov-
ernment would interfere with the power of the Mission and
they preferred to let well enough alone. In Brown's Polit-
ical History of Oregon, he says (page 96) that at a meeting
of the Committee on Government, in March, 1843 :

"Rev. Jason Lee and George Abernethy were disposed to
ridicule the proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary,
and repeated some anecdotes to illustrate their meaning."

Thornton, in his "History of the Provisional Government,"
says, that at said meeting of the Committee :

"Nearly all the principal men at the Falls, including the
Rev. Jason Lee and Messrs. George Abernethy and Robert
Moore, were present by invitation and they participated in
the deliberations ; most of them, especially Rev. Jason Lee and
Hon. George Abernethy, going so far as to speak of the con-
templated measure as both unnecessary in itself and unwise
in the manner proposed."

But these ideas did not prevail with all of the Methodist
Missionaries for several of them were at the meeting of May
2, 1843, and voted in favor of forming a provisional govern-
ment.

On the one side against a provisional government, some edu-
cated man, one undoubtedly who wrote French, or some other
foreign language better than English, but who did not dis-
close his name, prepared a paper signed by French-Canadians,

108 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

saying among other matters, that they did not wish a provi-
sional mode of government. (Thornton's "History of the Pro-
visional Government of Oregon," page 61.) This paper is not
dated. It is entitled "An Address of the Canadian citizens of
Oregon, to the meeting at Champoeg, March 4, 1843." (Ore-
gon Archives, pages 12 and 13.) The address indicates that
a meeting was expected to be held at that time, but there is
no record of such a meeting. It recites that the Canadian citi-
zens of the Willamette "present to the American citizens, and
particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting," their
views set forth in the address. The address also says "That
we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind
taken last year, by a party of the people." This can refer only
to the meetings held in 1841. So the address must have been
prepared some time in 1842.

Although there is some question as to the author of this
document, it is commonly believed to have been written by
Rev. F. N. Blanchet. Possibly it was written by Rev. Modeste
Demers. Blanchet was a close friend of Dr. McLoughlin, who
openly opposed the formation of such a government, and the
French-Canadians, who approved every action of the latter,
of course, would support his wishes in the matter.

On pages 349 and 350 of volume 4, Wilkes' Narrative, he
says that in June, 1841, he visited the Catholic Mission about
twelve miles from Champoeg and talked with Rev. F. N.
Blanchet (whom he calls "Bachelet") who was in charge.
Wilkes says:

"He spoke to me much about the system of laws the ma-
jority of the settlers were desirous of establishing, but which
he had objected to, and advised his people to refuse to co-
operate in ; for he was of the opinion that the number of set-
tlers in the Willamette Valley would not warrant the estab-
lishment of a constitution, and, as far as his people were con-
cerned, there was certainly no necessity for one, nor had he
any knowledge of crime having been yet committed."

It fully appears that in 1843, prior, at least, to May 2, those
particularly opposed to the formation of a provisional govern-
ment were the Hudson's Bay Company, its officers, servants

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 109

and employes, and those who advocated its interests, includ-
ing the French-Canadians, who then were or had been in its
employ, the Catholic Missionaries, and some of the Methodist
Missionaries. But such opposition did not deter the hardy
and determined settlers who owed nothing to the company or
to the missions.

W. H. Gray was actively in favor of such a government. He
was always against "the existing order." But in this case he
had other and better reasons, which prevailed. He was not
opposed to the "order" which he established or assisted in
establishing himself.

THE WOLF MEETING.

The fact that predatory animals had become destructive of
domestic animals in the Willamette Valley, afforded a good
excuse to call a meeting, ostensibly for the purpose of con-
sidering means to lessen the evil. It has been sometimes as-
serted that its originators feared to announce its main purpose.
It was not fear — it was a discreet political move, if the reasons
given were not exactly the real ones. But they were effective.
After consulting together, a meeting was held by several
American settlers, pursuant to notice, February 2, 1843, at the
Oregon Institute, to take into consideration the propriety of
adopting measures for the protection of domestic animals from
wild ones. A committee of six was appointed to give notice
of a meeting to be held the first Monday of March, 1843. This
meeting of February 2, has ever since been called "The Wolf
Meeting."

MEETING ON FIRST MONDAY OF MARCH, 1843.
On the first Monday in March, 1843, the meeting was held.
James A. O'Neil, who was fully aware of the real, the main
object of the meeting, was chosen chairman. The committee
made its report and resolutions were adopted relative to paying
bounties for the destruction of wolves and other dangerous
wild animals. But the most important action was the last,
immediately prior to adjournment, being the adoption of the
following resolution:

110 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

"That a Committee be appointed to take into consideration
the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military
protection of this colony."

And a resolution was adopted that the said Committee con-
sist of twelve persons, who were named in the resolution.

It will be seen that the true beginning of the Provisional
Government of 1843, was at the Wolf Meeting, or the ad-
journed March meeting, and not May 2, 1843. The lattei
meeting merely authorized carrying the plan into execution.
But each of these earlier meetings lacked the dramatic setting
and action of the meeting of May 2. The intention to hold
the May meeting provoked active opposition in addition to the
opposition of Rev. Jason Lee and George Abernethy and others.
Prior to the meeting of May 2, called by the Committee of
Twelve, meetings were held by those opposed to the forming of
a government, at Fort Vancouver, Oregon City, and French
Prairie.

THE MEETING OF MAY 2, 1843.

It has been sometimes asserted that the meeting at Cham-
poeg May 2, 1843, was attended by all the male inhabitants of
Oregon. This is a misstatement of fact. Excluding the Hud-
son's Bay Company's officers, employes and servants and all
persons then living north and west of the Columbia River,
and including men living south of the Columbia River and
west of the Cascade Mountains, it seems to be unquestioned
that there were then not less than 61 white men, other than
French-Canadians, who were not connected in any way with
the Hudson's Bay Company, and most of them American citi-
zens, and not counting men of the immigration of 1842, who
were then in the Willamette Valley. The exact number of
these immigrants, then in Oregon, cannot be ascertained. A
low estimate of the number of men would be 40. So, May 2,
1843, only 42 American citizens and 8 British subjects af-
filiating with them, out of about 100, were present at this
meeting.

The estimate of the number of French-Canadians in the Wil-
lamette Valley made by J. Quinn Thornton, W. H. Gray and
F. X. Matthieu, the latter of whom I personally interviewed last

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 111

week at his home in Portland, is, that besides Reverends F. N.
Blanchet and Modeste Demers, there were at least 60 French-
Canadian men who were settlers in the Willamette Valley, of
which only 52 voted at this meeting.

Therefore, the total number of men who were then in Ore-
gon south and east of the Columbia River, was about 160, of
which 102 only were present at the meeting. These estimates
may not be accurate, but they are approximately correct.

It must be borne in mind that the meetings of May 2 and
July 5, 1843, were merely mass meetings, not called by any
lawful authority, and certainly not binding on any one, who
did not participate in these meetings.

At a meeting of the Committee of Twelve, held at Oregon
City about March 10, 1843? it was agreed to hold a public meet-
ing at Champoeg May 2, to determine the matter of the forma-
tion of a government. I have not ascertained the form of
notice, but the time for the meeting was well known.

The meeting of May 2, 1843, was a most dramatic occasion.
There were the 51 French-Canadian settlers, formerly in the
active employ of the Hudson's Bay Company. Among them
was Etienne Lucier. There was also Francois Xavier Mat-
thieu, who was counted as one of them, merely by reason of his
race. He had escaped from Canada, in 1838, on account of his
connection with the Canadian rebellion of 1837-38. He had
spent the winter of 1842-3 with Lucier and had frequently told
of what he considered the tyranny of the British in Canada,
which had caused the rebellion. He had expatiated on the
excellencies of the government of the United States and how
much better to be under its control than under the domination,
of what he considered the tyranny, of the British government.
The facts about Matthieu in this address, I have learned from
personal interviews with him, the last of which was only the
week preceding this address.

The 51 French-Canadians had been carefully drilled to vote
"no" on every question and motion proposed by the Americans
at this meeting.

112 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

So far as I have been able to ascertain none of the Canadian
immigrants of 1841 were present. On the other side there
were 50 men, most of them American citizens — eight of them
being British subjects who affiliated with the Americans. These
eight were : Dr. J. W. Bailey, Francis Fletcher, George Gay,
Joseph Holman, William Johnson, Charles McKay, John L.
Morrison and John E. Pickernell (then known as Edmunds).
As I have already said, they were resolute men, and it was
not easy to prevent them from carrying out a purpose once
determined on. Among them were such men as Joseph L.
Meek, usually called "Joe" Meek, a man of courage and ex-
perience and a leader of men. There was William Cannon,
who came with the Hunt party in 1812, and O'Neil, Hubbard,
Hauxhurst, Johnson, and George Gay. I shall not further
enumerate the names, as a list of them is hereinafter set forth.
There were also present several of the immigrants of 1842.

Dr. Ira L. Babcock was chosen chairman and Messrs. Gray,
LeBreton and Willson, secretaries. The main business was
action on the report of the Committee of Twelve, which pro-
posed a mode of provisional government and submitted a list
of offices to be filled. The minutes of this meeting, which will
be found on pages 14 and 15 of the Oregon Archives, are
brief, but they set forth:

"The Committee made its report, which was read. And
"A motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost.
"Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was
moved by Mr. LeBreton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the
meeting divide, preparatory to being counted ; those in favor
of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a
contrary mind taking the left, which being carried by acclama-
tion, and a great majority being found in favor of organiza-
tion, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew."

This is the official account. It is well known, however,
that the motion was put in such a manner that all present,
particularly the French-Canadians, did not know how to vote.
After the viva voce vote there was long delay and great discus-
sion, wrangling, and confusion. This vote apparently was
opposed to accepting the report of the Committee. It looked as

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 113

though a Provisional Government would not be organized. The
meeting began in the Hudson's Bay Company's warehouse,
sometimes called "the granary." The room was crowded and
all could not get in. During the discussion and confusion, the
participants had moved to an open field near the granary, near
the bank of the Willamette River. At last, the leaders of those
in favor of the establishment of a Provisional Government
believed it was safe to propose a division. A motion was made
for a division and count. When the motion was made, "Joe
Meek," with his commanding figure, clothed in a hunting cos-
tume of buckskin, and, with a voice of authority which was irre-
sistible to those in favor of establishing the government, strode
to the right and called out:

"Who's for a divide? All in favor of the report and or-
ganization, follow me !"

The fifty American and British in favor of the motion fell
into line. Apparently, there were 52 Canadians against them,
but among them was Matthieu, who stayed with them a short
time and urged them to side with the Americans. All of them,
but Lucier, refused. Matthieu crossed over to the American
side and Lucier followed, and so the report of the Committee
was adopted, 52 for and 50 against. Matthieu's conduct at
this meeting, I have from his own lips.

The 50 French-Canadians withdrew and the meeting pro-
ceeded to fill the offices recommended by the Committee's re-
port.

As the Committee of Twelve had not reported a constitu-
tion or a code of laws, it was resolved :

"That a committee of nine persons be chosen for the pur-
pose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this
community, to be presented at a public meeting, to be here-
after called by them on the 5th day of July next, for their
acceptance."

Mr. George H. Himes, who has been a most efficient Sec-
retary of the Oregon Pioneer Association continuously for
more than twenty-five years, has given me a list, which he
has prepared and verified during many years, of these fifty-
two persons who voted in favor of the Provisional Govern-

114 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

ment at the meeting of May 2, giving their names, places of
birth, years of birth, church preferences, and years of arrival in
Oregon, and has arranged them in alphabetical order — not
in the order in which they appear on the memorial monument
at Champoeg.

NAMES OF PERSONS WHO VOTED IN FAVOR OF THE ORGANIZA-
TION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT AT
CHAMPOEG, MAY 2, 1843.

Church Arrived in
Name. Place of Birth. Born. Preference. Oregon

Armstrong, Pleasant M New York . . 1815 . . Presbyterian 1840

Babcock, Dr. I. L New York Methodist 1840

Bailey, Dr. W. J Ireland . . 1805 . . Episcopalian 1835

Beers, Alanson Connecticut . . 1800 . . Methodist 1837

Bridges, J. C Unknown

Burns, Hugh Presbyterian ... .1842

Campo, Charles Unknown

Cannon, William Pennsylvania . . 1755 . . Unknown 1812

Clark, Rev. Harvey Vermont. .1807. . Congregationalist.1840

Crawford, Medorem New York . . 1819 . . No choice 1842

Cook, Amos Maine. .1818. .Methodist 1840

Davie, Allen J Alabama. . 1816. .Baptist 1842

Doughty, William M North Carolina. . 1812. .No choice 1841

Ebberts, George W Kentucky. . 1810 . . Baptist 1833

Fletcher, Francis England . . 1815 . . Episcopalian 1840

Gay, George England . . 1810 . . Episcopalian .... 1835

Gale, Joseph District of Columbia. .1800. .Episcopalian 1834

Gray, William H New York. . 1810 . . Presbyterian .... 1836

Griffin, Rev. John S Vermont. .1807. .Congregationalist.1839

Hauxhurst, Webley New York . . 1809 . . Methodist 1834

Hill, David Connecticut . . 1809 . . Congregationalist.1842

Howard, John Presbyterian

Holman, Joseph England . . 1815 . . Methodist 1840

Hines, Rev. Gustavus New York . . 1809 . . Methodist 1840

Hubbard, T. J Massachusetts . . 1806 . . Unknown 1834

Johnson, William , . England . . 1784 . . Episcopalian .... 1835

Judson, Rev. L. H Connecticut . . 1802 . . Methodist 1840

Le Breton, Geo. W Massachusetts . . 1810 . . Catholic 1840

Leslie, Rev. David New Hampshire . . 1797 . . Methodist 1837

Lewis, Reuben New York . . 1814 . . Presbyterian 1842

Lucier, Etienne Canada . . 1783 . . Catholic 1812

Matthieu, Francois X Canada . . 1818 . . Catholic 1842

Meek, Joseph L Virginia . . 1810 . . Methodist 1829

McCarty, William Catholic 1834

McKay, Charles At sea (Scotch) . . 1808 . . Presbyterian .... 1841

Moore, Robert Pennsylvania . . 1781 . . Presbyterian 1840

Morrison, John L Scotland , , 1793 . ,/Presbyterian .... 1842

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

115

Newell, Dr. Robert Ohio .

O'Neil, James A New York.

Parrish, Rev. J. L New York.

Pickernell, John E England .

Robb, James R Pennsylvania .

Russell, Osborn Ohio .

Shortess, Robert Pennsylvania .

Smith, Alvin T Connecticut .

Smith, Sidney New York .

Smith, Solomon H New Hampshire.

Tibbetts, Calvin Massachusetts .

Weston, David Indiana .

Wilkins, Caleb Ohio.

Wilson, A. E Massachusetts.

Willson, Dr. W. H New Hampshire.

. 1804 . . Episcopalian 1840

Methodist 1834

.1806.. Methodist 1840

Episcopalian 1839

. 1816 . . Methodist 1842

.1809.. Unknown 1842

.1804. .Methodist 1840

.1802. .Congregationalist.1840

.1809.. Unknown 1839

. 1809 . . Congregationalist.1832

Congregationalist.1832

.1820.. Unknown 1842

.1810.. Baptist 1835

Unknown 1842

.1805.. Methodist , ..1837

STATES OR COUNTRIES REPRESENTED.

Alabama 1 Kentucky 1 Pennsylvania ... 4

Canada 2 Maine 1 Vermont 2

Connecticut .... 4 Massachusetts . . 4 Virginia 1

Dist. of Columbia 1 New Hampshire. 3 Scotland 2

England 5 New York 10 Unspecified 5

Indiana 1 North Carolina.. 1

Ireland 1 Ohio 3 Total 52

Church preference : Baptists, 3 ; Catholics, 4 ; Congregation-
alists, 6; Episcopalians, 7; Methodists, 14; Presbyterians, 8;
unknown, 10; total, 52.

Mr. Himes has also furnished me with the following list of
those who voted against the organization of the Provisional
Government. Mr. Himes has been engaged in collecting these
names through a series of years :

FRENCH -CANADIAN SETTLERS WHO VOTED AGAINST THE
ORGANIZATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERN-
MENT AT CHAMPOEG, MAY 2, 1843.

Aubichon, Alexis
Aubichon, Jean B.
Ausant, Louis
Arquoit, Amable
Bargeau, Cyfois
Beleque, Pierre
Biscornais, Pascal
Boivers, Louis
Bonnenfant, Antoine

Briscbois, Alexis
Briscbois, Olivier
Brunelle, Joseph
Chalifoux, Andre
Chamberlain, Adolph
Cornoyer, Joseph
Delard, Joseph
Depot, Pierre
Despart, Joseph

116 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

Donpierre, David Lambert, Augustin

Dubois, Andre LaPrate, Alexis

Ducharme, Jean B. Longtain, Andre

Felice, Antoine Lor, Moyse

Forcier, Louis Matte, Joseph

Gagnon, Luc Maloin, Fabien

Gauthier, Pierre Mongrain, David

Gervais, Joseph Papin, Pierre

Gingras, Jean Pariseau, Pierre

Gregoire, Etienne Remon, Augustin

LaChapelle, Andre Roi, Thomas

LaBonte, Louis Rondeau, Charles

Laderout, Xavier Sanders, Andre

Laferty, Michel Senecalle, Gideon

LaFramboise, Michel Servant, Jacques

Lalcoure, Jean B. Van Dalle, Louis B.

It is but fair to state that some of these French-Canadians
took part in the actual formation of the first Provisional Gov-
ernment, July 5, 1843, and, so far as I have been able to ascer-
tain, all of them supported the first Provisional Government
when it became established, and some, of them made contribu-
tions for its support. After the organization of the Terri-
torial Government of Oregon, most of them, if not all of them,
became naturalized citizens of the United States. It would
be as unfair to say that they were not sincere in opposing the
formation of a provisional government, as it would be to say
that those who voted in favor of its organization were not
acting from proper motives. They were subjects of Great
Britain and were as much entitled to their views as were the
fifty-two persons who voted in favor of the organization of
the government. Revs. F. N. Blanchet and Modeste Demers
had a right to oppose the formation of a provisional govern-
ment as well as Rev. Jason Lee and George Abernethy, and
as well as Revs. Harvey Clark and Gustavus Hines had to
favor it.

Great credit should be given to Etienne Lucier for voting
in favor of a provisional government. Without his vote there
would have been a tie and the authorization of a provisional
government would have been postponed. He came to Oregon

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 117

with the Hunt party, arriving in Oregon in 1812. When
Duncan McDougal sold out Astor's Fur Company, i. e. The
Pacific Fur Company, to the Northwest Company, Lucier, with
nearly all of the Pacific Fur Company's employes, entered the
service of the Northwest Company. He was with the latter
company when it coalesced with the Hudson's Bay Company
in 1821. He was in the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company
when Dr. McLoughlin took charge in Oregon in 1824. Until
1827 or 1828 he continued in that employ. He was the first
settler in the Willamette Valley, and settled on French Prairie
in 1827 (as stated by Willard H. Rees in his address before
the Oregon Pioneer Association in 1879). He was induced
to settle there by Dr. McLoughlin and his name kept on the
company's books. Dr. McLoughlin bought Lucier's wheat,
furnished him with supplies at a low cost, and protected him.
He regarded Dr. McLoughlin with great veneration and af-
fection, and wished to do whatever the latter asked of him.
He knew that he was expected to vote with the other French-
Canadians against the formation of a government. His priest
also expected the same of Lucier. In voting with the Ameri-
cans he was opposing his old neighbors, his friends, who were
of the same country, race, and religion. It required great
moral courage and fortitude to vote as he did. He has not
always been given the credit he deserves in this matter. All
honor to him for doing as he did, and yet, it is questionable
whether he would have so voted had Matthieu not led the way.

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF 1843.

The Provisional Government, as formed July 5, 1843, was
very crude and unsatisfactory. There was no power to levy
taxes, so it had to be supported by individual subscriptions.
There was no provision for the amendment of its organic act
or laws. It was impossible to distinguish between what was
constitution and what were laws. Through jealousy, there was
no governor selected. The head of the government was an
executive committee of three, a kind of commission form of
executive. The government was lacking in many respects, but

118 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

in a somewhat crude way, it stood for law and order and the
protection of life, liberty, and property. The legislative pow-
ers were exercised by a committee of nine persons.

There is a glamour of romance about its formation and par-
ticularly by reason of the closeness of the vote at the meeting
of May 2. Had more of the American settlers been present,
the result would have been considered as a matter of course,
as were the previous meetings and the meeting of July 5, when
the original Provisional Government went into force. Had
the report of the Committee of Nine been rejected July 5, that
would have ended the matter, for the time being, as was the
case with the proceedings of 1841. Had the ten or more
French-Canadians who did not attend the meeting of May 2,
been present, and by their votes defeated the report of the
Committee of Nine to establish a provisional government at
that time, that also would have ended the matter, probably un-
til the arrival of the immigration of 1843.

IMMIGRATION OF 1843.

The immigration of 1843, the most important in the results
of its coming of all the Oregon immigrations, was making
preparations to leave for Oregon May 2, 1843. It left Inde-
pendence, Missouri, May 20, 1843. It reached Oregon in the
fall of that year. It was composed of about 875 persons. Of
these, 295 were men over the age of 16 years. It was the
first important immigration to Oregon of homebuilders. They
came together in Missouri by a common impulse and without
preconcert. They started without organization or leaders.
They refused to accept the advice to leave their wagons at Fort
Hall, and determined to take them as far as they could and
brought them overland to The Dalles. They were mostly
strong, forcible, and determined men and women. They did
not think of failure. Their main thought was that they would
go to Oregon and make it their home and assist in making it
an American community. There were in this immigration men
of ability and leadership, such as Jesse Applegate and Peter
H. Burnett, who were learned in the law and in history. Such

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 119

men at once became prominent in Oregon affairs. I cannot
go into details in this address. Had the meeting of May 2,
1843, been unsuccessful, it cannot be doubted that a provisional
government would have been established in 1844. In the lat-
ter year the immigrants of 1843 took charge of the Provisional
Government and gave it form and substance.

But let us also give honor and credit where honor and credit
are due. Because the immigration of 1843 was so large in
numbers and would have established a provisional government
after its arrival, does not detract from what the settlers of
Oregon did in May and July, 1843. They did not know there
was to be such an immigration in 1843, which did not leave
Missouri until eighteen days after the meeting of May 2. They
acted upon the exigency of the times as they saw it. They
made possible the true Provisional Government of 1845, and
of the succeeding years, until Oregon became a territory. All
honor and praise to them for their foresight and courage ; for
their Americanism and their adherence to Anglo-Saxon tradi-
tions and instincts; for their love, and their regard for law,
the rights of life and liberty, and of the pursuit of happiness.
What they did is a heritage, of which their descendants should
ever be proud.

It was as much from sentiment as from expediency that the
original Provisional Government was established. Possibly
it was more by reason of sentiment than of expediency. But
that does not lessen our regard and appreciation of what was
done. The sentiment came from high and patriotic motives.
It was undoubtedly a moving cause to assert and to establish
that Oregon belonged to the United States. This was a greater
reason than the mere establishment of a provisional government
for the small number of people then in the Oregon Country.
The report of the Legislative Committee was for the adoption
of "laws and regulations, until the United States of America
extend their jurisdiction over us."

FRANCOIS XAVIER MATTHIEU.

It gives me great pleasure to welcome, today Francois Xavier
Matthieu, the last survivor of the meeting of May 2, 1843, who

120 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

is here present, and who has just passed his ninety- fourth
birthday. I congratulate him on his good physical and mental
condition, with an unimpaired memory, his modesty, his sim-
plicity, his mental, as well as moral, honesty. These are only
some of the qualities which endear him to all true Oregonians.
The noble and efficient part he took at the meeting of May 2,
1843, will never be forgotten. Already it is established in his-
tory and in the traditions of Oregon. Long may his life be
and, as long as he lives, he will have Oregon's heartfelt esteem
and affection. And when he passes away, his memory will be
cherished as long as the Oregon pioneers and what they did
are known.

THE MEETING OF MAY 2, 1843, DID NOT "SAVE" OREGON.

There are some persons who believe that the meeting of
May 2, 1843, saved Oregon to the United States, but this is
not the fact. Such a belief comes from ignorance. It may
be creditable to their enthusiasm, but not to their knowledge of
Oregon history. What is now the State of Oregon did not
need savers — it was not in peril. The American people would
not have submitted to its loss. The next year, 1844, James K.
Polk was elected President of the United States, largely on
the popular cry of "54-40 or fight." This belief must take its
place in the realm of myths in which those of fairies, of ghosts,
of Santa Claus, and of "Whitman Saved Oregon" are taking
their eternal rests. In 1843, and until June 15, 1846, there was
joint-occupancy in all of the Oregon Country which could not
be terminated except by the United States or Great Britain
giving one year's notice to the other of such termination. For
Congress and the President to exercise or attempt to exercise
control over any part of the Oregon Country would have been
an unwarrantable violation of a treaty, a breach of faith, and
tantamount to a declaration of war against Great Britain. What
Congress and the President could not do could not be done by
the resolutions of a mass meeting, carried by forty-two Ameri-
can citizens and ten British subjects.

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 121

I have not found a copy of the report of the Committee of
Nine which was adopted May 2, but the report of the Legis-
lative Committee which was adopted July 5, 1843, began as
follows :

"Sec. 1. We, the people of Oregon Territory, for the
purposes of mutual protection and to secure peace and pros-
perity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws
and regulations, until such time as the United States of Amer-
ice extend their jurisdiction over us." (Oregon Archives,
page 28.)

This is identical with the preamble of the organic law adopted
by a vote of the Oregon people July 26, 1845. It is, infer-
entially only, a declaration in favor of the United States ever
having control of Oregon. There was no mention of the rights
of Great Britain. The oath of office of the Provisional Gov-
ernment of 1843 was not one of subordination to the United
States. It was rather a declaration that Oregon and its Pro-
visional Government were independent of any other country.
The oath of office under the Organic Law of 1845 was that
of a provisional government only, and, inferentially, recognized
that Great Britain as well as the United States had some claim
or right in Oregon, at least that citizens of the United States
and subjects of Great Britain, in holding office under the Pro-
visional Government, and in taking the oath of office, were in
nowise disloyal to their country or to its sovereign. This was
very far from the Provisional Government being for the pur-
pose of giving the United States the control of Oregon, ex-
cluding Great Britain therefrom, and saving Oregon from
British claims and establishing the claims of the United States.
Had the meeting of May 2 declared for the sovereignty of
Great Britain, that would not have established it or changed
the status under the convention of joint-occupancy.

As early as 1825 Great Britain was willing to concede to
the United States all of the Oregon Country south of the
Columbia River and south of latitude forty-nine, east of that
river.

In a document found among the private papers of Dr. John
McLoughlin, after his death, in his handwriting, a full copy

122 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

of which is printed in the Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer
Association for 1880, he said, in reference to his advice to the
French-Canadians, old employes, settling in the Willamette
Valley:

"Many of the Canadians objected to go to the Willamette
[Valley] because it would become American Territory,
which I told them it would be as the Hudson's Bay Company,
in 1825, officially informed me that, on no event, could the
British Government claim extend south of the Columbia."

So, unless there was a war over the Oregon question in
which Great Britain would be successful, there was no chance
or danger that the part of Oregon over which the original
Provisional Government assumed to exercise control would be-
long to Great Britain or required saving to the United States.

While this may not have been known to any of the fifty-two
persons who voted for a provisional government, May 2, 1843,
it does not change the fact. One can not find what is not
lost, nor save that which is not in peril.

I do not wish to belittle what these fifty-two persons did on
that second day of May. I do not seek to detract from the
praise and honor to which they are entitled. As a grandson
of an Oregon pioneer of 1843, and the son of two Oregon
pioneers of 1846, I take pride in the action, on that memorable
day, of these fifty-two and in the formation and perpetuation
of the Oregon Provisional Government. It is no small thing
that the Oregon pioneers were able, and willing to establish and
to maintain a government for their own protection and regula-
tion without aid, support, or encouragement from the United
States Government. But I wish, and you should wish, to
know the facts, and knowing the facts, to take pride in them
and discard what is merely fiction. There is enough in the
establishment and maintenance of the Provisional Government
for all Oregonians to be proud of.

History should deal in facts. Let us, while we may, estab-
lish Oregon History on a proper and accurate basis. The
facts of history outweigh, more than a thousand fold, the
romances of unreality.

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 123

After the establishment of the government of 1843, Dr.
McLoughlin continued his beneficent rule north of the Colum-
bia River, and over the forts and posts of his Company, north,
east and south of the Columbia River. And, while the Metho-
dist Missionaries tried to be assertive and active in the Wil-
lamette Valley, they were largely innoxious as rulers after the
arrival of the immigration of 1843.

LAND LAWS OF THE ORIGINAL PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

When the leaders of the Methodist Mission found that a
provisional government was to be established, they sought to
make it serve the purposes of the Mission party. As they
found they could not prevent it, they sought to control it. In
this they succeeded temporarily, to a large extent.

Article 4 of the Law of Land Claims, adopted by the meet-
ing of July 5, 1843, was in the interests of the Mission and
was not altogether creditable. This law, after providing that
an individual might hold a claim of not more than 640 acres
in a square or oblong form, provided as follows :

"No person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city
or town sites, extensive water privileges, or other situations
necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing
operations, and to the detriment of the community. Provided,
that nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to affect
any claim of any mission of a religious character, made pre-
vious to this time, of an extent not more than six miles square."

The first clause of this Article 4 was intended to deprive Dr.
McLoughlin of his land claim at Oregon City, which some of
the Methodist missionaries had been endeavoring to take from
him in ways not creditable to their religious pretensions.
The last clause became very unpopular with new settlers. It
was true that it applied to the Catholic as well as to the Metho-
dist Mission, but to allow a Mission to hold an entire town-
ship, i. e., 23,040 acres, in one body, in the fertile Willamette
Valley, was an audacious attempt, to put it not stronger. The
immigrants of 1843 and 1844 would not submit to such outra-
geous provisions as contained in said Article 4 of the land laws.

124 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

As I have said, most of the men of the immigration of
1843 were strong, resolute, and determined men. Some of
the organic laws of the Provisional Government of 1843 did
not suit their ideas of fairness. Article 4 of the law of land
claims was not their only objection to the so-called Organic
Laws of 1843. Many of them did not like the attempted dom-
ination of affairs by the Methodist Mission. They found the
original Provisional Government to be little more than a
government in name, lacking power, crude, and inefficient.
No power being given to levy taxes, it could be ended, at any
time, by lack of funds which came from subscriptions only.

Prior to the meeting of the newly elected Legislative Com-
mittee, June 18, 1844, there appears to have been no meeting
of the Legislative Committee, after the public meeting held
July 5, 1843, when the original Provisional Government was

formed.

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT IN 1844.

An election was held the second Tuesday of May, 1844, at
which a new Executive Committee and Legislative Committee
were chosen. It is significant that only one member of the
Provisional Government of 1843 was chosen, viz. : David
Hill, he being re-elected as a member of the Legislative Com-
mittee. No member of the, Methodist Mission was elected.
The names of those elected and the year of arrival in Oregon
are as follows :

Executive Committee : Dr. W. J. Bailey, 1835 ; Osborn Rus-
sell, 1842, and Peter G. Stewart, 1843. Legislative Commit-
tee : Peter H. Burnett, 1843 ; David Hill, 1842 ; Matthew C. Gil-
more, ( ?) ; T. D. Keizur, 1843 ; A. L. Lovejoy, 1842 and 1843 ;
M. M. McCarver, 1843; Robert Newell, 1840; Daniel Waldo,
1843. For some reason Yamhill District was not representa-
tive at either of the two sessions of the Legislative Committee
in 1844, although that district or county was entitled to one
member. Why this occurred or whether there was a failure
to elect I have been unable to ascertain.

Peter H. Burnett was a lawyer of ability and, on his ar-
rival in Oregon, became a leader in Oregon's affairs. He was

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 125

afterwards Supreme Judge of the Provisional Government and
the first Governor of the State of California. In his book
"Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer" he sets forth
many of the defects in the original organic laws of 1843. The
Legislative Committee of 1844 determined that none of these
organic laws were a part of a constitution, but were all statutes
and could be amended or repealed. They proceeded on this
theory. The land law of 1843 was repealed and another en-
acted which did away with the grant of six miles square to
missions and with the unfair attempt to rob Dr. McLoughlin
of his land claim at Oregon City. This amended land law con-
firmed the right of all persons who had theretofore made, and
granted to all who should thereafter make, with a bona fide
intention of occupying and holding the same for himself, 640
acres ; and provided that all claims thereafter made should be
"in a square form, if the nature of the ground should permit ;
and in case the situation will not permit, shall be in an oblong
form;" and that "in all cases where claims are already made,
and in all cases where there are agreed lines between the par-
ties occupying adjoining tracts, such claims shall be valid to
the extent of six hundred and forty acres, although not in
a square or oblong form." (Laws of Oregon, 1843-9,
page 77.)

An Act was passed for the collection of taxes. The number
of the Legislative Committee was increased from nine to thir-
teen. June 27, 1844, an Act was passed that at the next an-
nual election one person should be elected as the executive or
governor, in whom should be vested all executive powers, in
place of the, Executive Committee of three (Laws of Oregon
1843-9, page 98). A commission form of executive had been
found unsatisfactory.

June 18, 1844, the Executive Committee sent its message to
the Legislative Committee in which it was said:

"In view of the present state of affairs, gentlemen of the
Assembly, we would recommend to your consideration the
adoption of some measures for a more thorough organization."

In this message the Executive Committee also recommended
vesting the executive power in one person.

When the Legislative Committee met, at an adjourned ses-
sion December 16, 1844, the Executive Committee sent an-

126 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

other message in which it was said of the claims of the United
States and of Great Britain to the Oregon country:

"But one claims as much right as the other, and both claim
the right of joint occupancy of the whole, without prejudice
to the claims of any other state or power to any part of said
country."

*****

"We would advise that provision be made by this body for
the framing and adoption of a constitution for Oregon, pre-
vious to the next annual election, which may serve as a more
thorough guide to her officers, and a more firm basis of her
laws. It should be constructed in such a manner as would
best suit the local situation of the country, and promote the
general interests of the citizens, without interfering with the
real or pretended rights of the United States or Great Britain ;
except when the protection of life and property actually re-
quire it." (Oregon Archives, page 57.)

In conclusion, the message set forth:

"As descendants of the United States and of Great Britain,
we should honor and respect the countries which gave us
birth; and, as citizens of Oregon, we should, by a uniform
course of proceeding, and a strict observance of the rules of
justice, equity, and republican principles, without party dis-
tinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind feeling,
not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or states
with whom we may have intercourse." (Oregon Archives,
pages 58-59).

THE ORGANIC LAW OF 1845.

Another election was held in May, 1845, and the newly
elected Legislative Committee met June 24, 1845. Jesse Apple-
gate, an immigrant of 1843, became its leader.

Article 3 of the report of the Legislative Committee upon the
Judiciary, adopted July 5, 1843, is as follows :

"Art. 3. Each officer heretofore elected, or hereafter to be
elected, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, take
an oath or affirmation, to support the laws of the territory, and
faithfully to discharge the duties of his office." (Oregon
Archives, page 29).

Notwithstanding this provision of the original provisional
government, when the Legislative Committee met June 24,
1845, it appears from the record as follows :

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 127

"On motion of Mr. Applegate,

"The following oath was administered to the members,
to-wit :

'' 'I do solemnly swear that I will support the Organic Laws
of the Provisional Government of Oregon, so far as the said
Organic Laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of
the United States, or a subject of Great Britain, and faithfully
demean myself in office, so help me God.' " (Oregon Archives,
page 71).

This oath was not authorized, and was in contravention of
said Article 3 of the report of the Legislative Committee upon
the Judiciary, July 5, 1843.

The oath administered to the members of the Legislative
Committee June 24, 1845, was adopted as the oath of all officers
under the Organic Laws, adopted by the people July 26, 1845.
(See Section 9 of Organic Laws of 1845). The change in
this form of oath became very important when the Hudson's
Bay Company, its officers and employes, became a part of the
Provisional Government in August, 1845. Without such change,
it is altogether likely that this company and its officers and
employes would not have become a part of the Provisional
Government.

This latter form of oath was a distinct recognition of the
rights of British subjects who were willing to become members
of the Provisional Government. If the Provisional Govern-
ment was originally in favor of the United States alone,
by this oath it was changed so that it was without prejudice
to the rights of Great Britain and its subjects as well as to
those of the United States and its citizens. It was an oath
suitable and proper for a temporary or provisional government,
until joint-occupancy should end and the laws of either country
be in force.

To show that this was the understanding, early in the session
of this first meeting of the Legislative Committee, which began
June 24, 1845, a committee of five was appointed to prepare a
memorial to Congress. In this memorial, after setting forth
dangers from the Indians, it is said :

128 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

"To prevent a calamity so much to be dreaded, the well-
disposed inhabitants of this territory have found it absolutely
necessary to establish a provisional and temporary government,
embracing all free male citizens, and whose executive, legisla-
tive, and judicial powers should be equal to all the exigencies
that may arise among themselves, not provided for by the
governments to which they owe allegiance; and we are most
happy to inform your honorable body, that, with but few in-
dividual exceptions, the utmost harmony and good-will has
been the result of this, as we conceive, wise and judicious
measure; and the British subjects and American citizens vie
with each other in their obedience and respect to the laws, and
in promoting the common good and general welfare of Oregon.

"Although such has been the result, thus far, of our tempo-
rary union of interests, though we, the citizens of the United
States, have had no cause to complain, either of exaction or
oppression at the hands of the subjects of Great Britain, but on
the contrary it is but just to say that their conduct toward us
has been most friendly, liberal, and philanthropic, yet we fear
a longer continuance of the present state of things is not to
be expected — our temporary government being limited in its
efficiency, and crippled in its powers by the paramount duty we
owe to our respective governments, — our revenue being inade-
quate to its support — and the almost total absence, apart from
the Hudson's Bay Company, of the means of defence against
the Indians, which recent occurrences led us to fear entertain
hostile feelings towards the citizens of the United States."

After setting forth protection given to British subjects by
the Hudson's Bay Company and by the Act of Parliament of
July, 1821, which I have already mentioned, this Memorial
prays Congress to establish a territorial government to em-
brace Oregon and its adjacent sea-coasts. It further sets forth :

"And we pray that in the event you deem it inexpedient as a
measure, or contrary to the spirit of existing treaties, to estab-
lish a territorial government in Oregon, that you extend to us
adequate military and naval protection, so as to place us, at
least, upon a par with other occupants of the country."

This Memorial was passed June 27, 1845 (Oregon Archives,
page 79). A copy, dated June 28, 1845, was signed by two
members of the Executive Committee, by eleven members of
the Legislative Committee, by J. W. Nesmith as Judge of the
Circuit Court, and attested by J. E. Long the Clerk. It was

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 129

presented to Congress and ordered printed. ( Brown's Political
History of Oregon, pages 160-162).

This Legislative Committee of 1845 proceeded to draft a
new Organic Law and submit it to the people, i. e., the people
of the Willamette Valley. It was adopted by vote of the
people July 26, 1845, and Oregon then had a true provisional
government. Its new Organic Law was practically a constitu-
tion, and it had a Governor instead of an Executive Committee.

The effect of the adoption by the people of this Organic Law
was later said by Jesse Applegate to be that "both the Metho-
dist Mission and the Hudson's Bay Company ceased to be
political powers either to be courted or feared in the colony,
and to the close of its existence the Provisional Government
of Oregon attained all the ends of good Government." (Ban-
croft's History of Oregon, Vol. 1, page 479).

The Preamble and Enacting Clauses of the Organic Law of
the Provisional Government of Oregon, adopted by vote of the
people July 26, 1845, are as follows :

"We, the people of Oregon territory, for purposes of mutual
protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves,
agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such
time as the United States of America extend their jurisdiction
over us :

"BE IT ENACTED, THEREFORE, BY THE FREE
CITIZENS OF OREGON TERRITORY, That the said ter-
ritory, for the purposes of temporary government, be divided
into not less than three nor more than five districts, subject to
be extended to a greater number when an increase of popula-
tion shall require.

"For the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and re-
ligious liberty, as the basis of all laws and constitutions of
government, that may hereafter be adopted,

"BE IT ENACTED— That the following articles be con-
sidered articles of compact among the free citizens of this
territory."

In the Organic Laws of 1843, the boundaries of Oregon
were not set forth. Four districts or counties were created.
The two northern districts were Twality and Clackamas.
Twality District was declared to comprise:

130 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN

"All the country south of the northern boundary line of the
United States, west of the Willamette, or Multnomah River,
north of the Yamhill River and east of the Pacific Ocean."

Clackamas District was not described by boundaries. It was
declared to comprehend "all the territory not included in the
other three districts."

June 27, 1844, the Legislative Committee passed an Act :

"That all those parts of any counties heretofore organized
which lie north of the Columbia River be and they are hereby
stricken off respectively, and that the said river shall consti-
tute the northern boundary of said counties, respectively."
(General and Special Laws of 1843-9, page 74).

As there were no counties north of the Columbia River this
was practically an abandonment of jurisdiction north of that
river, if the original Provisional Government ever had juris-
diction north of that river. In fact, in 1843, there was no
attempt even to assert jurisdiction north of the Columbia
River. There was then, at least, a tacit understanding that
north of that river the Hudson's Bay Company controlled the
country and that the Provisional Government had control only
south of that river and west of the Cascade Mountains.

December 24, 1844, an Act was passed "explanatory" of said
Act of June 27, 1844. This latter Act defined the boundaries
of "Oregon" and made the northern boundary line "the parallel
of fifty- four degrees and forty minutes of north latitude." The
eastern boundary was made "along the main dividing ridge of
the Rocky Mountains," latitude forty-two was made the south-
ern boundary, and the Pacific Ocean, the western boundary
(General and Special Laws of 1843-9, page 72). But no
county was then created, north of the Columbia, so that north
of that river Oregon had a boundary but it was without the
control of the Provisional Government. It was merely a dec-
laration of boundaries, not an assumption of jurisdiction north
of the Columbia River.

THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY AND THE PROVISIONAL

GOVERNMENT.

The, number of the officers, employes and servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company in the Oregon Country was several

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 131

hundred. There were the sixty persons, British subjects, com-
posing the immigration of 1841 from Canada, who first settled
on Nisqually Plains, none of whom took part in the meeting
of May 2, 1843.

The American Missionaries living at Waiilatpu and Tshima-
kain, now in the State of Washington, and at Lapwai, now in
the State of Idaho were the only American citizens living in
the part of the Oregon Country controlled by the Hudson's
Bay Company. They took no part in the Provisional Govern-
ment. If the Provisional Government extended east of the
Columbia River and of the Cascade Mountains, there were
some white trappers, few in number, who had their habitats
there but took no part in the Provisional Government. The
Hudson's Bay Company had several of its twenty -one forts or
posts east of the Columbia River, including Fort Hall,
Fort Boise and Fort Walla Walla. There were also Fort
Umpqua, on the Umpqua River, and a post at what is now
Astoria.

It will, therefore, be seen that up to July 26, 1845, the Pro-
visional Government had no practical jurisdiction, excepting in
parts of the Willamette Valley if it can be said to have had
jurisdiction at all or more than mere existence. It was a gov-
ernment in name rather than of power or of authority. As was
said by Frances Fuller Victor, in Bancroft's History of Ore-
gon, referring to the formation of the original Provisional
Government "after all, there appeared to be no great need of
law in Oregon." (Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. I., page
444).

While there was undoubtedly a strong feeling by a few
Americans of forming a provisional government in favor of
the United States, that was merely incidental to the main
object of having some kind of an organization for mutual pro-
tection and benefit. So far as the records show there was no
direct or practical attempt to make that organization more than
a local provisional or temporary government.

The adoption of the Organic Law July 26, 1845, and the dis-
cussion of the new Legislature about exercising jurisdiction

132 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

north of the Columbia River, brought matters to a condition
that was liable to create friction, if not serious trouble, between
the Provisional Government and the Hudson's Bay Company.

If the Provisional Government should attempt to control
the Hudson's Bay Company and to collect taxes on its prop-
erty, without its consent, a very serious condition would have
ensued which might have resulted in a conflict of arms. The
Act of the Provisional Government of December, 1844, de-
claring the, northern boundary line of Oregon to be latitude 54
degrees and 40 minutes, was an echo of the popular cry of
"54-40 or fight" which had elected James K. Polk as President
of the United States in 1844.

As I have said, the immigration of 1843 comprised about
875 persons. The immigration of 1844, which arrived in the
fall of that year, had about 1400 persons. It was known in
Oregon in the summer of 1845, that the immigration of 1845
which would arrive in the fall of that year would be a large
one. It was made up of about 3000 persons. Joseph L. Meek,
as Sheriff, in the spring of 1845 took a census. Practically it
was of the residents of the Willamette Valley at the end of
the year 1844. It showed a population of 2110 of whom 1259
were males and 851 females. (Vol. 1? page 267, Elwood
Evans' "History of the Pacific Northwest").

It was at this critical time and shortly after the adoption of
the new Organic Law by vote of the people July 26, 1845,
that Jesse Applegate privately interviewed Dr. John Mc-
Loughlin as to the desirability, if not the necessity, of the Hud-
son's Bay Company and its officers and employes uniting with
the American citizens in the Provisional Government. Dr.
McLoughlin at first objected. Applegate then urged on Dr.
McLoughlin the security it would be to his company, and how
it would be for the maintenance of peace and order if British
subjects and American citizens were united in Oregon in a
provisional government, which would not conflict with their
duties and rights to their respective governments. The result
was that Dr. McLoughlin consented, but on the condition that
his company should not be compelled to pay taxes on its goods

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 133

except upon those sold to settlers, and he and James Douglas,
his chief assistant, consented to receive a formal proposition
from a Committee of the Provisional Legislature. (VoL 1,
pages 494 and 495 Bancroft's "History of Oregon"; Vol. 1,
pages 268 and 269, Elwood Evans' "History of the Pacific
Northwest.")

At a meeting of the Legislative Committee (changed by the
new Organic Law to the Legislature) on August 14, 1845, Jesse
Applegate discreetly introduced the following resolutions which
were adopted by unanimous vote :

"Resolved — that, whereas the adoption of the amended
Organic Law, by the people of Oregon, was an act of neces-
sity rather than of choice, and was intended to give to the
people the protection which, of right, should be extended to
them by their government; and not as an act of defiance or
disregard of the authority or laws of the United States ;
therefore,

"It is further resolved — 1st That, in the opinion of this
house, the Congress of the United States, in establishing a
territorial government, should legalize the acts of the people
in this country, so far as they are in accordance with the con-
stitution of the United States." (Oregon Archives, page 106).

On the same day a committee of the Provisional Legislature
addressed a communication to Dr. McLoughlin asking the
Hudson's Bay Company to become parties to the Provisional
Government. Dr. McLoughlin and James Douglas on behalf
of that company, forthwith replied consenting to join the
Provisional Government. This communication and the reply
thereto are given in full in a foot-note in Vol. 1, page 495,
Bancroft's "History of Oregon." They are as follows:

" 'Oregon City, Aug. 14, 1845. To Dr. John McLoughlin,
Chief Factor of H. B. Co. Sir : As a question has arisen in
the house of representatives on the subject of apportionment
upon which we feel peculiarly situated, we beg leave to ask of
you a question, the answer to which will enable us to come to
a definite conclusion upon that subject. The question to which
we would be happy to receive an answer is this : Do you think
the gentlemen belonging to the company over which you pre-
side will become parties to the articles of compact, by the pay-
ment of taxes and in other respects complying with the laws

134 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

of the provisional government ? Your answer to this query is
most respectfully solicited. Yours, with the highest respect.
I. W. Smith, H. G. Lee, J. M. Garrison, Barton Lee."
^ " 'Oregon City, Aug. 15, 1845. I. W. Smith and others.
Gentlemen: We have the honor to acknowledge your favor
of the 14th inst, and beg in reply to say, that, viewing the
organization as a compact of certain parties, British and Ameri-
can subjects residing in Oregon, to afford each other protection
in person and property, to maintain the peace of the community,
and prevent the commission of crime — a protection which all
parties in this country feel they particularly stand in need of
as neither the British nor American government appear at
liberty to extend the jurisdiction of their laws to this part of
America; and moreover seeing that this compact does not in-
terfere with our duties and allegiance to our respective gov-
ernments, nor with any rights of trade now enjoyed by the
Hudson's Bay Company — we, the officers of the Hudson's Bay
Company, consent to become parties to the articles of com-
pact, provided we are called upon to pay taxes only on our
sales to settlers. We have the honor to be, etc., John Mc-
Loughlin, James Douglas.' ':

The initials of Smith, Chairman of this Committee, are a
misprint. His initials, as given in the Oregon Archives, are
"J. M.".

September 2, 1845, at Fort Vancouver, Dr. John McLoughlin
wrote an autograph letter to Dr. W. F. Tolmie, of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, and then at Fort Nisqually, in relation to
this agreement to join the Provisional Government. This
original letter is in the possession of the Oregon Historical
Society. In it Dr. McLoughlin wrote :

"You will see by the accompanying copy of a letter addressed
to me by several members of the Oregon Legislature, that we
are invited to join the Legislature, and by our answer that, as
it is merely a compact between the subjects of two nations
living together in a country, free to both, to enable them to
maintain peace and order among them, which could not be kept
in any other way, and it does not interfere with our allegiance,
as you see by the subjoined oath taken by the persons holding
office, we considered it our duty to accede to the request, and
we pay duties merely on the articles we sell to the settlers, as
other merchants, and on our stock the same as other farmers."

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 135

August 18, 1845, Vancouver District or County was created.
It was composed "of all that portion of Oregon Territory north
of the middle of the main channel of the Columbia River."
This Act was approved by Governor Abernethy August 20,
1845. August 19, 1845, the Legislature proceeded to the elec-
tion of district judges for the District of Vancouver. It re-
sulted in the election of James Douglas, the chief assistant of
Dr. McLoughlin, for a term of three years, of Charles Forrest,
Superintendent of the Hudson's Bay farm on the Cowlitz
River, for one year, and of M. T. Simmons, an American immi-
grant of 1844, of Newmarket, near Puget Sound for two years.
(Oregon Archives page 119).

Thus the Provisional Government became, in fact, a true
temporary government extending, theoretically, at least, over
the whole Oregon Country and applying to all residents therein
without regard to allegiance or citizenship. It so continued
until the boundary treaty of June 15, 1846, and thereafter
south of the present boundary line between the United States
and Canada, west of the Rocky Mountains, until the organiza-
tion of the Territory of Oregon, March 3, 1849. If the original
Provisional Government was in the interest of the United
States this came to an end in August, 1845, and it was, and
continued to be, until the boundary treaty went into force,
merely a government for the people of the Oregon Country by
their common consent and acquiescence and without regard to
their allegiances.

As I have said, in May and July, 1843, there was no real
need for a provisional or other government in Oregon, even
in the Willamette Valley. But the arrival of the immigration
of 1843, made such a government convenient, if not necessary.
If, for no other reason, to enable settlers to take up land and
not to interfere with the rights of prior locators. Such a gov-
ernment became necessary on the arrival of the immigration of
1844 which more than doubled the population of the Wil-
lamette Valley. It became imperative on the arrival of the
immigration of 1845. The immigration of 1846 was between
1,500 and 1,700 persons. That of 1847 was between 4,000 and

136 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

5,000. That of 1848 was few in numbers as most of the over-
land immigrants went to California on account of the discovery
of gold there.

Among the early acts of Governor Lane's administration
was the taking of a census of all, except Indians, in Oregon
Territory. It showed the following population in 1849 : Total
population 9,083, of whom 8,785 were American citizens and
298 foreigners. There were 5,410 males and 3,673 females.
In the counties of Vancouver and Lewis, being all of Oregon
north of the Columbia River, the total population was 304, of
whom 189 were American citizens and 115 foreigners. (Evans'
"History of the Pacific Northwest," Vol. 1, page 305).

I have been unable to ascertain, whether there was included
in this census, men whose homes were in Oregon, who had
gone to the mines in California. A large part of the male
population of Oregon was then at the mines. Probably the
absentees were counted, as their homes were in Oregon.

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE.

The Whitman massacre began November 29, 1847. I shall
not, in this address, go into the horrible, details of that event.
It resulted in what is known as the Cayuse war. It was the
first Indian war on the Pacific Coast, north of Mexico. All
wars in the Oregon Country, previous to that time, had been
prevented through the influence and power of Dr. McLoughlin.
This war was fought by volunteers from the Willamette Val-
ley and without aid or assistance from the United States. It
was carried on by the Oregon Provisional Government. There
were no regular troops in Oregon until May, 1849.

The Cayuse war aroused Congress to see the necessity of a
territorial government for Oregon. The Act for the establish-
ment of Oregon Territory passed Congress and became a law
August 14, 1848. March 2, 1849, General Joseph Lane, Ore-
gon's first territorial governor, arrived at Oregon City. March
3, 1849, he issued his proclamation assuming charge as Gov-
ernor of the Territory of Oregon. The Provisional Government
thus ended. Shortly afterwards the Territory of Oregon was

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 137

organized. Its first legislature met at Oregon City July 16,
1849. The last session of the Legislature of the Provisional
Government adjourned sine die February 16, 1849.

SUMMARY OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

In one sense the Oregon Provisional Government may be
said to have had its beginning in February, 1841. The Wolf
meeting in March, 1843, the Champoeg meeting of May 2,
and the meeting of July 5 of the same year, were but carry-
ing into practical effect what had been attempted in 1841.
As I have shown, the organization of a provisonal government
was largely a matter of sentiment, but in the summer of 1845
the organization of a true, provisional government became a
necessity, not only from existing conditions, including the in-
crease of population by the arrival of the large immigration of
1844, but in anticipation of the arrival of the immigration of
1845 and of succeeding immigrations until, at least, the settle-
ment of the Oregon Question between the United States and
Great Britain. It is most creditable to the pioneers of Oregon,
up to the organization of the Oregon Territorial Government,
in 1849, that the Provisional Government conducted itself as
though it had real sovereignty in the disputed Oregon Coun-
try ; that it derived and sustained its powers "from the consent
of the governed" ; that it was always just and fair to all peoples
and their properties within its control and power; that it was,
at least, tacitly recognized by Congress as competent to conduct
affairs in the part of the Oregon Country determined as be-
longing to the United States by the boundary treaty of June
15, 1846, up to the organization of the Territorial Government.

By the Act of Congress of August 14, 1848, establishing
the Territory of Oregon, it was provided that the existing
laws of the Provisional Government, then in force, excepting
all laws making grants of land or encumbering the titles of
land, should continue to be valid, and to operate therein so far
as the same were not inconsistent with the Constitution of the
United States and the principles and provisions of said Act.

This was a high and just compliment to the law makers of
the Oregon Provisional Government. The effect was to con-

138 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN

tinue in force all its laws except those relating to the acquisi-
tion of land, and excepting also a law which was passed, appar-
ently February 15, 1849, the day before the final adjournment
of the last Legislature of the Provisional Government, and
approved February 16, 1849, "For the weighing and assaying
of gold, and melting and stamping the same." (Laws of 1843-
9, page 58). Of course, this was not lawful, under the Con-
stitution of the United States. But Congress had refused to
extend the jurisdiction of the United States over Oregon,
although the boundary treaty had been in force nearly two
years and a half. There was practically no money in circula-
tion, although gold dust was used, which was very unsatisfac-
tory. Prior to the discovery of gold in California the only
mediums of exchange were wheat, beaver skins, and store
orders. The necessity of the law was its justification. It was
characteristic of the early pioneers who had established and
maintained this Provisional Government, because of the neces-
sity of such a government but not against the United States.
As the government of the United States had given them no
laws they made laws for themselves. It is true no money was
coined under this law, for on March 3, 1849, forty-seven days
after its approval, Governor Lane, by his proclamation, placed
Oregon Territory under the government of the United States
and the Act organizing the Territory.

CONCLUSION.

It is well for us to be here and celebrate this anniversary.
Whether it be the important day of the organization of the
Provisional Government, is of small moment. We observe the
Fourth day of July as the day of American Independence, but
the American Revolutionary War had begun more than a year
prior to the Declaration of Independence, and the war did not
end until more than seven years thereafter, but the Fourth of
July is the day we celebrate. It might well have been the date
of the battle of Lexington, or the day the Treaty of Peace was
ratified between Great Britain and the American Colonies. By
common consent of the people of Oregon the second of May is

OREGON PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 139

the day to celebrate the establishment of Oregon's Provisional
Government by the American settlers and those associated with
them, who, in a country without government, established law
and order and a representative form of government, based on
the best thoughts, principles and traditions of the American
people, and of the Anglo-Saxon race.

HOW BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS

UNITE IN A COMMON GOVERNMENT

FOR OREGON TERRITORY IN 1844*

By Robert C. Clark, Ph.D.

It is not the purpose of this paper to state with any detail the
already so well-told story of the organization of a Pro-
visional Government in Oregon. The main features of that
narrative have been too long a matter of record and based upon
too complete evidence to need repetition at my hands. Such of
its details are as given elsewhere will, so far as is consistent
with clearness, be omitted here. This paper is, therefore, an
attempt to supplement and correct existing accounts. It is now
possible to perform such a task by the discovery of new
materials in the form of letters written by officials of the
Hudson's Bay Company1 and by a more thorough use
of the well known sources. To make needed additions to the
existing accounts of the movement on the part of the settlers
of the Willamette Valley to establish a government in the years
1841-1843; to explain the influences opposing this enterprise;
to give more definitely the sources of the first constitution;
and lastly, to tell how a union of all the people of Oregon
territory south of the Columbia river, — British and Ameri-
cans,— was brought about in 1844, — these in brief are the
aims of this paper.

While the Oregon country was occupied jointly by British
and American citizens with equal right from the agreement of
1818 to the treaty of 1846 that established the northern
boundary of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains,
neither Great Britain nor the United States extended any
governmental authority over the territory. The former in-
trusted to the Hudson's Bay Company the power to keep order
and administer justice for her subjects, the latter left her
citizens entirely to their own resources. The officials of the
Hudson's Bay Company, located at Vancouver on north bank
of the Columbia, had the authority of magistrates and could

h Paper read before Pacific Branch American History Association, April 6, 1912.
Copies of these have been kindly loaned to the author by Professor Schafer.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 141

arrest and confine their own employes for any minor offense.
For the more serious crimes the accused had to be sent to
Canada for trial. The authority of the Company, moreover,
was recognized by its retired servants, Canadian citizens and
others who had taken up their residence in the Willamette
valley or elsewhere in Oregon territory.2 Citizens of the United
States left to their own resources had elected officers to admin-
ister justice, for themselves as early as 1838. 3 And in very
serious cases improvised juries had administered on the spot
a very acceptable justice.* Thus it will be seen that the Ore-
gon country really had from an early period as much govern-
ing authority as was needful for the conditions of the time.
In these years there were no serious quarrels between persons
recognizing a conflicting allegiance. Such conflicts were, how-
ever, an ever increasing danger to the peace of the community
as the number of Americans was swelled by yearly immigra-
tions. But the French-Canadians were so peaceful, industrious,
and inoffensive, the Americans for the most part so law-abid-
ing, that it was possible to postpone for some years the organi-
zation of a government that might embrace the whole com-
munity. Such a movement began early in 1841 after the
coming in 1839 and 1840 of a few adventurous men from the
middle western states. This small immigration furnished two
or three men of good education and some legislative expe-
rience who seem to have given the impulse and furnished in part
the leadership for such an enterprise.

Now at the outset of this effort to organize a government
there were not more than 140 white men settled in the region
south of the Columbia river, made up almost equally of citizens
of Great Britain and the United States. The former consisted
for the most part of French-Canadians and half-breeds, with

2 McLoughlin letter of March 20, 1843; F. C. Amer. 401; Wilkffs' Narrative,
IV., 330.

3 Oregon Settlers' Petition of 1840; 2$th Congress 3d. Sess. H. Reports, 101;
Gray's History of Oregon, p. 194, speaks of "self-constituted tribunals." For two
years before 1840 persons had been chosen as "judges and magistrates." Hines'
Oregon History, p. 417.

4 Samuel Parker, Journal of an Exploring Tour in 1835, p. 181.

142 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

their Indian wives.5 The latter, of those attached to the
Methodist and other missionary enterprises, ministers and lay-
men; and independent and unattached American element, —
mountain men, ex-trappers with native wives, and a few men
who had gradually filtered over the mountains from various of
the western states (some had come via California.) In addi-
tion there were a few of various nationalities upon whom sat
lightly any especial allegiance. These people were scattered
along the prairies bordering on the Willamette river and its
tributaries. Such a community was naturally fitted for a com-
mon government since communication by means of the water
courses was fairly easy and certain bonds of common interest
had arisen.

The immediate need of more efficient legal machinery was
seriously felt when one of the better-to-do residents of the
valley died leaving a valuable estate and no heirs to take pos-
session of it. Out of this situation developed a movement to
create an organization with sufficient authority to deal with
such matters. This movement was not a complete success, but
as a result of it the community secured a full corps of officers,
with the exception of an executive head. These were chosen
in February, 1841, at a gathering described as a "full meeting
of the inhabitants of Willamette Valley"6 and the supreme
judge was instructed to act according to laws of the State of
New York until a code of its own be adopted by the com-
munity. A legislative committee, appointed at this time to
draft a constitution and laws, failed to report to a subsequent
meeting in June and so the settlement failed to secure a fully
organized and constitutional government. It is to be noted,
however, that as a result of this movement a definite body of
officials were given authority to administer justice for the
community. Though their power and tenure of office were not
placed upon a constitutional basis, yet they had an authority
emanating directly from the people. The instruction to follow

5 Lord Durham's description of the contemporary French in Canada seems a
good characterization of those in Oregon. "They are mild and kindly, frugal,
industrious, and honest, very sociable, cheerful and hospitable, and distinguished
for a courtesy and real politeness." Report of Earl of Durham, 1838, p. 17.

6 Grover, Oregon Archives, p. 5.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 143

the laws of New York gave a measure of guidance to their
judicial officers. 7 The people now had a machinery for making
arrests, punishing offenders, and settling disputes more elabo-
rate and more efficient than possessed before. The officers
elected at this February meeting held office for more than two
years. Another public meeting in May, 1843, authorized them
to continue in office until July 5 of that year. A foreign visitor
writing at the time testifies that the Willamette settlement is
"ready to take cognizance under a code of its own formation of
such cases of outrage as may occur."8 From the facts here
given it will be seen that the Willamette community had taken
in 1841 a long step towards establishing an organized govern-
ment.

At the outset of this movement of 1841 all the people of the
valley seemed to have joined in it. The journals of the public
meetings speak of them as full meetings of all the inhabitants.
Americans, French-Canadians, Englishmen were chosen im-
partially for the offices created. The French Catholic priest,
F. N. Blanchet, was named first on the legislative committee.
A policy of conciliation and comprehension was evidently fol-
lowed. The June meeting even went so far as to refer the
question of the expediency of forming a government to the
Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company. Apparently a
spirit of harmony and good will prevailed at this period.

But such unanimity of opinion and feeling did not long
endure. There were some men who did not deem a govern-
ment necessary.9 Captain Wilkes, of the United States Explor-
ing Expedition, visiting the Willamette settlement at this time,
advised against such a movement. Furthermore, the Hudson's
Bay Company was opposed to it. Its officers feared a conflict
with the young and belligerent community. The company had
assisted in bringing into the country the priests who admin-

7 Dr. Babcock, supreme judge, was a native of New York. This is probably
the reason for such instruction. James A. O'Neil, who came to Oregon in 1834,
was a native of New York, had studied law to some extent in his native state, and
had a copy of the New York statutes. This statement is made on information
given many years ago by the late Medorem Crawford, also of New York State.
Information given by Mr. George H. Himes.

8 Letter of Sir George Simpson, 1841. Am. Hist. Rev., XIV., p. 81.

9 Wilkes' Narrative, IV., p. 330.

144 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

istered to the French-Canadians and expected them to use
their influence to further its interests.10 The Canadians were
for the most part retired servants of the Company and obedient
to its instructions. Now under the direction of their spiritual
advisers the French withdrew their support from the move-
ment to form a government. Writing in November, 1841, one
of the managers of the company could boast, "This last sum-
mer the Willamette community made strong effort to form a
constitution for themselves, but the Company's influence over
the Canadian settlers in a large measure defeated that object."11
Though one of the Catholic clergy had been selected as head
of the constitutional committee, a little pressure from the
officials of the company secured his resignation.

Thus the active hostility of the Hudson's Bay Company, the
indifference of many of the Americans and opposition of others,
the refusal of the Canadians to join the movement caused a
failure to secure a constitution at this time. Besides many were
satisfied with having secured a body of officials able to deal
with such exigencies as might arise in the immediate, future,
and the very coming together for common action in a matter
of public interest had shown the colony able to deal with affairs
of consequence as they might come up.12

By the arrival in the fall of 1842 of some 140 Americans led
by Dr. Elijah White, recently appointed by the government of
the United States a sub-agent for the Oregon Indians, a new
impetus was given to the agitation for a government. In Sep-
tember of 1842 a public meeting was held to receive the cre-
dentials of Dr. White.13 As far as the formal minutes of the
meeting show it came together merely to express the sentiments
of the community on appointment of Dr. White. Hines says
that White made claims to larger powers than those of an Indian
agent, equivalent to those of governor, but no definite conclu-
sion was reached on this point. '* Though the formal minutes

10 Letter of Sir George Simpson, Am. Hist. Rev., XIV., p. 81.

1 i Ibid.

12 Hines' Oregon History, p. 420.

13 White, Ten Years in Oregon, p. 168.

14 Oregon Hist., p. 421. White calls this the "largest and happiest public
meeting ever convened in this infant colony."

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 145

of this meeting show only an expression of approval of the
recognition given the needs of the community by the United
States in the appointment of an Indian agent, there is other
evidence that the claim of Dr. White to an authority over the
territory equivalent to that of a governor aroused again a
discussion of the question of organizing a provisional govern-
ment. At least Dr. White's activity seems to have given anxiety
to the officials of the Hudson's Bay Company who char-
acterized him as "active, forward and very presumptuous"
and held him responsible along with some of those con-
nected with the missions for further meetings of the peo-
ple held with "a view to the election of a governor."1?
But whatever efforts of this nature may have been made in
1842 were again defeated by the Canadians who "outvoted"
the Americans.16

Further incentive for urging on the formation of a pro-
visional government grew out of the grievances against the
Hudson's Bay Company held by some of the Americans, espe-
ically those connected with the Methodist Mission. McLough-
lin, chief factor at Vancouver? laid claim to land at the Falls
of the Willamette that was coveted by the Methodists. Some
of these as early as 1841 had formed a milling company and
seized upon a site on an island in the river at the Falls, on the
ground that McLoughlin had taken possession of on behalf of
the Company in 1829.1? The missionaries had also erected build-
ings on the east bank of the river, a further encroachment on
the McLoughlin claim. In 1842 McLoughlin had the claim
surveyed and laid out into lots for a town named Oregon City.
He had also set up a rival mill and the American company were
fearful of its competition. The conduct of the Company in its
dealing with the colony and of McLoughlin in insisting upon
the priority of his claim at the Falls were made subjects of
complaint and grievance in a petition to Congress drawn up
in a meeting of the Americans held early in 1843. They urged

1 5 Letter of Sir George Simpson written from Red River Settlement, June
21, 1843, F. O. Amer., 401.

1 6 Ibid.

17 Simpson Letters, Am. Hist. Rev., XIV., 80.

146 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

as a reason for the speedy extension to them of the jurisdiction
of the United States the need of "laws that will be respected
and obeyed" in order to put an end to the monopolistic control
exercised over the colony by the Hudson's Bay Company. This
petition bore the signatures of a large, number of the Ameri-
cans in the colony, — 65 names in all.18

Now while there might be some hope of protection from
Congress and perhaps the McLoughlin claim might ultimately
be disallowed by that body, a more speedy way of securing
"law that will be respected and obeyed" was at hand. The
same men who had put their names to the petition to Congress
now revived the project for organizing a government for the
settlement. (Twenty of the signers of the Petition of 1843
voted for organization of a government in May of that year.)
They saw a means of checkmating the Hudson's Bay Company
in the formulation of a skillfully devised land law that would
deprive McLoughlin of his land claim.

To advance this object meetings of the settlers were called
early in 1843. To disguise their true purpose and to persuade
the Canadians to join them these meetings were called to con-
sider measures for protection against wild animals. Out of
them came the appointment of a committee to issue a call for
a public assembly to "consider the propriety of taking measures
for the civil and military protection of the colony."1 9

Some of the French-Canadians had attended these so-called
"Wolf Meetings," but were not yet ready to join the movement
to establish a government.20 McLoughlin was kept well in-
formed of what was going on in the Willamette country and
the Canadians were still well under his control. He, as well as
the higher officials of the Hudson's Bay Company, were by this
time beginning to realize that though the movement might be
postponed so long as their retired servants were able to out-
vote the Americans, the latter were now "numerous enough to
carry their point."21 The Canadians seem to have begun to

1 8 Holman, McLoughlin, p, 198, for Petition of Citizens of Oregon, 1843.

19 Graver, Oregon Archives.

20. The second meeting was at the home of J. Gervais, Grover, Oregon
Archives, p. 9. Letter of McLoughlin, March 20, 1843, F. O. Amer. 401.
21 Letter of Sir George Simpson, June 21, 1843, *• 0, Amer. 401.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 147

yield to the persuasion of their neighbors and McLoughlin
writes as if he, too, realized that it was to their advantage to
join the Americans. In a letter of March 20, 1843, he says,
"Tho some of the Canadians were present at the meeting of
March 17 (the second of the Wolf Meetings) still, though in no
way inclined to join in the measure to erect a temporary gov-
ernment, yet they must admit the strength of the argument
used by the Americans that they must,, now that people are
coming here from different countries, adopt some plan to keep
peace in the country, and that while they, the Canadians, are
bound, those who come from the states are amenable to no
authority. "22

Perhaps if the enterprise had been less partisan and not so
manifestly the outcome of dislike of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, the Canadians would have been persuaded to join it. But
McLoughlin had received information of the petition against
the company directed to the Congress of the United States.23
Besides in the minds of the officers of that organization there
was a real danger that the success of the movement might lead
to "serious difficulties, for if these people enter on the exercise
of self government they will unquestionably attempt to assume
authority over all the inhabitants of the district, British as well
as foreign/'2* So pursuing the same policy as before they
endeavored to defeat the undertaking by the use of the Cana-
dians. At a meeting of the inhabitants of the Willamette settle-
ments on May 2, 1843? the Canadians attended in full force
and all but defeated a motion recommending the establishment
of a provisional government.25 Upon the passing of this
motion by the small majority of two the dissenters withdrew.26
The fear of the Hudson's Bay Company officers that the Ameri-
cans would be numerous enough to carry their object had
been realized.

22 F. O. Amer. 401.

23 Letter of Simpson, June 21, 1843, cited above tells of a letter written to
McLoughlin by an American lawyer, Hastings, of a "close meeting" at Falls of
Willamette for purpose of petitioning Congress.

24 Ibid.

25 The journal of the meeting shows that the motion was at first declared
lost. A division is said to have given a majority in favor of organizing. Gray,
Hist, of Oregon, p. 279.

a6 Journal of meeting of May 2, 1843, in Oregon Archives.

148 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

This May assembly, undiscouraged by the desertion of al-
most half their number, proceeded to elect a full corps of officers
for the colony, excepting a governor. A legislative committee
given authority to draft a constitution and laws, having com-
pleted its work in the six days of session allowed, presented
it to a meeting of the people held July 5. This meeting adopted
the Organic Articles and Laws which thus became Oregon's
first written constitution.

The legislative committee of nine that made this contribu-
tion to state constitution making were not lawyers. There
were as yet no lawyers in the colony. Its chairman, Robert
Moore, had been a member of the Missouri legislature. The
leading spirit of the committee seems to have been Robert
Shortess, a native of Ohio, formerly a school teacher, and of
good education. He had been the principal mover in calling
the meeting earlier in the year that had drawn up the petition
to Congress complaining of the conduct of the Hudson's Bay
Company, and now did most of the work of formulating the
Organic Articles and Laws that were to give the colony an
organized government. There happened to be in the settle-
ment a copy of the statute laws of the Territory of Iowa
enacted in 1838-39, and containing the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, the Constitution of the United States, the Ordinance
of Congress for the government of the Territory Northwest of
the, River Ohio, 1787, an Act to divide the Territory of Wiscon-
sin and to establish the territorial government of Iowa, and
lastly the Statute Laws of Iowa arranged in alphabetical order
beginning with "abatement" and ending with "worshipping
congregations." With so much constitutional and legal material
available, and such as had proved useful for the last and more
infant of the territories of the United States, the work of
the committee became largely a matter of compilation and
adaptation. The Organic Articles as finally adopted are there-
fore scarcely more than a rehash, — with necessary changes in
phraseology, — of the Ordinance of 1787 and the Organic Law

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 149

of Iowa, together with some parts of the Iowa code.2? Land
and militia laws suitable to local conditions, together with a
provision for districting the territory, were added. The two
novel features of the constitution were the vesting of the
executive power in three persons and the provision for secur-
ing funds to support the government by voluntary subscription.

The land law seems to show the animus and purpose of the
whole movement. While it makes provision for registering
land claims with the recorder of the territory and thus ful-
filled one of the chief objects of those desiring a constitution,
by furnishing a means of avoiding conflicts in land claims and
laying the basis for a more secure title, in its fourth clause it
prohibited the holding of a claim of 640 acres "upon city or
town lots, extensive water privileges or other situations neces-
sary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing opera-
tions." Then in order to shut out the Hudson's Bay Company
and yet recognize the rights of the Methodist mission a proviso
was added that "nothing in these laws shall be construed as to
affect any claim of a religious character made prior to this
time."

The constitution of 1843 fell far short of providing an or-
derly and stable government. Its makers showed great timid-
ity and hesitation, and failed completely to provide the proper
sanctions for such a government. It manifestly included within
the bounds of its powers only those who had participated in its
formation or voluntarily submitted to its terms. Perhaps a
majority of the settlers did not recognize the government set
up by it. The provision for supporting the government by
the circulation of subscription papers shows that there was no
intention on the part of the makers of this constitution to coerce
any one. They even hesitated to fix a northern boundary to
the territory because they did not wish to claim a definite
jurisdiction over the Hudson's Bay Company officials and prop-

27 Careful comparison of the Organic Articles with these sources shows how
phrases were picked out here and there and woven together to describe the various
authorities set up. Section i of the Articles is almost identical with the articles of
compact closing the Ordinance of 1787. Articles 4, 5, 6, 7, in section 2, are
adapted from sections 7, 2, 4, and 9, respectively, of the Iowa Organic Law. The
other articles are taken from the code of Iowa. The Statute Laws of Iowa,
Reprint of 1839 edition.

150 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

erty.28 For all practical purposes, then, the settlers of the Wil-
lamette were little bettered by adopting this constitution in
1843. There, was as yet little need of a better organized gov-
ernment than that furnished by election of officers in 1841.
The government was entirely American. The British and Cana-
dians considered it a purely "American compact," protested
against it,29 and on withdrawing from the meeting in May,
1843, "delivered to the Americans a declaration of their reasons
for remaining separate."30 Nor did the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany in any way recognize the authority of the provisional gov-
ernment. With these important elements completely beyond its
jurisdiction and control the, most important need of a govern-
ment, an organization obeyed by all inhabitants, reconciling all
conflicting interests, empowered to settle without resort to arms
but through peaceful judicial procedure all conflicts that might
arise, such an organization was not secured. This government,
too distinctly partisan in character, could not be permanent.

Until the arrival at the Willamette in the fall of 1843 of
some 800 prospective settlers the question of governmental
status seems not to have troubled the colony. For a time it
seemed doubtful if the new arrivals, so greatly outnumbering
those settlers already in the territory, would acknowledge a
government of so questionable origin as that of July, 1843.
Some of them favored the establishment of an independent
state on the ground "that if the country becomes a territory of
the United States it will be so remote from the seat of gov-
ernment that it will be, very difficult for them to get the laws
made that they require."31 While the majority were, opposed
to independence they doubted the success of a movement that
failed to take in all the inhabitants, British as well as Ameri-
can. The Canadians, too, impressed by so large an addition
to the American element, now realized that it would be no
longer "possible to maintain peace and order" without a gov-

28 Oregon territory was made to include all the region south of the northern
boundary of the United States. As this boundary west of Rocky Mountains had
not yet been determined the language is no doubt intentionally vague.

29 Warre and Vavasour documents, Quart. Oreg. Hist. Society, X., 51.

30 McLoughlin letter to Captain Gordon, September 15, 1845, F. O. Amer., 459.

31 McLoughlin letter July 4, 1844; Accompaniment to Mitchell's Map of Texas,
Oregon and Calif., 17; Burnett letter in Niles Register, LXV1II., 393.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 151

ernment.32 Besides the Americans now called upon their
French neighbors to join them in forming a government for
all.33 New arrivals and old settlers combined in this effort to
secure a union with the Canadians. 34 At last a meeting called
apparently for the purpose of hearing the wishes of the Cana-
dians and to harmonize such differences of opinion as had
arisen was held in March, 1844. To this assembly the Cana-
dian residents of the Willamette Valley presented an address,
drawn up by one of their priests — Me. Langlois3S — in which
they set forth their objections to the existing government and
suggested what seemed to them a better plan of organization.

The evidence that such a meeting was held for the special
purpose of conciliating the Canadians and considering a plan
of union is as follows : 1. The salutation of the address reads,
"We, the Canadian citizen residents of the Wallamat, ma-
turely considering the object for which the people are gathered
in the present meeting, present the unanimous expression of
our desire for union." 2. The signatures of president, two
vice presidents, two secretaries, three Americans, one (Joseph
Gervais) certainly, another probably (Francis Renay) French-
men, indicate a meeting of some kind, made up of both Ameri-
cans and Canadians, though so many officers may show a
permanent organization. These signatures are found at the
bottom of the French copy of the address. 3. McLoughlin in
a letter of September, 1845, says that the address was handed
in in March to a meeting then assembled. 4. There is an
indorsement in a different handwriting from that of the ad-
dress on back of the English copy, "Address of the Canadians
to the Meeting at Champa — " (illegible).

Inasmuch as it has been the practice to date, this address as
drawn up in 1842 and presented some time in 1843, it seems
desirable to give the reasons for fixing its date as 1844.

32 Letters of McLoughlin, F. O. Amer., 440, 459

33 Ibid.

34 Signatures of officers at bottom of Canadian Address, Oregon Archives,
Provisional, i.

35 McLoughlin states positively that it was drawn up and presented by him.
It has always been incorrectly attributed to F. N. Blanchet. Lanj?lois arrived at
the Willamette Falls, September 16, 1842. He later became superintendent of
St. Joseph's College founded at Oregon City by Blanchet. De Smet's Oregon
Missions in Early Western Travels, 29: 135.

152 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

There are in existence three known contemporary copies of
this address of the Canadian citizens. Two of these, one writ-
ten in French, the other apparently an English translation,
have been preserved in the, office of the Secretary of State at
Salem and are apparently the original copies presented to the
meeting mentioned above. The third, an English translation
sent by John McLoughlin, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay
Company at Vancouver to the home office, is to be found in
the foreign office of the British Government.36 No one of these
three copies is dated. The two English copies are not duplicates
nor are they good translations of the French. The English
translation found at Salem was printed, with errors of tran-
scription, in Grover's Oregon Archives, in 1853. The French
original seems to have been overlooked or at least is unnoticed
in any existing account of the Provisional Government. All
of these accounts alike place the document in 1842 and 1843
as noted above. Apparently the only reason for so dating it
has been because the copyist who made the copy for the
printed Oregon Archives in 1853 took the indorsement to be
found on the back of the English translation and made it read
"Address of the Canadian Citizens of Oregon to the Meeting
at Champoeg, March 4, 1843." No note is made of the fact
that the indorsement is written in a hand different from that
of the document itself and that the name of the place of meet-
ing is of doubtful reading. Accepting the heading as given
and finding no record of a meeting for the purpose indicated
by the address on March 4, all writers on early Oregon his-
tory have concluded that the address was made to the meeting
at Champoeg, May 2, 1843. They have further been encour-
aged in this error by the misleading English translation and
by the statement of W. H. Gray, one of the members of the
legislative committee of 1843, who says37 that the
address was handed in to a sub-committee of three,
of which he was a member, by the clerk of the legislative
committee, examined and handed back to him. Gray, how-

36 A copy has been loaned me by Professor Schafer who has also called to
my attention the existence of the French original.

37 History of Oregon, 273.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 153

ever, was writing some 25 years after the event with the printed
address before him. His identification of this document as the
one that was handed in to his committee cannot be accepted
as positive. There is evidence as already given that the Cana-
dians handed in at the time of their withdrawal from the May
meeting in 1843 a protest and declaration of a character differ-
ent from this address. The first gave reasons for remaining
separate, the, second expresses a desire for union. The first
may be the document that Gray had in mind.

However this may be, that the address of the Canadians was
delivered in 1844 seems susceptible of the most positive proof.
1. McLoughlin inclosing a copy of the address [the Hudson's
Bay copy mentioned above] in a letter of July 4, 1844, writes
that "the American citizens called on the Canadians to join
them and organize a government for themselves, and though
the Canadians refused last year, they consented this year, but
first gave in the 'address'." This shows that though in 1843
the Canadians were unwilling, in 1844 they had changed their
minds and that the address was presented after they had de-
termined on joining the union. 2. In another letter of March
20, 1845, McLoughlin says, "From the great additional number
of immigrants who came in 1843 the Canadians considered it
necessary to have an organization to pass laws and on strength
of the address handed in in March to the meeting then assem-
bled" voted at the election in May, 1844. This shows that it
was not until after the great increase in the numbers of Ameri-
cans by the immigration of 1843 that the Canadians became
convinced of the necessity of a government. These new-comers
did not reach the Willamette until late in November of that
year. This fixes March, 1844, as the date. 3. There is also
the further evidence of the names appended to the French
version of the address. The signatures run from the bottom
of the last page towards the top, filling the blank margin.
They are quite evidently genuine as a comparison with other
signatures of the same men has shown. S. Smiths8 signs as

38 Awkwardly written, but Mr. George H. Himes is positive that it is the
signature of Sidney Smith.

154 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

president; J. Gervez [signs with his mark, usually written
Gervais] as vice president; Francis Renay, apparently as a
second vice president; and Charles E. Pickett and S. M.
Holderness as secretaries. Now the two last came to Oregon
with the immigration of 1843.39

An examination of the internal evidence furnished by the
document itself is quite as convincing as that already given
that it belongs to the year 1844. 1. In the first and second
clauses of the address the Canadians say that they "desire laws
and regulations for the protection of persons and property and
will not resist the measures of this nature passed last year by
a part of the people, although not approving of all the regula-
tions then made. Let the magistrates finish their year." Now
in the opinion of those accepting 1842 as the date of the ad-
dress these clauses have reference to the effort made in 1841
to form a government. Yet there were no definite laws or
regulations adopted then, no officers elected for any prescribed
term, and whatever action then taken had been that of the
whole people, Canadians as well as Americans, and not of "part
of the people" as described in the address. These statements
of the address seem to apply exactly to situation created by
the movement of 1843. Laws and regulations had then been
adopted by a part of the people and officers elected for a year.
Moreover at the date of the address the Canadians are ready
to form a union with the other settlers. In 1843 they were op-
posed to forming a government, attempted to outvote the
Americans and withdrew from the May meeting when defeated.
This certainly fixes the date at some time subsequent to the
meeting of July 5, 1843, at which the government was finally
established. 2. The address shows a knowledge of the, arti-
cles and laws adopted at that meeting. It is largely a criticism
of the American plan of union and such a criticism as would
have been made after having studied its organic act. Since
the work of the legislative committee that drew this up was
not completed until the latter part of June, 1843, such knowl-

ZgNesmith list of 1843 Immigrants, Trans. Oreg. Pioneer Assoc., 1879.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 155

edge of it as shown in the address could hardly have been
obtained prior to that time. The address could not have been
written in 1843 because the reference to action taken "last
year" would have no meaning. No constitution and laws were
issued in 1842.

Those writers who have found internal evidence for 1842
or 1843 as the date of the address have depended on its 5th
clause as given in the printed English translation. This clause
is there made to read, "we are opposed to the regulations an-
ticipated." This seems to imply foreknowledge on the part
of the Canadians as to the. kind of constitution and laws the
Americans intended to adopt in 1843, and thus makes intelligible
the objections found in the address. The Canadians really said
something entirely different as shown by an examination of the
same clause of the French original. "We oppose any regula-
tions too much in advance of our state of society" is what they
really said.

It seems entirely possible that the indorsement on the back
of the English copy which has heretofore led the unwary his-
torian astray may be correct in everything but the year. If
it was made by some one at a later period the mistake would
be easy to understand, or even if written at the time by some
one of the secretaries (the ink is the same as that of the sig-
natures on French document) it would have been easy for the
slip to be made. With the evidence thus conclusive that the
address was composed in 1844, with other independent evi-
dence— that of the McLoughlin letter of March 20, 1845, that
it was presented at a meeting in March, it seems quite prob-
able that this meeting was held on March 4, the day of the
month given in the indorsement.

The Canadians stood out in this address for a union that
would incorporate all the various elements of the community.
The plan of government adopted in 1843 was as they express
it "too individual," meaning too distinctly American. Until
the boundary of the territory has been definitely fixed by
treaty between Great Britain and the United States they insist
that the country must be open alike to citizens of every na-

156 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

ionality,*0 and any government that shall be formed should
be respectful of the rights of all the inhabitants.*1

They criticise the American plan of government as providing
too many offices "filled with too many useless titles for our
state of poverty," as they express it. "In a new country, the
more men employed and paid by the public, the fewer remain
for industry." So in their plan of organization they would
have a single council, its members elected from different dis-
tricts, perform all the necessary governing functions. A mag-
istrate from whose decisions appeals may be taken to the cen-
tral council, would be elected for each district to act as a jus-
tice of the peace. Further they would secure the right of the
individual citizen to be heard in affairs of general public in-
terest in the meetings of the council when assembled to discuss
and regulate the needs of the colony.*2

At the outset in a new colony they would have as few laws
as possible "as the more laws there are the more opportunity
for trickery for those who make the law a profession." They
would also guard against technicalities in the law that "would
substitute cunning for trickery." They would have such laws
as may be adopted require of the community as little expense
as possible. Especially should they not be made burdensome
to new comers. For this reason taxes should be light as pos-
sible; the land law should not provide unnecessarily trouble-
some requirements as to fixing exact boundaries to a claim
and registering it.*3 A militia law would not be necessary
because a militia is not needed and when created would be an
object of suspicion to the natives and besides a hindrance to
the necessary work of the community.

The Canadians also made request in this address for some
measure of local autonomy for themselves. They fear being
completely submerged by the Americans and seek some guar-
antee that their customs will be respected and that they may

40 Clauses n and 12. "Whether subjects of England, France, Ireland or
California."

41 Clause n. "Free to every individual to establish himself here without
distinction of origin and without right to make him pay for becoming a citizen.

42 Clause 1 6. Curiously omitted from the English versions.

43 "We are opposed to any registrations whatever." (Clauses 4 and 9).

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 157

be free to make such regulations as are suited to their own
needs. Such in brief is the purport of this curious document.

Unfortunately we are without a record of this March meet-
ing of 1844 to which this address of the Canadians was pre-
sented. Minutes of other public meeting of the time have been
preserved in our archives, but for some reason this one is men-
tioned by no contemporary American writer, and only casually
alluded to by the Hudson's Bay official correspondence. But
from what followed the meeting it seems that some under-
standing must have been reached in it. Possibly the Americans
suggested that the new legislature soon to be elected would be
able to repeal the obnoxious laws and consider the suggestions
given as to modifications in the existing form of government.
The letters of the Hudson's Bay Company officials written at
the time imply some kind of definite compact or agreement be-
tween Canadians and Americans.44 In their address the Cana-
dians had professed a willingness to obey the laws adopted in
1843 and to recognize the government then set up and now,
apparently, satisfied with assurances given them they agreed
to associate themselves with the organization already formed
and to signify such union by participating in the election of
officers in the coming May. At this annual election they voted
for the first time and helped to elect a new executive committee,
a legislative committee, and the other prescribed officers.45

The new executive and legislative committees showed very
great consideration for the sentiments of the Canadian and
British settlers,46 and a desire for harmony and compromise.
At the suggestion of the executive the legislative committee
passed several laws that indicate such a spirit. Following the
suggestion of the Canadian address the land law was repealed
and a new one enacted that abandoned the requirement for

44 British and Yankees have joined in forming a sort of provisional govern-
ment," writes the commander of the British ship of war, Modeste, who visited
Oregon in July, 1844. F. O. Amer., 440. "The Canadians and other retired
servants of the Company became parties to these measures (those passed by
legislative assembly of 1844.) "Letter of Sir George Simpson.

45 McLoughlin Letter March 20, 1845.

46 One of the executive committee. Dr. Bailey, characterized by McLoughlin
as a "cockney," was an Irishman by birth. Gray speaks of him as having come
to the meeting in 1841 with the Canadians pledged to elect him for governor.
Hist, of Oregon, p. 275.

158 ROBERT CARLTON CLARK

registration of land claims. The clause 4 of the old act that
was intended to deprive McLoughlin of his claim at the Falls
of the Willamette is dropped.*? By another measure the north-
ern boundary of the territory over which the provisional gov-
ernment claimed jurisdiction was fixed at the Columbia River.*8
This shows an unwillingness to encroach upon the Hudson's
Bay Company. Provision was also made and agreed to by the
Canadians, for supporting the government by taxation and de-
priving those who refused to contribute of any right to vote
or to receive protection from the government. The form of
the executive was also changed and provision made to elect
a governor at the next annual election. So important were the
changes made in the Organic Laws and Articles of 1843 by
the legislative committee of 1844 that something like, a new
constitution was then made. It was under these new articles
of compact and agreement that the Canadians and British sub-
jects south of the Columbia joined with the Americans in
constituting a government.

From the new facts herein first presented showing how the
Canadians were led finally to join with the Americans in form-
ing a temporary government for the Oregon territory it is now
clear that the movement of 1843, participated in by only a "part
of the people" must not be considered as anything more than
one of several steps in the direction of setting up a constitutional
government. The first of these steps had been taken in 1838
when the American element elected magistrates for themselves ;
the second in 1841 by the selection of a larger body of officers ;
the third in 1843 with the placing of the government on a more
definite constitutional basis. But until 1844 the British and
Canadian citizens held aloof and were only brought into the
union in that year under the circumstances described. By this
fourth step a government embracing all the inhabitants and

47 General and Special Laws of Oregon, 1843-1849, 77. It is worth while
noticing that the Methodist mission had been disbanded and its land and property
distributed to its individual members so that there was no reason to retain the
proviso of clause 4.

48 General Laws, 74. In the next session, Dec., 1844, changed again to
54° 40', but in taking the census the sheriff was not required to go beyond the
Columbia. Ibid, 72.

How BRITISH AND AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE 159

comprising all the territory south of the Columbia River was
established. Not until the next year and by means of a special
agreement with the Hudson's Bay Company and by forming a
third constitution was the region north of the Columbia and
its residents brought into the bounds of the infant state. But
this is a story by itself and not to be related here.

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE OF ATTITUDE ON THE
WHITMAN LEGEND

(By Leslie M. Scott

John Fiske, the eminent historian, once accepted as authentic
the story that Whitman "saved" Oregon. But later scrutiny
changed his view and before his death in 1901 he repudiated
the story completely.

This matter is brought up at this time by re-publication, by
the Oregon Pioneer Association, of Mr. Fiske's address, de-
livered by him at Astoria, May 11, 1892; also by recent pub-
lication of the Marshall work (Acquisition of Oregon) which
dissects and destroys the "Whitman myth." Mr. Marshall was
directly instrumental in changing the view of Mr. Fiske. Let-
ters exchanged by them after 1892, discussing the subject, are
in possession of Mr. C. B. Bagley of Seattle, publisher of the
Marshall book, and have been read by the present writer.

Mr. Fiske accepted the Whitman-saved-Oregon story in his
address at Astoria; but the address as published in 1909 (Un-
published Orations; Boston Bibliophile Society) is wholly re-
vised and rewritten in the part relating to Whitman ; the orig-
inal remarks are expunged and the substitute are expanded.
The version as finally authorized by the historian eliminates the
legend, dismisses as a "fiction of the imagination" the tale that
Whitman "saved" Oregon by leading the migration of 1843.
The revision is published by the Oregon Pioneer Association.

This change of view in the historical eye of Mr. Fiske has
important bearing on accepted facts and future researches into
old Oregon annals. Mr. Fiske's Astoria address gave immense
weight to the "legend." Lighter authorities found themselves
somewhat flattened by the steam roller from Cambridge. But
Mr. Fiske heard protests ; looked further ; reversed his earlier
conclusions. Then unwilling to bequeath the error to posterity,
he expunged it and rewrote his Astoria "speech." He calls
Whitman faithful missionary and "martyr;" speaks of him
sympathetically as a daring pioneer, pursuing the westward

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 161

movement of his time, but withholds from him the title that
the disputed story has conferred during half a century — that
of "empire saver."

"We do well on this commemorative occasion," says the re-
vised version, "to honor the faithful missionary who endured
severe privations, braved great dangers, and fell a martyr to
the missionary work to which he had devoted his life. But
we should do him great injustice to ascribe to him projects
of empire for which neither his words nor his acts give any
warrant, which necessitate the appropriation to him of the
labors of others and require an entire misreading of our diplo-
matic history in regard to the history of Oregon."

For the sake of true history it is fortunate that we have the
corrected conclusions of Mr. Fiske, so clearly and strongly
stated as they appear in the posthumous publication.

In the original address the latter part, about 1300 words, is
devoted to Whitman. In the revision this part is enlarged to
4000 words and completely altered.

The revision is changed from the original but little in other
respects — only in literary refinements of a word or a sentence
now and then. The original was published in the Morning
Oregonian of May 12, 1892, inserted in that paper by the late
editor, H. W. Scott, who received it from Mr. George H.
Himes, Secretary of the Oregon Pioneer Association, who ob-
tained it from Mr. Fiske. The original compared with the
revision bears evidences of hasty composition, and the part
relating to Whitman shows immature investigation. Mr. Fiske
accepted Barrows, Gray, and others before looking into the
subject for himself.

Mr. Fiske at Astoria repeated the "wagon-on-the-Columbia"
story; said Hudson's Bay men discouraged immigration and
barred wagon progress; told the tale of Whitman spurred by
the Red River immigration in 1842 to make his "ride" to "save"
Oregon in the Webster- Ashburton negotiations. Portrayed
the nation as awakened by Whitman to the value of Oregon
and the immigration of 1843 as actuated by him. These sev-
eral myths have been disbelieved and disproved during many

162 LESLIE M. SCOTT

years by real admirers of Whitman who have regretted the
false aspects that they gave the life and character of the heroic
pioneer and missionary. The completest disproof is that of
Professor William I. Marshall, recently published in two vol-
umes by Lowman & Hanford Co. of Seattle.

Mr. Marshall was a very persistent prober after facts of
Oregon history and equally persistent in combating authors
of the "legend." In 1895 he wrote Mr. Fiske a letter of eight
pages, closely typewritten, exposing details of the "legend."
This Mr. Fiske acknowledged with thanks and asked for more.
Mr. Marshall later supplied Mr. Fiske with further information.
It seems evident that Mr. Marshall gave Mr. Fiske much of
the evidence on which he based the, revision of his Astoria
address.

The present writer, believing himself a faithful admirer of
Whitman's character and work in the acquisition of Oregon,
offers the foregoing for the sake of Whitman's place in verified
history. The writer feels that the time is here when this sub-
ject can be examined free from the controversy that has been
urged during many years.

JOHN FISKE'S ORIGINAL VERSION OF WHITMAN'S MISSIONARY

ENTERPRISE GIVEN IN ORATION AT ASTORIA,

MAY 11, 1892.

"In that same year, 1832, four Flathead Indians made a pil-
grimage to St. Louis, we are told, in search of the white man's
book of salvation. What manner of patent medicine their sav-
age head may have fancied the sacred volume to contain,
whether it would give them ample hunting grounds or ward
off the dreaded tomahawk and still more dreaded incantations
of the next hostile tribe, it would be hard to say ; but the inci-
dent attracted the attention of the American Board of Missions
and led to the sending of missionaries to the Indians of Ore-
gon. Among these the coming of the Reverend Henry Spald-
ing and Doctor Marcus Whitman, with their wives, may be
said to mark the beginning of a new era in the taking posses-
sion of the country. It was in September, 1836, that they
reached Fort Walla Walla, after their arduous journey.

One of the most picturesque scenes in the early history of

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 163

New England is the migration of Thomas Hooker and his
church in June, 1635, from Cambridge, to the bank of the Con-
necticut River, there they forthwith made the beginning of the
town of Hartford. The picture of that earnest party in pur-
suit of a lofty purpose — a party of husbands and wives with
their children, taking with them their cattle and their house-
hold goods, and led by their sturdy pastor, a great founder of
American democracy — is a very pleasant one, Mrs. Hooker
being in poor health, was carried all of the way on a litter.
That was a pilgrimage of something more than one hundred
miles, through a country not hard to traverse, under June
skies. Much more striking and not less sweet is the picture
of our little party of devoted missionaries two centuries later,
making their toilsome way across this continent and threading
the intricate mountain passage between the upper Missouri
and the lower Columbia, Mrs. Spalding much of the time ill
and sometimes so exhausted as to make her recovery seem
doubtful. That journey stands out as typical of the bringing
across these rugged Sierras, the home with all its sacred and
tender associations ; and it will long live in history as it de-
serves to. An incident especially marked it ; the resolute Whit-
man brought his wagon all the way, up hill and down dale, in
spite of rocks and bushes and whatever hindrances the forest
could offer until the rattle of its wheels was heard upon the
banks of the Columbia.

With the obstinacy with which he clung to this wagon the
Doctor had a purpose. There was a belief that the mountains
which encompassed Oregon were impassable for wheeled vehi-
cles. Doctor Whitman had now satisfied himself that this was
not the case. What he had done once with a single wagon
he could do again if need be with a hundred. It was well that
the experiment had been tried. From 1838 to 1842 missionary
parties and emigrant families kept coming to Oregon and for
the most part abandoned their wagons at Fort Hall, as they
were told it was impossible to take them over the Blue Moun-
tains. In every way the agents of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany did their best to spread such reports and to discourage
immigration. They lost no chance of asseverating that Oregon
was not only inaccessible, but worthless when reached, at least
so far as the needs of permanent settlers were concerned. The
secret, however, was one that could not long be kept. It needed
but a brief experience to teach the settlers that for agricultural
purposes this country about the Columbia River was unsur-

164 LESLIE M. SCOTT

passed if not unequaled in America. As the truth grew upon
men's minds more families came across the Blue Mountains,
and presently the Hudson's Bay Company, thoroughly alarmed,
made up its mind to abandon its old-time policy and try to
beat the American settlers at their own game. Colonizers were
to be brought from Canada in overwhelming numbers. It was
in October, 1842, that Doctor Whitman heard of the approach
of such a colony of 140 persons. In a moment he grasped the
fact in all its relations. The Ashburton Treaty was in progress
and there was a possibility that it might terminate the joint
occupation of Oregon and surrender the American claim. No
time was lost. At once the stout Doctor decided to ride to
Washington and lay the case before Daniel Webster, Secretary
of State, and take such further measures as would bring wagons
over the mountains, not singly, but by the hundred. Our
thoughts again revert to New England and to Paul Revere's
famous midnight ride, a gallop of twenty miles over the high-
way to send an alarm and forestall the British in their designs
upon Concord.

Marcus Whitman's ride was likewise to send an alarm. It
was a ride to forestall Great Britain in grasping an imperial
domain. It was a midwinter ride of four thousand miles
through forest and desert and over frightful mountain passes,
amid frequent peril of cold and famine and hostile savages.
It will be cited hereafter, side by^ side with the prodigious foot
journey of La Salle, among the grand and stirring events in
American history.

Striking far south into the Santa Fe trail, the Doctor
reached St. Louis and thence made his way to bur Federal
Capital, where he arrived in March, 1843. The Ashburton
Treaty had been completed in the preceding August, before
he had started on this long journey and fortunately it had left
the Oregon question for future adjustment. That delay gave
the United States an immense advantage when next the ques-
tion came up. Whitman's untiring zeal made it known that
on the Columbia River was an empire worth saving. When
he started westward in June, 1843, to return to his wife and
friends, he led a train of two hundred emigrant wagons, not
to be left behind at Fort Hall, but to keep on their way over
the Blue Mountains. It was the vanguard of the era of occu-
pation. Before three years had elapsed, there was an Ameri-
can population of nearly twelve thousand persons in Oregon,
staunch men and women come to build up homes, the sturdy
stuff of which a nation's greatness is made.

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 165

Here we may fitly end the story, for the title of the Ameri-
can people to the possession of the Oregon Territory, which
was organized in the movement of the good ship Columbia, a
century ago today, was practically consummated by the rush
of immigrants half way between that time and the present,
and when in the Treaty of 1846, the vast territory was amicably
divided between Great Britain and the United States, we had
little difficulty in keeping for ourselves the land upon which
to erect the three goodly states of Oregon, Washington and
Idaho, besides the section that fills out the contour of Montana,
and when we look at this country now, with its climate un-
surpassed in all America, its scenery rivaling that of Switzer-
land or Italy, its noble forests, its fertile and smiling valleys,
its boundless economical resources, and realize how all this has
been made part of our common heritage, we are made to feel
that the day we celebrate was indeed an auspicious day and
worthy of an eminent place in our national calendar. All
honor to the sagacious mariner who entered these waters a
hundred years ago ! All honor to the brave pioneers whose
labors and sufferings crowned the good work. Through long
ages to come theirs shall be a sweet and shining memory."

REVISION IN JOHN FISKE'S ORATION REFERRING TO THE
WHITMAN MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE.

"In that same year (1832) four Flathead Indians made a pil-
grimage to St. Louis, we are told,, in search of the white
man's Book of Salvation. What manner of patent medicine
their savage heads may have fancied the sacred volume to
contain, whether it would give them ample hunting grounds or
ward off the dreaded tomahawk and still more dreaded incan-
tations of the next hostile tribe, it would be hard to say. But
the incident attracted the attention of some religious enthusi-
asts, and the vague plea of the Indians for help was put into
a simple yet touching appeal for teachers to make known to
them the white man's Book of Salvation. This appeal made a
great impression upon two of the religious organizations of
the country, the Methodists and the Presbyterians. The Meth-
odists were the first to take action, and under the lead of Jason
Lee, a type of the religious missionary and states-building
pioneer, a Methodist mission was established in the Willam-
ette Valley in 1834. In 1835 the American Board of Commis-
sioners for Foreign Missions, the great missionary organization
of the Congregationalists, Presbyterian and Dutch Reformed
Churches — an organization which has exerted a powerful influ-

166 LESLIE M. SCOTT

ence in the evangelization of the "waste places" of the earth —
became interested in the spiritual welfare of the Oregon In-
dians and despatched the Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus
Whitman on an overland tour of exploration and observation
to the Oregon territory.

"Before they reached the territory they fell in with some re-
turning traders and explorers, whose stories of Oregon and the
Indians satisfied Parker and Whitman of the great need of a
mission there; and for its more speedy establishment it was
decided that Parker should go forward and locate, the region
of the mission, while Whitman should return to the East for
helpers, and should endeavor to bring out some families, in
order to make the home the nucleus for practical missionary
work. Early in 1836 we therefore find Dr. Whitman back in
the East, accompanied by two Indian boys, earnestly engaged
in spreading information in regard to the missionary field in
Oregon, setting forth the great need of helpers, urging peo-
ple to engage in the work as one of the highest forms of Chris-
tian service, and making clear the ways and means of getting
there.

"It is not my purpose, nor is this the occasion, to enter upon
the discussion of the value of the services rendered to the
building up of civil government in these imperial common-
wealths by the devoted Methodist and American Board mis-
sionaries, who in advance of the great tide of immigration
which rolled into the territory from 1842 to 1846, had settled
and made their homes in the beautiful valleys of the Willamette
and Walla Walla. They were indeed an heroic little band in
this great widerness.

"Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound
Save his own dashings.

"In 1839 the number of persons connected with the Metho-
dist mission was seventy-seven, and the, number connected with
the other missions was sixteen, with twenty more on the
way. In 1842 the latter had broadened its work to three sta-
tions— Waiilatpu, Lapwai and Chemakane. Few as were the
missionaries in numbers,, the missions themselves were radiat-
ing points from which went forth steady streams of informa-
tion to the people of the East in regard to the attractive cli-
mate, the wonderful fertility of the soil and the great beauty
of physical aspect. Then, too, when the great tide of immigra-
tion set in, the missions became welcoming stations, sweet
havens of rest to the hardy pioneers after their perilous jour-
neys across the plains and over the mountains. If in their

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 167

religious zeal the missionaries seemed to overlook the child-
ish imperfections of the Indian's mind and tried to give him
theological doctrines that were beyond his comprehension,
the, while presenting him with a system of Christian ethics
which they were openly violating by taking to themselves
his choicest lands, let it pass. The day of scientific ethnology
had not come, and the proper way to civilize aboriginal man
was not yet comprehended. With all their shortcomings, we
well may honor these devoted servants of Christ who, brav-
ing every privation and danger that they might spread the
gospel of salvation as they understood it, to the Indians,
brought hither the Christian home and the school, and became
no inconsiderable factors in wresting this fair and bounteous
region from the hands of a giant monopoly.

"It is in evidence that about 1839 the Catholics made their
presence felt among the, Indians and the few Canadian set-
tlers in the territory. The mystic rites of the Catholic service
specially appealed to the Indian ; and the priests, by the sim-
plicity of their lives and by evidencing no disposition to take
possession of the country for the benefit of white settlers, easily
ingratiated themselves with the Indians, thereby arousing the
hostility of the missionaries, and thus there was injected into
the early settlement of the territory somewhat of the religious
strife between Catholics and Protestants which for centuries has
been the disgrace of Christendom. The incidents of this strife
need not detain us further than to remark that the Indians
for whose spiritual good both parties were ostensibly striving,
were more or less demoralized by the un-Christian conduct
of their teachers ; and if in some instances they showed pref-
erence for the Catholics, it must be considered that the Catho-
lics were not appropriating their lands.

"During this period neither the people nor the government
of the United States were ignorant of, or idle in regard to,
their interests in the Oregon territory. The report of the Lewis
and Clark expedition, the diplomatic correspondence with Eng-
land, the report of Commodore Wilkes, who visited the terri-
tory in 1840, on his return from Japan ; the quite elaborate
report of T. J. Farnham, who made extensive explorations in
the, territory in 1840 in behalf of proposed immigration from
Illinois, the discussions in Congress and the letters of the mis-
sionaries, all had made known the exceeding richness of the
territory and had aroused a widespread interest in it; and it
was only waiting for the government to establish its author-
ity in the territory by some understanding or treaty with

168 LESLIE M. SCOTT

England, for a great tide of immigration to get in motion for
the region on the, Columbia River.

"It has been often stated, and by persons who should have
known the facts in the case, that in 1842, when the Webster-
Ashburton treaty took place between England and the United
States with reference to our northeastern boundary, the north-
western boundary to the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Coast
was deliberately put aside as of little consequence, and that
our government then was so indifferent to the whole question
that it stood ready to trade away our rights to the better por-
tions of the Oregon Territory for some fishery considerations
on the Atlantic Coast. Let us look at the facts.

"It is a matter of common knowledge that between nations
possessing extensive unexplored regions of coterminous ter-
ritory and enjoying much commercial intercourse, there fre-
quently arise international issues of varying degrees of impor-
tance, which through prolonged negotiation get diplomatically
grouped as a distinct and interrelated body of issues. The
first treaty between England and the United States, in 1783,
which had to be very general along main lines, left a number
of questions of minor importance to be settled by the "logic
of events" in the future intercourse between the two peoples
who were henceforth to be independent of one another. Among
the unsettled or undefined questions were : A definite boundary
line between the Northern States and Canada; the rights of
sovereignty on land and sea as between the two nations; the
rendition of fugitives from justice; fishery rights along the At-
lantic Coast; the right of search on board each other's ships,
etc. These were prolific sources for disputes, and for over
fifty years — in fact, from the very beginning of our govern-
ment— some of the disagreements had existed, until the dip-
lomatic intercourse between the two nations had become so
completely befogged with the various projects and counter
projects for their adjustment, that at the beginning of the ad-
ministrations of Presidents Harrison and Tyler, in 1841, our
foreign relations were in a very critical condition. Daniel Web-
ster was Secretary of State. Wise, practical statesman that he
was, he saw that the only way to a peaceful adjustment was
by the balancing of equivalents ; that is, by giving and taking
on both sides. To this end he reduced the related issues to
the fewest number, and these to their vital points. He found
the Oregon boundary among questions at issue. He saw that
this was an issue wholly unrelated to the other and more press-
ing ones, that it could afford to wait until its consideration

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 169

could be taken up entirely independent of other issues and set-
tled on its own merits ; that its introduction alongside the older
and more pressing ones would inevitably lead to some unfavor-
able compromise on the Oregon issue, itself, or compel an
unfavorable compromise on the other issues in its behalf.
He therefore rejected it entirely from consideration, and sub-
sequent events fully justified his action in doing so. He was
completely successful in adjusting the other issues in the
memorable treaty of 1842; and four years later, when the
Oregon Treaty came before the Senate, amicably proposing
the forty-ninth parallel as the boundary line of the two govern-
ments in the territory, Mr. Webster was there as Senator
from Massachusetts to give the treaty his hearty support. The
history of the diplomatic negotiations between England and
the United States over the Oregon boundary question shows
that our government from the beginning maintained that the
forty-ninth parallel was the proper boundary line, and that
the keynote of Mr. Webster's policy was this line and nothing
else. The people of the region of the Columbia, therefore, owe
a special debt of gratitude to Mr. Webster for his wisdom in
keeping the Oregon question distinct from the unrelated issues
with which he had to deal in the perplexing negotiations of
1842.

"It would be pleasant on this occasion, if time permitted, to
dwell upon some of the incidents and experiences of that great
immigration into this territory which took place between 1841
and 1846, when the sovereign title to this fair domain passed
peacefully and permanently into the hands of the United States.

"One of the most picturesque scenes in the early history
of New England is the migration of Thomas Hooker and his
church, in June, 1635, from Cambridge to the banks of the Con-
necticut River, where they forthwith made the beginnings of
the town of Hartford. The picture of that earnest party in
pursuit of a lofty purpose, a party of husbands and wives with
their children, taking with them their cattle and their house-
hold goods and led by their sturdy pastor, the great founder
of American democracy, is a very pleasant one. Mrs. Hooker
being in poor health, was carried all the, way on a litter. That
was a pilgrimage of something more than one hundred miles,
through a country not hard to traverse, under June skies. This
Massachusetts pilgrimage in behalf of civil and religious lib-
erty has long been a theme on which historians and liberal-
minded people have loved to dwell. But how insignificant it
appears in comparison with the great pilgrimage to Oregon,

170 LESLIE M. SCOTT

which took place in 1843, and which virtually determined the
destiny of this great region for all time to come ! The story
of this pilgrimage is yet to be told. It comprised an organiza-
tion of nearly a thousand persons gathered principally from
the states bordering on the Mississippi. It was made up largely
of families with their children, taking with them their house-
hold goods and large numbers of horses and cattle. The jour-
ney was one of over two thousand miles across arid plains,
broad and rapid rivers and over almost impassable mountains.
Viewed in its historic aspect this was not merely a move-
ment of individuals intent upon bettering their material con-
dition. It was all this and more. It was the carryine of social
and political organization from the region of the Mississippi
to the region of the Columbia, and laying the foundations for
civil government in the three imperial commonwealths that
were to be.

"This great movement has suffered in its historic importance
by being presented, not as the legitimate outgrowth of the so-
cial and political activity of the time which was carrying the
"Star of Empire" westward, but rather as the, result of the
political labors of the American Board missionary — Dr. Mar-
cus Whitman — that it was in fact but the culmination of his
wise, far-seeing labors to save the territory from becoming ex-
clusively a British possession through the machinations of the
Hudson's Bay Company and the Catholics. So much has been
written upon the "Saving of Oregon" by Dr. Whitman that a
brief statement of his identification with the settlement of the,
territory and the establishment of the sovereignty of the United
States to it, is admissible here.x

"We have seen that Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, acting
under the auspices of the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, established a mission to the Indians in
the Walla Walla Valley in 1836. It is evident that early in
1842 the Board was seriously exercised over the future of their
mission. The Board was apprised of some dissensions within
the mission itself, and of serious dangers surrounding it, aris-
ing from the growing hostility of the Indians, which it was
alleged was secretly abetted by the Catholic priests as well
as by the roving trappers and adventurers in the territory.
Then, too, the discussion of the Oregon question in Congress
and by the press was bringing the settlement of the terri-
tory, the establishment of civil government and the treatment
of the Indians therein, into the, political arena, where it was
felt that the mission had no place. Accordingly, the officers

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 171

wisely decided to curtail the mission, with the evident pur-
pose of withdrawing it altogether. In the spring of 1842 in-
structions were sent to Dr. Whitman to give up two of his
stations, to have Mr. Spalding return to the East, and to con-
centrate the remaining mission force at one station.

"Dr. Whitman received these instructions in the latter part of
September, 1842. He was greatly exercised over them. He at
once called a council of his co-workers and laid before them
the instructions of the board. The majority were at first in
favor of complying with the orders of the Board, but Dr.
Whitman took decided ground against such action. The peo-
ple in Boston did not understand the situation. Great efforts
and sacrifices had been made to establish the missions, and it
was never so much needed as now, with the Papists active
among the Indians, trying to undo the work that had been
done, and the tide of immigration that was to control the des-
tiny of the territory just setting in. The force of the mis-
sion should be increased rather than diminished ; it should have
an additional preacher, with the addition of five to ten Chris-
tian laymen, the latter to look after the material or business
interests of the, mission in dealing with the Indians and the
immigrants. Dr. Whitman was a resolute, forceful man. He
closed the discussion by announcing his purpose to start at
once to Boston to present his views to the Board before any
definite action was taken upon the instructions. His asso-
ciates, seeing his determination, reluctantly acquiesced in his
plan, which involved a perilous Winter journey over the moun-
tains. This did not dishearten the resolute Doctor, and on the
3d of October, 1842, he set out on his journey. It was one
of great privations and many hair-breadth escapes. He reached
Boston the last of March, 1843. There is some, question as to
the manner of his reception by the officers of the Board. It
would appear that his disobedience of orders and his crossing
the continent to challenge in person the wisdom of the Board
was not regarded with entire favor. It is said that his recep-
tion was chilly and that the Board refused to pay the expenses
of the trip. Be that as it may, he, succeeded in getting a sus-
pension of the order recalling Mr. Spalding and curtailing the
mission stations, and he was authorized to secure additional
Christian laymen to assist in the practical work of the mis-
sion, providing this could be done "without expense to the
Board or any connection with it." It does not appear that he
succeeded in getting any addition to the missionary force.

172 LESLIE M. SCOTT

"While in the East Dr. Whitman visited Washington. In
view of the very great interest in Oregon, his evident purpose
was to lay before the proper authorities his conclusions, de-
rived from his experience, as to the practicability of a wagon
route to the Columbia; and also to urge the desirability of the
government establishing a mail route from the Missouri to the
Columbia, with government posts or stations along the way,
not only for protecting and aiding the immigrants, but also
for the purpose of extending a measure of civil government
over the vast region between these two rivers. In returning
Dr. Whitman joined, in May, 1843, the great immigrant expe-
dition to which I have, referred and which he found com-
pletely organized and on its way when he reached the Missouri
River. That he freely rendered valuable assistance to this
expedition as pilot and counsellor during its long and arduous
journey is not questioned. Such service was entirely consistent
with his robust Christian character. But the claim put for-
ward, many years after his death, that this whole expedition
was the direct outgrowth of his efforts to save Oregon, that he
organized it and heroically led it, with all its impedimenta
of horses, cattle and wagons, that he might demonstrate to a
doubting government at Washington the entire feasibility of
such an undertaking, is wholly a fiction of the imagination.
This expedition was the outgrowth of the westward movement
of the American people in the development of their social and
political life, and it would have occurred just as it did had
Dr. Whitman never been born.

"The trip of Dr. Whitman to the East was not without its
direful effects upon Dr. Whitman himself. His return, accom-
panied by such an army of occupation to appropriate their
lands, aroused to greater fury than ever the bitter fury of
the Indians. He became a marked man for vengeance. His
God could not be on the Indians' side. In spite of sullen dis-
content and warnings, he and his devoted wife struggled val-
iantly at their post for four long years, when they were bru-
tally murdered by the very Indians they were endeavoring to
uplift and to save, and the mission came to an end.

"We do well on this commemorative occasion to honor the
faithful missionary who endured severe privations, braved great
dangers and fell a martyr to the missionary work to which
he had devoted his life. But we should do him great injus-
tice to ascribe to him projects of empire for which neither
his words nor his acts give any warrant, which necessitate
the appropriation to him of the labors of others and require

JOHN FISKE'S CHANGE ON WHITMAN LEGEND 173

an entire misreading of our diplomatic history in regard to
the territory of Oregon.

"To return to the immigration of 1843. After four months'
arduous journey, this vanguard of the great army of occu-
pation that was to follow, with its convoy of horses and cattle,
reached Oregon, and its numbers spread themselves over the
valleys of the lower Columbia and immediately set to work
in true American fashion to establish homes and schools and
to organize a provisional government of their own. Among
them were a number of persons of great force of character,
who gave the impress of their personalities upon the religious.
industrial and political development of the territory. Having
shown the way, and having demonstrated the complete feasi-
bility of an overland route to Oregon, they were followed by
other hardy pioneers from the States, and before three more
years had passed there was an American population in the
territory of over twelve thousand persons — no miscellaneous
rabble of adventurers, but staunch and self-respecting men and
women, come to build up homes — the sturdy stuff of which a
nation's greatness is made.

"Here we come to the end of the story, for the title of the
American people to the possession of the Oregon territory
which was originated in the movements of the good ship Colum-
bia a century ago was practically consummated by the rush of
immigrants half-way between that time and the present. Title
(in full measure) by occupation was thus added to title by dis-
covery, and when in 1846 the question of sovereignty again
came up for consideration between Great Britain and the
United States the great territory was amicably divided and we
had little difficulty in keeping for ourselves the land upon
which to erect the three goodly states of Oregon, Washington
and Idaho, besides the section that fills out the contour of
Montana and Wyoming.

"Perhaps no one who has not visited this glorious country
can adequately feel the significance of these beginnings of its
history. When one has spent some little time in this cli-
mate— unsurpassed in all America — and looked with loving eye
upon scenery rivaling that of Italy and Switzerland ; when one
has sufficiently admired the purple mountain ranges, the snow-
clad peaks, the green and smiling valleys, the giant forests ;
when one has marvelled at the multifarious and boundless eco-
nomic resources and realizes how all this has been made a part
of our common heritage as Americans, one feels that this latest
chapter in the discovery and occupation of our continent

174 LESLIE M. SCOTT

is by no means the least important. All honor to the saga-
cious mariner who first sailed upon these waters a century ago !
And all honor to the brave pioneers whose labors and suffer-
ings crowned the, work! Through long ages to come, theirs
shall be a sweet and shining memory."

DOCUMENT

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON
1836-7

Introductory note on the occasion of the Slacum Mission,
the most helpful influence he exerted during his very brief
stay in Oregon and the matters emphasized in his report. —
EDITOR QUARTERLY.

Just what impelled President Jackson in November, 1835, to
seize an opportunity "to obtain some specific and authentic
information in regard to the inhabitants of the country in the
neighborhood of the Oregon or Columbia river" is not yet
clear. Bancroft connects this move by the national executive
with the publication by Hall J. Kelley of an account of the
hardships suffered by Americans in Oregon through measures
of the Hudson's Bay officials, represented as arbitrary and
cruel; Marshall suggests that Captain Bonneville's report on
this region at this time may have occasioned this step at
Washington; the investigations of Dr. J. R. Wilson led him
to look upon this effort of President Jackson to get light on
the situation in Oregon as bound up with his larger scheme
of acquisition of territory in the southwest, stretching from
Texas to and including the harbor of San Francisco. Doctor
Wilson came to this conclusion because Jackson's interest in
this direction had in the first instance been aroused by letters
from Slacum. The scope and character of the report suggest
that the author had a pretty clear and full appreciation of all
the vital American interests in the Oregon situation in the
thirties.

"A full and accurate report" . . . "in regard to the
country and its inhabitants" was desired, one including "all
such information, political, physical, statistical and geograph-
ical as [might] prove useful and interesting to this govern-
ment." Neither the magnitude of the task imposed, the failure
of the government to supply an outfit, nor the mishaps encoun-

176 DOCUMENT

tered in entering upon his mission deterred Slacum. He seems
to have advanced a large part, if not all, of the funds neces-
sary for the undertaking.

The data he succeeded in collecting during some twenty days
while he was on land in Oregon were repeatedly used in later
committee reports to both the Senate and the House, "and
referred to in debates in both houses as of the highest value."

While he was commissioned simply to observe what the
situation in Oregon was, he seized every opportunity to im-
prove conditions and was the leading factor in bringing the
Oregon community up so that it was upon a higher plane
because of his few days of wholesome functioning there. The
success of the Oregon Cattle Company's undertaking made
for peace as well as plenty. In bringing about an understand-
ing, good will and co-operation, where feud, defiance and de-
structive tactics were developing, Slacum's visit to Oregon was
a veritable godsend. Not the least of his good offices to the
community was the assurance he gave the "Canadians" that
their pre-emption rights would be recognized by the American
Government.

What far-reaching national interests demanded did not es-
cape him. He emphasized as strongly as Wilkes was to en-
force a few years later the vital necessity of retaining Puget
Sound as an American possession.

A mission like his into a region dominated by the representa-
tives of another nation made his status not far different from
that of a spy. Word of his coming gave this suggestion to
those in authority at Fort Vancouver. Nevertheless, his bear-
ing was such as put him immediately on terms of mutual defer-
ence with them. The many courtesies he, enjoyed from them
did not make him forget his duty to report faithfully those
elements in the Oregon situation affecting American interests
there, however much the seamy side thus brought to view re-
flected on the magnanimity of the Hudson's Bay Company
authorities.

The fearful handicap put upon American enterprise on the
Columbia by their monopoly tactics ; their introduction of tar-

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 177

iff-free goods into distinctively American territory ; their coun-
tenancing of Indian slavery ; their exploitation of the fur-bear-
ing resources of the region south of the Columbia, and the
condition of commercial tutelage in which the tribes were
held — all these things were pointed out as they were matters
of vital concern to the authorities at Washington responsible
for the welfare of the American citizen.

We all regret that he omitted a graceful and generous rec-
ognition of the aid given the Cattle Company by Dr. Mc-
Loughlin — something in the same vein as was his assurance
that Captain Domines with the Owyhee was saved from an
attack through the intervention of McLoughlin.

Sen. Ex. Doc. 24, 25th Congress, 2d Session, Vol. I.

MEMORIAL

WILLIAM A. SLACUM

Praying

Compensation For His Services in Obtaining Information in
Relation to the Settlements on the Oregon River.

DECEMBER 18, 1837.

Referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and
Ordered to Be Printed.

To the Senate and House of Representatives- of the United
States of America in Congress Assembled:

The memorial of William A. Slacum.
RESPECTFULLY REPRESENTS :

That he is a purser in the navy of the United States; that
on the 12th of November, 1835, he received the communication
(marked A) which accompanies this memorial, from the Sec-
retary of State, by the direction of the President of the United
States, charging him with the performance of a certain "com-
mission" therein specified, to-wit. : "To obtain some specific
and authentic information in regard to the inhabitants of the
country in the neighborhood of the Oregon, or Columbia river ;

178 DOCUMENT

and, generally, endeavor to obtain all such information, polit-
ical, physical, statistical, and geographical as may prove useful
or interesting to this Government."

That, on the 1st of June, 1836, your memorialist commenced
to perform this commission. He left Guaymas, which is situ-
ated near the head of the Gulf of California, on that day, and
proceeded to Petic. He arrived there on the 4th of the same
month, and purchased mules, provisions, &c., for his journey
to the Columbia river. These preparations being made, he
was informed by the best authority that the land route to the
Columbia was, at that season of the year, impracticable. (See
letter No. 1.) Accordingly, he was compelled to abandon that
attempt,, and he returned to Guaymas, in the hope of being
able to procure a vessel, by which to effect his object. There,
so anxious was your memorialist to fulfil the trust confided to
him, he chartered the only vessel he could procure, being a
small boat of 12 tons burden, (and which had formerly been
the long-boat of the ship James Monroe, of New York,) and
in her he set sail for the Columbia river, on the 7th of July,
1836. (See letter No. 2.) After navigating about 400 miles
in this frail boat, having been out in her 19 days, and been
well-nigh lost, your memorialist was forced to put into Mazat-
lan in distress, and there abandon her. (See letter No. 3.)
At the latter place your memorialist heard that a vessel was
lying at La-Paz, Lower California, that was soon to sail for
the Sandwich islands. This being now the only hope left of
accomplishing his mission that year, your memorialist deter-
mined to proceed to the Sandwich islands in her, and there
procure, if possible, a vessel to go into the Columbia. Accord-
ingly, he sailed from La-Paz on the 10th October, (see letter
No. 4,) and reached the Sandwich islands the 5th of Novem-
ber following. There he chartered the American brig Loriot,
and set sail for the Columbia on the 24th of the same month.
(See letter No. 5.) He arrived in the Columbia river on the
22d of December, 1836.

Your memorialist here begs leave to refer your honorable
body to his memoir, which accompanies this memorial, (marked

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 179

B,) and which contains a full and true account of all that
transpired during his presence in the Columbia river and its
tributaries. It? together with the maps and charts which are
herewith presented, and which make a part of the said memoir,
comprises the result of your memorialist's laborious and peril-
ous mission.

Having made this narrative of his operations, your memor-
ialist begs leave to submit the following considerations to your
notice, :

1st. This undertaking was not in the tenor of his official
duties. He was charged with its performance by the Presi-
dent's direction, through the Department of State.

2d. Although "the necessary and reasonable expenses" at-
tending this mission were promised to be paid by the Govern-
ment, your memorialist regrets to state, that engagement has
not been entirely fulfilled. In the settlement of his accounts at
the proper department, considerable deductions have been
made, and refused to be allowed, from the amount of actual
expenses paid by your memorialist, and which he humbly thinks
ought to be allowed and repaid to him. (See papers marked
C, and letters Nos. 6 and 7.)

3d. Your memorialist has not submitted any account against
the Government for the expenses of preparing for the land
journey to the Columbia river. He has exhibited no account
for the freight, insurance, or interest of the moneys devoted
by him to the public service; nor has he charged the United
States with the money which he thought it prudent and politic
to expend in presents to the natives, and others whom he
visited. (Paper marked D contains the probable amount of
these expenses.)

All the above-mentioned charges and expenses, which were
incurred and paid by your memorialist for the benefit solely
of his Government, he has not presented against it, because he
had reasonably expected that the President, in consideration
of the services he had rendered, would have made him a suit-
able compensation.

180 DOCUMENT

In this expectation your memorialist has been disappointed,
and therefore he presents this memorial to your honorable
body, with the, request that, if you approve his services, you
will indemnify him for the actual expenses he has paid in per-
forming them ; and will also make him whatever remuneration
you may deem those services to merit from the Congress of
the United States. And as in duty bound, your memorialist
will ever pray, &c.

W. A. SLACUM.
A

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, November 11, 1835.

SIR: Having understood that you are about to visit the
Pacific ocean, the President has determined to avail himself of
the opportunity thus afforded, to obtain some specific and
authentic information in regard to the inhabitants of the coun-
try in the neighborhood of the Oregon or Columbia river. In the
belief that you will willingly lend your services in the prosecu-
tion of this object, I now give you, by the President's direction,
such general instructions as may be necessary for your guid-
ance, in the execution of the proposed commission.

Upon your arrival on the northwest coast of America, you
will embrace the earliest opportunity to proceed to and up
the river Oregon, by such conveyances as may be thought to
offer the greatest facilities for attaining the ends in view.
You will, from time to time, as they occur in your progress,
stop at the different settlements of whites on the coast of the
United States, and on the banks of the river, and also at the
various Indian villages on the banks, or in the immediate
neighborhood of that river ; ascertain, as nearly as possible,
the population of each; the relative number of whites (dis-
tinguishing the nation to which they belong) and aborigines ;
the jurisdiction the whites acknowledge; the sentiments enter-
tained by all in respect to the United States, and to the two
European powers having possessions in that region ; and, gen-
erally, endeavor to obtain all such information, political, physical,
statistical, and geographical, as may prove useful or interesting

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 181

to this Government. For this purpose it is recommended that
you should whilst employed on this service, keep a journal,
in which to note down whatever may strike you as worthy of
observation, and by the, aid of which you will be enabled, when
the journey is completed, to make a full and accurate report
to this department of all the information you may have col-
lected in regard to the country and its inhabitants.

Your necessary and reasonable travelling expenses will be
paid from the beginning of your journey from the coast of the
Pacific to the Columbia river,, and till your return to this city.
Vouchers, in all cases where it may be practicable to get them,
will be required in the settlement of your account at the
Treasury Department.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

JOHN FORSYTH.
WILLIAM A. SLACUM, ESQ.

AMERICAN BRIG LORIOT, OFF SAN BLAS,

March 26, 1837.

SIR: My letters from Guaymas, Mazatlan, and San Bias, up
to the 10th of October Iast4 will have acquainted you with the
difficulties I encountered in endeavoring to get to the Columbia
river by the route along the seacoast from Lower California,
and also of my intention to proceed to the Sandwich islands to
purchase a vessel to take me into the Columbia.

From information I received at Oahu, I considered it neces-
sary to have a vessel under my entire control, in order to be
independent of the Hudson Bay Company, (who have abso-
lute authority over the inhabitants on either side of the river,
and from whom alone the commonest wants or supplies could
be procured;) at the same time to have a shelter under the
flag of my country, from whence I might hold communica-
tions with the Indians and whites, and obtain the information
required in the "Instructions" I had the honor to receive from
the Department of State, of November 11, 1835. I have now

182 .DOCUMENT

the honor to communicate the following account of my pro-
ceedings, and the result of my observations.

I left Oahu in the American brig Loriot on the 24th of
November last, and on the 22d of December made Cape Disap-
pointment, the northern point of entrance to the Columbia.
The wind was high from the westward, and the bar presented
a terrific appearance, breaking entirely across the channel from
the north to the south shoals. The wind blowing directly on
shore, and^ believing it would be impossible to work off
against the heavy westwardly swell, we attempted the passage
at twelve M., and crossed the bar safely, in not less than five
fathoms, and anchored, at two o'clock, in Baker's bay.

I am thus particular because the idea generally , prevails that
the bar of the Columbia should never be crossed when it breaks.
In the afternoon the wind strengthened to a gale but we were
completely sheltered by Cape Disappointment.

About eight o'clock at night we were visited by a large canoe,
containing twelve Indians of the Chenook tribe. The princi-
pal chief, Chenamus, and his wife, were of the party; they
brought us wild fowl, ducks, geese, &c. The first question
Chenamus asked on coming on board was "Is this King George
or Boston ship?" Chenamus told us two vessels were lying
at Fort George, distant fourteen miles, on the opposite side of
the bay.

It was late in the afternoon of the 23d before we weighed,
when we stood up the bay towards Fort George. We anchored
at night opposite the fort, (at the entrance of the river formed
by Chenook point and Point George,) distant five miles.

Early on the morning of the 24th, I crossed over in the boat
to the fort, and found the ships alluded to by the Indians were
the Hudson Bay Company's ships Nereide and Llama, both
loaded and ready for sea; the former with the, annual supply
of goods suitable for the Indian trade at the Hudson Bay Com-
pany's depots along the coast at the north, from Pugitt's sound
in 47° 30' north, to Fort Simpson, in 54° 40' north ; the latter
with a valuable cargo of British manufactures, bound to St.
Francisco, California. Ascertained the, Hudson Bay Company's

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 183

ship "Columbia" crossed the bar on the 26th of November,
bound to London, with a valuable cargo of furs and peltries,
valued at ;£80,000— $380,000.

On the morning of the 25th, John Birnie, the Hudson Bay
Company's trader at Fort George, doubtless with a view to
inform the chief factors (Messrs. McLaughlin and Finlayson)
of the appearance of the Loriot, despatched a canoe to Fort
Vancouver. I availed myself of this opportunity to write to
Mr. Finlayson, (a gentleman whom I had known formerly at
the Sandwich islands,) requesting him to send me down a pilot
and a stove, if to be procured at the fort.

The wind favoring, on the 26th we stood up the river, but
made little progress against a strong current; the wind falling
light, at night we were compelled to anchor.

On the 31st I received an answer from Mr. Finlayson, (by
the pilot whom he sent down,) giving me a polite invitation to
visit Fort Vancouver — was told that Mr. Douglass, one of the
partners of the Hudson Bay Company, had come down the
river. That gentleman, however, proceeded to Fort George by
an inside passage; and I afterwards understood the chief object
in his coming down was to inquire into the cause of my visit, as
it was already known that the Loriot had no cargo on board,
ing up against the wind, with but few hours slack tide; but

Up to this period we had made but little headway in work-
this favored my landing daily, and visiting every Indian lodge
and village on the river, from "Chenook" to "Oak point."

The next day, Mr. Douglass, returning from Fort George,
called aboard the Loriot, and repeated the invitation given me
by Mr. Finlayson, to visit Fort Vancouver; and, as there was
but one more Indian settlement between this point and the
Hudson Bay Company's establishment at Vancouver, I em-
barked with Mr. Douglass, in his canoe, with nine "Canadian
voyaguers" [Sic]. We made about fifty miles in twenty-four
hours, and landed next day at the fort, where I met a hospitable
reception from Dr. John McLaughlin and Mr. Duncan Fin-
layson.

184 DOCUMENT

Political and statistical. — State of the country. — In 1670, a
charter of Charles the 2d granted an exclusive trade to the
governors and company of adventurers of London, trading into
Hudson's bay. They were to have the sole trade and commerce
of and to all the seas, bays and straights [Sic], creeks, lakes,
rivers, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude, that lie within the
straights commonly called Hudson's straights together with all
the lands, countries, and territories upon the coasts of such
seas, bays, and straights, which were possessed by any English
subject, or subjects of any other Christian State together with
the fishing for all sorts of fish, of whales, sturgeon, and all other
royal fish, with the royalty of the seas. As late as 1825, this
extensive charter had not received any parliamentary confirma-
tion or sanction.

In consequence of the many difficulties and quarrels between
the Northwest and Hudson Bay Companies, the British Govern-
ment compelled them to merge their stock into one company,
and they are now called the Hudson Bay Company. This
coalition took place in 1821. It is therefore under the charter
of the Northwest Company, if such exists, that the Hudson
Bay Company now claim the exclusive right to, and the trade
and commerce of, all the country from the north bank of the
Columbia river, to 54° 40' north, along the coast of the North
Pacific ocean, and from thence of all the country within three
marine leagues of the coast to the Frozen or Arctic sea.

In 1818, when Fort George (Astoria) was formally given
up by Captain Hickey, of his British Majesty's ship Blossom,
and Judge Prevost and Captain Biddle, the American commis-
sioners, had placed the customary placards declaratory of the
event on Cape Disappointment and Point George, the question
would scarcely have been asked by any of his British Majesty's
subjects to whom the country of right belonged. Soon after
the departure of the United States ship Ontario, Captain Biddle,
the buildings at Fort George were destroyed by fire. It is said
the act was commited by the Indians, who likewise took away
the placards put up by the American commissioners.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 185

The Northwest Company being at this time established at
Fort George, (having purchased of Mr. John Jacob Astor, of
New York, his interest in his trading establishment, called by
him Astoria,) continued to trade with the Indians, and built a
trading-house near the site of the old fort. This was kept up,
first by the Northwest, and since by the Hudson Bay Com-
pany, to the present day. For several years previously to the
coalition, however, the interior trade of both companies had
become materially lessened by their vicious and destructive
opposition to each other ; but from this period, the coalition, in
1821, the now Hudson Bay Company have extended their enter-
prises over an extent of country almost incalculable.

I shall endeavor to point out the enterprise of this company,
and the influence they exercise over the Indian tribes within
our acknowledged lines of territory, and their unauthorized
introduction of large quantities of British goods within the
territorial limits of the United States.

Fort Vancouver, the principal depot of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany west of the, Rocky mountains, stands on a gentle acclivity,
four hundred yards from the shore, on the north bank of the
Columbia, or Oregon river, about 100 miles from its mouth.
The principal buildings are enclosed by a picket forming an
area of 750 by 450 feet. Within the pickets, there are thirty-
four buildings of all descriptions, including officers' dwelling-
houses, workshops for carpenters, blacksmiths, wheelwrights,
coopers, tinners, &c., all of wood except the magazine for pow-
der which is of brick ; outside and very near the fort there are
forty-nine cabins for laborers and mechanics, a large and com-
modious barn, and seven buildings attached thereto ; a hospital
and large boat house on the shore, six miles above the fort. On
the north bank,, the Hudson Bay Company have erected a saw-
mill on a never-failing stream of water that falls into the
Columbia ; cuts 2,000 to 2,400 feet of lumber daily ; employs 28
men, chiefly Sandwich Islanders, and ten yoke of oxen ; depth
of water, fours fathoms at the mill where the largest ships of
the company take in their cargoes for the Sandwich islands
market.

186 DOCUMENT ','•'.

The farm at Vancouver contains, at this time, about 3,000
acres of land, fenced and under cultivation, employing gener-
ally 100 men chiefly Canadians and half-breed Iroquois; the
mechanics are Europeans. These, with the factors, traders,
clerks, and domestics, may be estimated at thirty. The laborers
and mechanics live outside the fort in good log cabins — two or
three families generally under one roof; and as nearly every
man has a wife, or lives with an Indian or half-breed woman,
and as each family has from two to five slaves, the whole num-
ber of persons about Vancouver may be estimated at 750 to 800
souls. The police of the establishment is as strict as in the best
regulated military garrison. The men are engaged for the
term of five years, at the rate of £17 to £15 per annum; but, as
the exchange is reduced to currency at the rate of five shillings
to the dollar, the pound sterling is valued at $4; hence, the
price of labor is $5 66J to $6 66| per month.

The ration consists of eight gallons of potatoes and eight
salt salmon a week per man, in winter, and peas and tallow in
summer ; no bread or meat allowed by the company at any time.
Out of this ration, each man has to support himself and family,
or make his Indian slaves hunt and fish for their support.

The farm at Vancouver has produced this year, 8,000 bushels
of wheat, 5,500 bushels of barley, 6,000 bushels of oats,
9,000 bushels of peas, 14,000 bushels of potatoes, besides large
quantities of turnips, (rutabaga,) pumpkins, &c. About 6,000
bushels of wheat, of the old crop, remain on hand this year.

Stock consists of about 1,000 head of neat cattle, 700 hogs,
200 sheep, 450 to 500 horses, and 40 yoke of working oxen.
There is a large threshing machine, distillery, (not at present
in operation,) and a grist-mill. In short, the farm is abundant-
ly supplied with all the requisite utensils for a much larger
establishment ; and it will be much increased the ensuing year.
A thriving orchard is also planted ; the apple, quince, pears, and
the grape grow well.

Trades, &c. — A large ship arrives annually from London,
and discharges at Vancouver; cargo, chiefly coarse woollens,
cloths, baizes, and blankets ; hardware, cutlery, calicoes, cottons ;

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 187

and cotton handkerchiefs; tea,, sugar, coffee, and cocoa; to-
bacco, soap, beads, guns, powder, lead, rum, playing cards,
boots, shoes, ready-made clothing, &c., &c. ; besides every
description of sea stores, canvass [Sic], cordage, paints, oils,
chains and chain cable, anchors, &c., to refit the company's ships
that remain on the coast. These are the ship Nereide, the brig
Llama, the schooner Cadborough, and sloop Broughton; the
steamboat Beaver, of 150 tons, two engines of thirty horse
power each, built in London last year. These vessels are all
well armed and manned; the crews are engaged in England,
to serve five years, at £2 per month for seamen. The London
ship, with the annual supply, usually arrives in the Columbia
in early spring, discharges, and takes a cargo of lumber to the
Sandwich islands; returns in August to receive the furs that
are brought to the depot (Fort Vancouver) once a year, from
the interior, via the Columbia river, from the Snake country,
and from the American rendezvous west of the Rocky moun-
tains, and from as far south as St. Francisco, in California.
Whilst one of the, company's vessels brings in the collections of
furs and peltries made at the different depots along the coast
at the north, (see map,) the steamboat is now being employed
in navigating those magnificent straights from Juan de Fuca
to Stickeen. Immense quantities of furs, sea otter, beaver,
martin and sable can be collected along the shores of these bays
and inlets. The chief traders at Nasquallah, in 47° 30', Fort
Langley, in 49° 50', Fort McLaughlin, in 52° 10', Fort Simpson,
in 54° 40' north purchase all the furs and peltries from the
Indians in their vicinity and as far as New Caledonia in the
interior, and supply them with guns, powder, lead, tobacco,
beads, &c. ; all of which supplies are taken from the principal
depot at Fort Vancouver.

An express, as it is called, goes out in March, annually, from
Vancouver, and ascends the Columbia 900 miles in batteaux.
One of the chief factors or chief traders, takes charge of the
property, and conveys to York factory, on Hudson's bay, the
annual returns of the business conducted by the Hudson Bay
Company west of the Rocky mountains, in the Columbia dis-

188 DOCUMENT

trict. This party likewise conveys to the different forts along
the route, (see map,) goods suitable to the Indian trade; other
parties take up supplies, as they may be required, to Walla-
wallah, 250 miles above Vancouver; to Colville, 600 miles
above; to the fort at the junction of Lewis's river, 700 miles
above; and to the south to the Fort McRoys, on the river
Umpqua, in latitude 43° 50' north: and last year, chief trader
McLeod took up to the American rendezvous, in about latitude
43° north, a large supply of British manufactures. This as-
semblage of American trappers and hunters takes place annually
on the western side of the Rocky mountains, generally in the
month of July, and amounts from 450 to 500 men, who bring
the result of their year's labor to sell to the American fur
traders. These persons purchase their supplies for the trappers
at St. Louis; though, after being subject to the duties on these
articles, (chiefly of British manufacture,) they transport their
goods about 1,400 miles by land, to sell to citizens of the United
States within our acknowledged lines of territory. Last year,
they met a powerful opponent, in the agent of this foreign
monopoly, chief trader McLeod, who could well afford to
undersell the American fur trader on his own ground — first,
by having the advantage of water communication on the Colum-
bia and Lewis's rivers for a distance of 700 to 800 miles ; and,
secondly, by introducing the goods free of duty, which is equal
to at least twenty-five to thirty per centum : but a greater evil
than this exists in the influence the, Hudson Bay Company
exercises over the Indians, by supplying them with arms and
ammunition, which may prove, at some future period, highly
dangerous to our frontier settlements. Besides this the policy
of this company is calculated to perpetuate the institution of
slavery, which now exists, and is encouraged, among all the
Indian tribes west of the Rocky mountains.

I shall refer to this more particularly hereafter. From what
I have seen, I feel perfectly satisfied that no individual enter-
prise can compete with this immense foreign monopoly estab-
lished in our own waters; for instance, an American vessel,
coming from New York or Boston to trade on the northwest

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 189

coast or the Columbia, would bring a cargo chiefly of British
manufactures, on which the duties had been paid; or, if the
cargo was shipped for drawback, the vessel would have to enter
some other port to discharge and reload, in order to get the
benefit of the debenture certificates ; whereas the Hudson Bay
Company's vessels come direct from London, discharge at
Vancouver, pay no duty, nor are they subject to the expense
and delay of discharging and reloading in a foreign port.

Since the year 1828, a party of forty to fifty trappers, (Cana-
dians,) with their women, slaves, &c., generally amounting to
150 to 200 persons and 300 horses, go out from Vancouver,
towards the south, as far as 40° north latitude, These parties
search every stream, and take every beaver skin they find,
regardless of the destruction of the young animals: excesses,
too, are unquestionably committed by these hunting parties on
the Indians; and every small American party (save one) that
has passed through the same country has met defeat and death.
The parties being much smaller than those of the Hudson Bay
Company, the Indians attack them with success; and the
Americans hesitate not to charge the subordinate agents of the
Hudson Bay Company with instigating the Indians to attack
all other parties.

In 1829, the American brig Owyhee, Captain Domines, of
New York, entered the Columbia, and commenced trading with
the Indians for beaver skins and peltries. In the course of nine
months Captain Domines procured a cargo valued at ninety-
six thousand dollars. It happened that this year the fever that
has since desolated the Columbia from the, falls to Oak point
appeared, and Dr. McLaughlin, the chief factor of the Hudson
Bay Company, with all the gravity imaginable, informed me
the Indians to this day believe that Domines, of the "Boston
ship" brought the fever to the river. How easy was it for the
Hudson Bay Company's agents to make the Indians believe
this absurdity, for reasons, too, the most obvious! Domines
was daily assailed with reports that the Indians intended at-
tacking him when his vessel was lying at the rapids of the
Willhamett, alias the "Maltonomah," of Lewis and Clark. The

190 DOCUMENT

Rev. Jason Lee told me Dr. McLaughlin had informed him
that the principal chief of the Willhamett tribe had proposed to
cut off the Owyhee, doubtless thinking it would prove agree-
able to the Hudson Bay Company. Dr. McLaughlin, of course,
forbid the measure.

The Indians are taught to believe that no vessel but the
"Company's" ships are allowed to trade in the river ; and most
of them are afraid to sell their skins but at Vancouver or Fort
George ; of this I had positive evidence from the Indians them-
selves, as well as from a remark made by chief trader, McLeod,
aboard the "Llama" in Baker's bay. It was mentioned in the
course of conversation that a Madam "Perand," wife of one of
the Canadian settlers on the Willhamett, had just come in with
twenty to thirty fine beaver skins. Some one of the party re-
marked, turning towards Captain Bancroft, of the Loriot, "there
is a fine chance for a bargain." Mr. McLeod quickly replied —
"d — n the skins shall Madam Terand' sell to cross the bar of
the. Columbia." This was said in the presence of Captains Mc-
Neil, Bancroft, Brotchie, Rd. Bevrevie, and myself.

The next American vessel that entered the river after the
Owyhee and her consort, the "Convoy," was the brig "Mary
Dane," [May Dacre] of Boston. She arrived in 1835, to pro-
cure a cargo of salmon. In consequence of some arrangement,
the cause of which I am unacquainted with, Mr. Wyeth, the
owner and agent, agreed not to purchase furs, provided Dr.
McLaughlin would throw no impediment in his way of procur-
ing salmon. This enterprise failed ; only 800 to 900 pounds of
salmon were obtained.

Stock, &c. of the Hudson Bay Company, is held in shares,
(100.) Chief traders and chief factors who reside in America,
are called partners. Chief factors are entitled to one-eight of
one share, or rather the profits arising from the same, equal
to about $4,500 to $5,000 per annum. Chief traders one-
sixteenth, or half the above amount, $2,250 to $2,500. They
are not stockholders in perpetuity, as they cannot sell out as
other stockholders but have only a life estate in the general
stock.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 191

A council annually assembles at "York Factory," where
reports from the different "districts," east and west of the
Rocky mountains are read and recorded, and their proceedings
forwarded to London, to the "Hudson Bay house." Chief fac-
tors and chief traders hold a seat at this council board, and
Governor Simpson presides. It is here, that every new enter-
prise is canvassed, expense and probable profits carefully in-
inquired into, as each member feels a personal interest in every
measure adopted. If it is ascertained that in certain "districts"
the quantity of beaver diminishes, the trappers are immediately
ordered to desist for a few years, that the animals may increase,
as the wealth of the country consists in its furs ; and so strict
are the laws among many of the northern Indian tribes that to
kill a beaver out of season, (i. e. in the spring or summer,) is
a crime punished with death. The enforcement of this law is
strongly encouraged by the Hudson Bay Company. Not so
careful, however, are the company of the territory not their
own ; on the contrary, they have established, a fort and trading
house called "McRoy's Fort," on the river Umpqua, in 43° 50'.
This fine stream falls into the Pacific, (but is not laid down in
any printed map;) ten thousand beaver skins are collected here,
and double this amount brought out of the country adjacent,
within our lines ; and the Indians are encouraged to "trap the
streams" at all seasons ; from Wallawallah, Lewis's river, and
the Snake country, all lying between 42° and 46° north lati-
tude, 50,000 skins are collected. The price of a beaver skin in
the "Columbia district" is ten shillings, $2, payable in goods
at 50 per cent on the invoice cost. Each skin averages one
and a half pound, and is worth in New York or London $5
per pound; value $7 50. The beaver skin is the circulating
medium of the country.

Indian slavery. — The price of a slave varies from eight to
fifteen blankets. Women are. valued higher than men. If a
slave dies within six months of the time of purchase, the seller
returns one-half the purchase money. As long as the Hudson
Bay Company permit their servants to hold slaves, the institu-
tion of slavery will be perpetuated, as the price, eight to

192 DOCUMENT

fifteen blankets, is too tempting for an Indian to resist. Many
instances have occurred where a man has sold his own child.
The. chief factor at Vancouver says the slaves are the property
of the women with whom their workmen live, and do not
belong to men in their employ, although I have known cases
to the contrary. We shall see how this reasoning applies. These
women, who are said to be the 'owners of the slaves, are fre-
quently bought themselves by the men with whom they live,
when they are mere children; of course they have no means
to purchase, until their husbands or their men make the pur-
chase from the proceeds of their labor ; and then these women
are considered the ostensible owners, which neither lessens
the traffic, nor ameliorates the condition of the slave, whilst
the Hudson Bay Company find it to their interest to encourage
their servants to intermarry or live with the native women, as
it attaches the men to the soil, and their offspring (half breeds)
become in their turn useful hunters and workmen at the differ-
ent depots of the company. The slaves are generally employed
to cut wood, hunt, and fish, for the families of the men
employed by the Hudson Bay Company, and are ready for any
extra work. Each man of the trapping parties has from
two to three slaves, who assist to hu;it, and take care of the
horses and camp ; they thereby save the company the expense
of employing at least double the number of men that would
otherwise be required on these excursions.

After passing ten days at Fort Vancouver, and visiting the
Indian lodges near the farm, &c. finding it would be impossible
to get a party to accompany me at this season of the year
across the mountains, I determined to visit the only white settle-
ment on the river Willhamett, the Multonomah of Lewis and
Clark. On the morning of the 10th January, having been
furnished by Dr. McLaughlin with a canoe and six men, and
all the necessaries for the voyage, I left Fort Vancouver to
ascend the Willhamett. I shall withhold a description of this
beautiful river for the present. On the night of the llth, I
passed the falls thirty miles distant. On the 12th, at midnight,
I reached "Camp Maud du Sable," the first white settlement on

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 193

the river. My men had been in the, canoe paddling against a
strong current for twenty-two hours, without any intermission
except in making the portage at the falls. "Camp Maud du
Sable" is distant about fifty-five miles from the Columbia,
running nearly due South. The first settler was "Jean Baptiste
Deshortez McRoy," who came to the country with the Ameri-
can Fur Company in 1809, (Astor's company.) McRoy pitched
his tent permanently at this place, six years since. For the
first two years he was almost alone ; but within four years past
the population has much increased, and is now one of the most
prosperous settlements to be found in any new country.

The Rev. Jason Lee, missionary of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, of New York, having heard through Dr. McLaughlin
of my intention to visit the Willhamett settlement, politely
came down from the mission house, distant eighteen miles, to
meet me at this place. In company with this gentleman, I
called on all the settlers in the lower settlement, and next day
visited the mission house and upper settlement. No language
of mine can convey an adequate idea of the great benefit these
worthy and most excellent men, the Messrs. Jason and Daniel
Lee? Messrs. Shephard and Edwards, their assistants, have
conferred upon this part of the country, not by precept, but
example as I think the following result of their labors will
show.

To use Mr. Jason Lee's own words, "it was after having
heard that an Indian, of the Flat Head tribe had crossed the
Rocky mountains to inquire of Governor Clark, at St. Louis,
about the God that the pale faces worshipped, that first led
me to think of establishing a 'mission' west of the mountains."
Two years since, last October, Mr. Lee's party encamped on
the ground where their dwelling now stands, immediately on
the banks of the "Willhamett." They commenced felling tim-
ber with their own hands, and by Christmas they erected the
frame of their house and had it half covered in, and fenced 24
acres of land. In the spring they put in a crop which produced
the first year, 1835,

194 DOCUMENT

150 bushels of wheat,

35 do. of oats,

56 do. of barley,

87 do. of peas,

250 do. of potatoes.
2d year, 1836 :

500 bushels of wheat,

200 do. of peas,

40 do. of oats,

30 do. of barley,

4J do. of corn,

3£ do. of beans,

319 do. of potatoes,

with a full supply of garden vegetables. They have built a
good barn, added to their dwelling-house, which now consists
of four large rooms, 18 by 20 feet, lofts and cellar, have a
good garden and 150 acres of land enclosed under good fenc-
ing. With the exception of three months' hired labor of a
carpenter to finish the inside of their dwelling and make tables,
forms, &c. for their school room, the above is the work of
these pious and industrious men, assisted by the Indian chil-
dren of the school. Their family at present consists of 3
adults, and 19 full blooded, and 4 half breed Indian children,
10 of whom are orphans. 7 girls and 15 boys attend the school ;
likewise 8 half breeds' children of the neighboring settlers.
The children are all taught to speak English. Several of them
read perfectly well. They are all well clothed and fed, and are
already very cleanly in their habits. The larger boys work on
the farm in fine weather. They can plough, reap, and do all
ordinary farm work well. Several of them evince good me-
chanical genius. Mr. Lee assures me that most of the boys
have earned their board, clothing, and tuition, estimating their
labor at the lowest rate of wages allowed by the Hudson Bay
Company. Their school and family could be much increased,
but they do not wish to add to their number until they receive
further assistance, thinking it the wisest plan at present, for
the sake of example, to attend strictly to the mental and
physical instruction of these "Neophytes."

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 195

The land on which the mission house is established is rich
alluvial deposite, open prairie, interspersed with good timber.
Mr. Lee acknowledges the kindest assistance from Dr. Mc-
Laughlin, of Fort Vancouver, who gave him the use of horses,
oxen, and milch cows, and furnished him with all his supplies.
Indeed Dr. McLaughlin has acted towards many of the settlers
in the same manner, giving them the use of cattle and horses
on the following terms : The produce of the neat cattle and
horses belong to the Hudson Bay Company, and are liable to
be called for at any time. If the cattle die, the persons holding
them are not charged with their value. Horses to be returned
in kind, or the sum of $8, the current value of the horse, is
charged.

To convey an idea of the industry and progress of the Will-
hamett settlement, I beg to refer to paper B. It would be doing
the Messrs. Lee and their associates injustice, were I to omit
speaking of their successful and happy efforts in establishing a
temperance society among men who are generally considered as
being almost without the pale of moral restraint, (I mean trap-
pers ;) and it affords me great pleasure to add, that every white
man in the settlement entertains the highest respect for the
character and conduct of the Lees and their associates. This
circumstance is sufficient evidence of their worth. Papers C
and D will show their laudable efforts in arresting this destruc-
tive element, the white man's poison, the Indian's certain death.
The case of Ewing Young, referred to in paper C, will be
understood by his statement E, and some verbal explanations
which I shall make in relation to his case.

After duly considering the great benefit that would result to
this thriving country if the distillery of Ewing Young could be
prevented from being put into operation, and inasmuch as he
candidly admitted it was nothing but sheer necessity that com-
pelled him to adopt the measure, I told him (Young) that I
thought he had gained his point without adopting the expedient
that produced it, as I was authorized by Mr. Finlayson to say,
"if he would abandon his enterprise of distilling whiskey, he
could be permitted to get his necessary supplies from Fort

196 DOCUMENT

couver, on the same terms as other men ;" and further : I pro-
pose to loan him $150, get him a supply of decent clothing from
the. fort, in my name, and give himself and his partner, Car-
michael, a passage to California as he informed me he was
exceedingly anxious to go thither to clear himself of the
calumny that General Figaroa, had through Dr. McLaughlin,
circulated against him, producing in effect the most unjusti-
fiable persecution. Mr. Young seemed deeply sensible of my
offer: said a cloud hung over him so long, through Dr. Mc-
Laughlin's influence, that he was almost maddened by the harsh
treatment he had received from that gentleman. I left him
under a promise of receiving an answer to my proposition next
day. In the course of conversation with Mr. Lee, Young, and
other settlers, I found that nothing was wanting to insure com-
fort, wealth, and every happiness to the people of this most beau-
tiful country but the possession of neat cattle, all of those in the
country being owned by the Hudson Bay Company, who refuse
to sell them under any circumstances whatever. I then pro-
posed to give to as many of the settlers as chose to embark in
the Loriot, a free passage to California, where they might pro-
cure cattle at $3 per head. The advantage of being landed in
California or Bodega free of expense, and the risk of the road,
was very great. A meeting was accordingly held in the lower
settlement, where the paper F was drawn up. Mr. Young
was appointed leader of the party. All the settlers who had
money due them from the Hudson Bay Company contributed to
the enterprise. Ten men embarked in the Loriot, and were
landed safely at Bodega, on the 20th February. I advanced
Mr. Lee $500. This sum, added to the contributions of the
settlers, produced $1,600, a sum sufficient to purchase five hun-
dred head of cattle in California. I will here remark that when
I parted with Mr. Young, at Monterey, on the 2d March, he
had every prospect of procuring all the cattle required, on the
north side of the bay of St. Francisco. He had likewise re-
ceived propositions from several Americans residing at Cali-
fornia to return with him to the Willhamett with their stock
of cattle, thus doubly reinforcing the settlement from this ac-

SLACUM^S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 19?

cession the party will receive in California. They will doubt-
less reach the Willhamet safely in June, the distance by the
coast of the Pacific being about six hundred miles. The men
are all experienced woodsmen. I certainly view this measure
as one of the highest importance to the future growth and
prosperity of this fine country, even if no other object is
attained by my visit to the Columbia.

A large cargo of wheat, five thousand five hundred bushels,
could at this time be procured from the settlers on the Will-
hamett. It would find a good market at the Sandwich islands,
the Russian settlements at Norfolk sound, (Sitka,) or in Peru;
but some steps must be taken by our Government to protect
the settlers and the trader, not from the hostility of the In-
dians, but from a much more formidable enemy, that any
American trading house establishing itself on the Willhamet
or Columbia would have to encounter, in the Hudson Bay
Company. All the Canadian settlers have been in the service
of the company; and from being for a long time subject to
the most servile submission to the chiefs of the monopoly, are
now, although discharged from the service of the company,
still blindly obedient to the will of those in authority at Van-
couver, who, on their part, urge the plea that, by the legisla-
tive enactments of Canada, they are prohibited from discharg-
ing their servants in the Indian country. Therefore they
consider the people of the Willhamett although freemen in
every sense of the word still subject to the protection and
authority, otherwise thraldom of the Hudson Bay Company — •
it being only necessary for the authorities at Vancouver to
say, "if you disobey my orders, your supplies shall be cut off ;"
and the settler knows at once that his few comforts, nay,
necessaries of life, are stopped, rendering him more miserable
than the savage that lurks around his dwelling.

At the public meeting that took place at "Camp Maud du
Sable" on the subject of the expedition to California the live-
liest interest appeared to be felt when I told the "Canadians"
that, although they were located within the territorial limits
of the United States, their pre-emption rights would doubtless

198 DOCUMENT

be secured them when our Government should take possession
of the country. I also cheered them with the hope that ere
long some steps might be taken to open a trade and com-
merce with the country. They now only find a market for
their wheat, after being compelled to transport it themselves
in canoes, (the portage of the Willhamett in their way,) at
Fort Vancouver, at the low price of 50 cts. per bushel, pay-
able in goods at 50 per cent, advance, whilst the Russians are
paying $1 50 this year in California for their supplies for
"Sitka." The quantity annually required is about 25,000
bushels.

The entrance of the Columbia river is formed by Cape Dis-
appointment on the north, in latitude 46° 19' north, and 123°
59' west longitude, and Point Adams, on the south, in 46° 14'
north and 123° 54' west longitude, physical and geographical.

It was between the years 1780 and 1782,1 I believe, that
Captain Meir [Meares] in an English merchant ship of Lon-
don, saw "Cape Disappointment," and entered the bay be-
tween the two capes; but, as "Chenook" and "Tongue point"
interlock, Captain Meir [Meares] left the bay under the im-
pression that it extended no further inland. He published an
account of his voyage in London, in 1785 — 1786, on his re-
turn, and called the bay Deception bay. The next year, 1783
to 1784, Captain Gray, of Boston, in the American ship "Co-
lumbia" entered the bay and stood up the river as far
as the point designated on the map as Gray's bay,
where he overhauled and refitted his ship. Captain Gray
called the river the "Columbia," after his ship. In 1787, Van-
couver entered the river, and Lt. Brougton, in the cutter
Chatham, stood up the river as far as the bluff, (the old site of
Fort Vancouver,) about one mile distant from the site of
the present fort. But the Spaniards had doubtless a knowl-
edge of this country long before this period. The expedition
from San Bias, in 1776, saw the river, and called it the "Ore-
gon." (Manuscripts in the marine archives at Madrid.) The

i Lieut. Slacum was writing without his authorities at hand so should not
have allowed himself to venture with any dates. — Ed. Quarterly.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 199

Russian expedition under Behring, in 1741, did not come as
far south as Cape Flattery, in 49° north. As I have not the
means at present of giving any further information of the
early discovery of this part of the country, I shall now speak of
its present appearance, &c., begging to claim your attention
to the maps of the Columbia and the country south as far as
the Russian settlements as Bodega.

In entering the Columbia river, you find a bar extending
across the channel, (two miles in width,) from the north to
the south shoals. The shoalest water on the bar is four and a
half fathoms; but as the prevailing winds in winter are from
the westward, and the entrance lies exposed to the swell of
the Pacific ocean, the bar breaks with a wind of any force if
from the west of north or south and west of east. At present,
vessels are kept outside for several days waiting for clear
weather to run in, having neither beacon, buoys, nor lights to
guide them when close in with the shore. This delay would
be obviated in a great measure if the coast was surveyed and
properly lighted. "Cape Disappointment" is a highr bold
promontory,, about 400 feet above the sea, covered with timber
from its base to the top. "Point Adams" is low, and cannot
be seen at a great distance. The sailing directions which I
shall be able to present with a chart of the river, will more
fully explain the appearance of the, bay and river. As far as
the depth of water is marked on the chart, it may be fully
relied on. I cannot leave this subject without pointing out
the great facility and the advantages that would result from a
thorough cut of not more than three-quarters of a mile through
the lowest point of the Cape Disappointment, from Baker's
bay to the ocean. The soil is light, and the height not more
than sixty feet at the point proposed; and I have not the
slightest doubt that a deep and safe channel would soon be
made by the action of the tide (at the rate of five to six knots
an hour) as it sweeps around the bay, bringing with it the
whole volume of water of the Columbia and its tributaries.

Every thing around the shores of Baker's bay shows the
richness of the soil. The pines, firs, and the most beautiful

200 DOCUMENT

variety of flowers, grow to" an extraordinary size, whilst the
finest grasses are seen at this season fringing the sides of the
hills to the water's edge. For the first ten miles, as you ascend
the Columbia from Chenook and Point George, which may,
properly speaking, be called the mouth of the river, its width
is about four miles. It then narrows to about one mile, and
continues at this width to Vancouver, (with but two excep-
tions, for a mile or two.) At "Oak Point" village, the oak
is first seen: from thence the oak, ash, laurel, cotton wood,
beach, alder, pines, firs, yew, and cedar , are found to the falls.
Geological formations at Fort George are concretions of
shells, sandstone, and plumbago. On the Willhamett, remark-
ably fine gray granite is found.

Indian statistics. — The first tribes of Indians in Baker's bay,
are the Chenook on the north, Clatsops on the south. The lat-
ter live at Point Adams and on Young's river, where Lewis
and Clark wintered. Both tribes at this time do not exceed
800. Rum Rumley [Concomly] the principal chief of the Clat-
sops, who was always the white man's friend, and who rendered
every assistance in his power to Lewis and Clark, is no more;
and, as an evidence of the effect of intemperance among these
miserable Indians, out of 40 descendants of this chief not one
is this day alive, Chenamas (Chenook) claims authority over
the people from "Baker's bay" to the Cowility [Cowlitz] ; but
Squamaqui disputes his authority from Gray's bay to the above
point. From the river Cowility to the falls of the Columbia, (see
map,) "Kassenow" claims authority. His tribe, since 1829,
has lost more than 2,000 souls by fever. They are principally
"Rea Ratacks," very erratic, and the only good hunters on the
river below the falls, as all the other tribes immediately on
the river below the falls, as well as those who frequent the
waters of the Columbia during the season of the salmon and
sturgeon, subsist chiefly on fish and wild fowl; and the ease
with which they procure food, fish, and fowl, with the delicious
vegetables the "Wapspitoo" [Wapato] and "Kamass" engen-
ders the most indolent habits among these people.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 201

Willhamett or Multonomah tribes live in the valley formed
oy the range of mountains, running north and south, in which
Mount Hood and Mount Vancouver is laid down in Arrow-
smith's map, (sometimes called the Klannet range, from the
Indians of that name,) and on the west by the Kallamook and
Yamstills, running south parallel with river and ocean. -In
ascending this beautiful river, even in midwinter, you find both
sides clothed in evergreen, presenting a more beautiful pros-
pect than the Ohio in June. For 10 to 12 miles, on the left
bank, the river is low, and occasionally overflows. On the
right the land rises gradually from the water's edge, covered
with firs, cedar, laurel, and pine. The oak and ash is at this
season covered with long moss, of a pale sage green, contrast-
ing finely with the deeper tints of the evergreens.

The first tribe of Indians are the Kallamooks, on the left
bank, on a small stream of the same name, 30 miles from its
mouth: 2d are Keowewallahs, alias Tummewatas or Willham-
etts. This tribe, now nearly extinct, was formerly very nu-
merous, and live at the falls of the river, 32 miles from its
mouth, on the right bank. They claim the right of fishing at
the falls, and exact a tribute from other tribes who come
hither in the salmon season (from May till October). Prin-
cipal chiefs deceased. This river at the present day takes
its name from this tribe. 3d. "Kallapooyahs" occupy lodges
on both sides of the river. 4th. "Fallatrahs" on a small
stream of same name, right or west bank. 5th. Champoicho
— west bank. 6th. Yamstills — west bank. 7th. Leelahs —
both sides. 8th. Hanchoicks. All these five tribes speak
Kallapooyah dialect, and are doubtless of that tribe, but at
present are divided as designated, and governed by chiefs as
named. All these tribes do not exceed 1200. The ague and
fever, which commenced on the Columbia in 1829, likewise
appeared on this river at the same time. It is supposed that
it has been more fatal in its effects. It has swept off not
less than 5000 to 6000 souls. In a direction still further south,
in Tularez, near St. Francisco, California, entire villages have
been depopulated. I am happy to add, however, that this

202 DOCUMENT

scourge to these poor Indians is disappearing. The above
named constitute all the Indians to be found on the Willhamett,
from its source in the mountains to its entrance into -the Co-
lumbia, a distance of about 200 miles.

The brig Owyhee, Captain Domines, moored at the rapids
about a mile below the falls, in 12 feet water. Above the
falls there is doubtless steamboat navigation for 150 miles.
For a distance of 250 miles in extent by 40 in breadth, in-
cluding both sides the river (6,500,000 acres) the land is
of the most superior quality, rich alluvial deposit, yielding
in several instances the first year 50 bushels of fine wheat to
the acre. The general aspect of the plains is prairie, but well
interspersed with woodlands, presenting the most beautiful
scenery imaginable. The pastures at this day (12th January)
are covered with the richest grasses, 8 to 12 inches high. I
should be almost afraid to speak of the extraordinary mildness
of the climate of this country, were I not enabled to present
you thermometrical observations at Vancouver and Fort
Simpson, in 52° north, and Bodega, in 39°. I may fairly state
the difference to be equal to 15° of latitude between the coasts
of the west and east of this continent. It is to be kept in
view, that the Willhamett is due south from the Columbia. I
found on my return to Vancouver, on the 19th January, that
snow had fallen, and the river was closed with floating ice,
that had come down and blocked up the passage. Although
I was not more than 70 to 80 miles south, I neither saw snow
nor ice.

I consider the Willhamett as the finest grazing country in
the world. Here there are no droughts, as on the Pampas
of Buenos Ayres, or the plains of California, whilst the lands
abound with richer grasses, both in winter and summer. In
1818, the Hudson Bay Company had one bull and two cows;
last year they salted 70, and have now upwards of 1,000 head
of neat cattle from this stock. No comment is necessary in pre-
senting this fact to your notice. The low grounds of the
Columbia overflow, and the highlands are covered with tim-
ber of great size, which would require immense labor in clear-

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 203

ing. Fort Vancouver is the only spot, from Fort George up-
wards, where a farm of any size could be opened.

From the map of the country south of the Columbia, which
I shall be, able to prepare from the rough though correct
sketches in my possession, you will discover there are four
rivers which fall into the Pacific ocean between 41° 33' north
latitude and Columbia. Three of these, with "Pelican bay,"
in latitude 42° 4' north, are within the limits of the United
States, but are not laid down in any published chart of the
present day.

Klamet river, 41° 33' north latitude, 123° 54' west longitude.

West "Rougues" river, 42° 26, north latitude, 124° 14" west
longitude.

West Cowis [Coos] river, 4°3 31' north latitude, 124° 4' west
longitude.

West Umpqua, 43° 50' north latitude, 123° 56' west longi-
tude.

Last year, 1836, the Hudson Bay Company's schooner
"Cadborough," entered two of these rivers with 8 feet of water.
"Pelican bay" is a good harbor. From the, information of
Mr. Young and other trappers, I am told the Umpqua is
nearly the same size as the Willhamett. The lands are equally
good and well timbered. The river called "Rougues," or
sometimes Smith's river, abounds with the finest timber west
of the Rockv mountains; and it may be fairly estimated that
the valleys of the rivers certainly within the limits of the
United States,* contain at least 14,000,000 of acres of land
of first quality, equal to the best lands of Missouri or Illinois.
The Indians west of the Rocky mountains, between the Co-
lumbia and 42° north latitude, may be estimated at 100,000,
two-thirds of whom are armed by the Hudson Bay Company.
North of the Columbia, along the coast to Cape Flattery, the
"Chehulis" Indians inhabit the country. They have a friendly
intercourse with the Indians of Baker's bay, although they
speak a different dialect. On the "Cowility," (see map), which
falls into the Columbia, there are a few Indians of the Klacku-

*Exclusive of the Columbia and Willhamett.

204 DOCUMENT

tuck tribe. Coal has been found here. Dr. McLaughlin now
compels the Canadians, whose term of service expires, and who
are anxious to become farmers, to settle on this river, as it
lies to the north of the Columbia. The reason he assigns is,
that the north side of the Columbia river will belong to the
Hudson Bay Company. If one side of the river is claimed,
with the same propriety they might claim both sides. The
navigation of the Columbia is absolutely necessary to the Hud-
son Bay Company; without this, they have no passage into
the heart of their finest possessions in the interior, New Cale-
donia, etc. I know not what political influence they command ;
but this monopoly is very wealthy; and, when the question of
our western lines of territory is settled, they (the Hudson Bay
Company) will make the most strenuous efforts to retain free
navigation of the Columbia — more important to them than
the free navigation of the St. Lawrence is to the people of
the United States.

I beg leave to call your attention to the topography of
"Pugitt's sound" and urge, in the most earnest manner, that
this point should never be abandoned. If the United States
claim, as I hope they ever will, at least as far as 49 degrees
of north latitude, running due west from the "Lake of the
Woods," on the above parallel we shall take in "Pugitt's sounc}."
In a military point of view, it is of the highest importance to
the United States. If it were in the hands of any foreign
power, especially Great Britain, with the influence she could
command (through the Hudson Bay Company) over the In-
dians at the north, on those magnificent straights of "Juan de
Fuca," a force of 20,000 men could be brought by water in
large canoes to the sound, "Pugitt's" in a few days, from
thence to the Columbia; the distance is but two days' march,
via the Cowility. I hope our claim to 54° of north latitude
will never be abandoned; at all events, we should never give
up Pugitt's sound, nor permit the free navigation of the Co-
lumbia, unless, indeed, a fair equivalent was offered, such as
the free navigation of the St. Lawrence. I am now more
convinced than ever of the importance of the Columbia river,

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 205

even as a place where, for eight months of the year, our
whalers from the coast of Japan might resort for supplies,
which, in the course of a few years, would be abundant, if the
citizens of the United States could receive, from the Govern-
ment the protection due to them. A custom-house, established
at the mouth of the Columbia, would effectually protect the
American trader from the monopoly which the Hudson Bay
Company enjoy at this time, and a single military post would
be sufficient to give effect to the laws of the United States,
and protect our citizens in their lawful avocations.

We descended the Columbia in the Loriot on the 23d of
January, and found the Hudson Bay Company's ships Nereide
and Llama still in "Baker's bay," having been detained since
the 22d of December. On the 29th of January, a violent gale
from the southeast commenced before daylight. On the morn-
ing of the 30th, the Loriot parted both cables, and was driven
ashore. We received every assistance from the Nereide and
Llama. In two or three days the Loriot was got afloat. In
the mean time., Captain Bancroft went up to Fort Vancouver,
and succeeded in getting a good chain-cable, stream, and
anchor. On the 10th of February, the bar was smooth and
the wind from the eastward. We got under way with the
Hudson Bay Company's ships Nereide and Llama, and crossed
the bar safely, and stood on our way towards "Bodega," the
Russian settlement in California.

Nothing material occurred from the day we left Columbia
until the morning of the 19th of February, when we made the
land off the "Presidia Ross." The wind bein.r light, I took
the boat at 8 miles distant, and passed in for the fort. About
three miles distant from the Loriot, I met three Bydackas com-
ing off to us. An officer delivered a polite message from the
Russian Governor, and immediately returned to the shore with
me. About 2 o'clock I landed, and met a hospitable reception
from Mr. Peter Rostrometinoff, the Russian military and civil
commandant of the Russian American Fur Company. The
Presidia Ross lies in 38° 40' north latitude, immediately on
the ocean, on a hill sloping gradually towards the sea. The

206 DOCUMENT

rear is crowned by a range of hills 1500 feet in height, cov-
ered with pines, firs, cedar, and laurel, rendering the position
of the fort highly picturesque. The fort is an enclosure 100
yards square, picketed with timber 8 inches thick by 18 feet
high, mounts four 12-lb. carronades on each angle, and four
6-lb. brass howitzers fronting the principal gate; has two
octangular block-houses, with loop holes for musketry, and
eight buildings within the enclosure and 48 outside, beside a
large boathouse at the landing place, blacksmith's shop, car-
penters' and coopers' shop, and a large stable for 200 cows,
the number usually milked. The Russians first settled at
"Bodega," about 18 miles south of Ross, in 1813. It was
thought to afford facilities for ship-building, and a good point
for seal fishing and "sea otter" hunting. Two vessels of .up-
wards of two hundred tons have been built here, and several
smaller vessels of 25 to 40 tons. The oak, however, of which
these vessels have been built, is not good, although it is an
evergreen, and resembles in grain the "post oak;" it is of far
inferior quality. This establishment of the Russians seems now
to be kept up principally as a "point d'appui;" and hereafter
it may be urged in furtherance of the claims of the "Imperial
Autocrat" to this country, having now been in possession of
Ross and "Bodega" for 24 years, without molestation. Two
ships annually come down for wheat from (Sitka). Their
cargoes are purchased in California ; likewise, tallow and jerked
beef, for bills on the Russian American Fur Company, St.
Petersburg. These bills fall into the hands of the American
traders from Boston and the Sandwich Islands, who receive
these bills from the Californians as money in payment of goods.
Ross contains about 400 souls ; 60 of whom are Russians and
"Fins," 80 "Kodiacks," the remainder Indians of the neighbor-
hood, who work well with the plough and sickle. All the
Russians and Finlanders are artisans. Wages $35 to $40 per
annum. They export butter and cheese to Sitka. But few
skins (seals) are now taken — no sea otters. This year the
farm is much increased. Two hundred and forty fanegas,
equal to 600 bushels, of wheat is sown. It generally yields 12

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 207

bushels for one. Stock, 1,500 head of neat cattle, 800 horses
and mules, 400 to 500 sheep and 300 hogs.

Climate, Etc. — Within the last three years a very material
change has taken place in the climate along this coast. Form-
erly, in the months of May, June, July, August, September,
and October, the winds prevailed from northwest to west;
November, December, January, February, March, and April;
southwest to south-southeast winds prevailed; but for three
years past the winds are exactly reversed. It is, consequently,
much colder in winter than formerly. In May and June fogs
settle on the hills near Ross, and produce rust in wheat.

Thermometrical observations at Ross, in 1836, Fahrenheit.
Latitude 38° 41' north.

In October, 1836, maximum 66° average 12 M.

minimum 43°

November, " maximum 72°

" " minimum 38°

December, " maximum 62°

minimum 36°

January, 1837, maximum 58°

" " minimum 38°

February, " maximum 56°

" " minimum 43°

Timber. — Oaks, four species — two are evergreen; sweet-
scented laurel, excellent wood ; cedar of Lebanon ; "Douglass
pine" grows to an extraordinary size ; common pines, firs, alder,
and the red wood a species of cedar, the best wood in the
country.

An agent of the Russian Government was here last year.
He came through via Siberia from St. Petersburg, and visited
all the posts in Kamschatka, and on the northwest coast. He
got permission from the late General Figaroa (then command-
ant general of California) to put up a large building on the
bay of St. Francisco, ostensibly to be used as a granary to
receive the wheat purchased in California; but, in effect, it
was intended as a block-house, and was to have been made
defensible. The timber was got out, and now lies ready to

208 DOCUMENT

be used. General Figaroa died, and his successor, "Chico, " pro-
hibited the Russians from erecting their block-house.

Mr. Rostrometinoff readily granted me permission for the
party that accompanied me from the Columbia to land at
Bodega. He also furnished a house for their use until their
cattle could be collected, and provided me with horses and
guides to proceed by land to the bay of St. Francisco. Of
my proceedings in California, I must beg to refer to the com-
munication which I shall have the honor to lay before you in
a few days, accompanied by a chart of the Columbia, etc.

In the mean time, I have the honor to remain your most
obedient servant, WILLIAM A. SLACUM.

To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTHE,

Secretary of State.

(A.)

OREGON TERRITORY,
Wallamette Settlement.

Articles of agreement made and entered into this 13th day of

January, m the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred

and thirty-seven.

Whereas we, the undersigned, settlers upon the Wallamette
river, are fully convinced of the importance and necessity of
having neat cattle of our own, in order successfully to carry
on our farms, and gain a comfortable, livelihood ; and whereas
we find it impossible to purchase them here, as all the cattle
in the country belong to the Hudson Bay Company, they re-
fusing to sell them under any circumstances; and as we be-
lieve that the possession of cattle would not only benefit us
personally, but will materially benefit the whole settlement,
we, the undersigned, do therefore agree —

1st. To avail ourselves of an offer of W. A. Slacum, Esq.,
of the United States Navy, to take passage in the American
brig Loriot, Captain Bancroft, free of charge, to proceed to
California, to purchase cattle for ourselves and all our neigh-
bors who choose to join us in this enterprise, either by accom-

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 209

panying us themselves or furnishing the means of purchasing
cattle in California.

2d. We agree to contribute funds according to our means,
making a common stock concern, subject to the following con-
ditions: The expenses of all those who go to California are
to be borne by the company, calculating the time so employed
at the rate of twenty dollars per month ; provisions likewise to
be paid by the company.

3d. The wages of the men thus employed are to be cal-
culated as so much money, and each one is to be credited ac-
cordingly ; and each and every member of the company shall
have his portion of the cattle which may arrive safely at the
Wallamette, there to be divided agreeably to capital and wages
employed in the enterprise.

4th. All those who go for the purpose aforesaid, to Cali-
fornia, hereby bind themselves to return to the Wallamette
with the cattle, and to use their best endeavors to protect the
same.

5th. We hereby agree that Ewing Young shall be leader
of the party, and P. L. Edwards, treasurer, and that they shall
be joint purchasers of the cattle.

6th. If any man desert the, company in California, he shall
forfeit all wages which he may have earned. If, after the
arrival of the party in California, any man shall choose to
labor for his personal benefit, he shall have liberty to do so;
provided that he shall be bound to invest the proceeds of his
labor in the common stock, and he shall not enter into any
engagements which shall prevent him from leaving when re-
quired ; but such person shall not be entitled to any remunera-
tion from the company for the time so employed.

EWING YOUNG, his

P. L. EDWARDS, JOHN x TURNER,

JAMES A. O'NEAL, mark.

WEBLEY J. HAWKHURST, his

CALVIN TIBBETTS, PIERRE x DEPAU,

LAWRENCE CARMICHAEL, mark.

: EMAT^ERQUIETTE,

210

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SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 211

WALLAMETTE SETTLEMENT,
January 2, 1837.

GENTLEMEN: Whereas we, the members of the Oregon
Temperance Society, have learned with no common interest,
and with feelings of deep regret, that you are now preparing
a distillery for the purpose of manufacturing ardent spirits to
be sold in this vicinity; and whereas we are most fully con-
vinced that the vending of spiritous liquors will more effectually
paralyse our efforts for the promotion of temperance than any
other, or all other obstacles that can be thrown in our way;
and whereas we do feel a lively and intense interest in the suc-
cess of the temperance cause, believing, as we do, that the pros-
perity and interests of this rising and infant settlement will
be materially affected by it, both as respects their temporal
and spiritual welfare; and that the poor Indian, whose case is
even now indescribably wretched, will be made far more so by
the use of ardent spirits ; and whereas, gentlemen, you are not
ignorant that the laws of the United States prohibit American
citizens from selling ardent spirits to Indians, under the pen-
alty of a heavy fine ; and, as you do not pretend to justify your
enterprise, but urge pecuniary necessity as the reason of your
procedure; and as we do not, cannot, think it will be of pe-
cuniary interest to prosecute this business, if, as you have
determined to do, you discontinue it the present season; and
as we are not enemies, but friends, and do not wish, under
existing circumstances, that you should sacrifice one single
penny of the money you have already expended, we do, there-
fore, for the above, and various other reasons we could urge,

Resolved, first, That we, the undersigned, do most earnestly
and feelingly request you, gentlemen, to abandon your enter-
prise forever.

Resolved, secondly, That we will, and do hereby agree, to
pay you the sum you have already expended, if you will give
us the avails of your expenditure, or deduct the value of them
from the bill of expenses.

212 DOCUMENT

Resolved, thirdly, That a committee of one be appointed to
make known the views of this society, and present our request
to Messrs. Young and Carmichael.

Resolved, fourthly, That we, the undersigned, will pay the
sums severally affixed to our names to Messrs. Young and
Carmichael, on or before the 31st day of March, 1837, the
better to enable them to give up their enterprise.

Resolved, fifthly, That the inhabitants of this settlement who
are not attached to this society shall be invited to affix their
names to this request, and to give what they feel free to give
for the promotion of this object.

JOSEPH GERVAIS - $8.00

XAVIER LA DESCOSTE 6 bushels of wheat

DESPORTS MACKAY 8.00

JOHN HORD - 4.00

JOHN TURNER - 4.00

CALVIN TIBBETS

WINSLOW ANDERSON

CHARLES PLANTE - 6 bushels of wheat

CHARLES RONDEAU

JOSEPH DE LOR - 4.00

CHARLES ROE - 4.00

S. H. SMITH - 4.00

JAMES O'NEIL - 6.00

WEBLEY J. HAWKHURST - 5.00

ANDRES PECOR

LOUIS FORCIA

ELISHA EZEKIEL

ETTIENNE LUCIA

The undersigned jointly promise to pay the balance, be the
same more or less.

JASON LEE
DANIEL LEE
CYRUS SHEPPARD
P. S. EDWARDS

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 213

The undersigned are not members of the Oregon Temper-
ance Society, but concur in urging the foregoing request.

PIERRE DEPAU

A. ERQUETTE,

JOHN BAPTISTE PERROULT

GEORGE GAY

P. BILLIQUE

CHARLES SCHEGTE

WILLIAM CARMING

T. J. HUBBARD - $8.00

Messrs. YOUNG & CARMICHAEL.

NOTE. — T. J. Hubbard has since joined the temperance
society.

WALLAMETTE, January 13, 1837.

GENTLEMEN : Having taken into consideration your request
to abolish our enterprise in manufacturing ardent spirits, we
therefore do agree to stop our proceedings for the present.

But, gentlemen, the reasons for our first beginning such an
undertaking were the innumerable difficulties and tyrannizing
oppression of the Hudson Bay Company here, under the abso-
lute authority of Dr. John McLaughlin, who has treated us
with more disdain than any American citizen of feeling can
support. But as there are now some favorable circumstances
occurred that we can get along without making spiritous
liquors, we resolve to stop the manufacturing of it for the
present.

p. $. — Gentlemen, we do not feel it consistent with our feel-
ings to receive any recompense whatever for our expenditure,
but we are thankful to the society for their offer.

We remain, etc., yours,

YOUNG & CARMICHAEL.

214 DOCUMENT

To the OREGON TEMPERANCE SOCIETY.

Thermometrical observations taken at Fort Vancouver, latitude
45° 37' north.

1833, June, Minimum 7 A. M. 52° Maximum, 12 M. 66°
July, do. do. 47° do. do. 89°
August, do. do. 52° do. do. 83°
September, do. do. 48° do. do. 81°
October, do. do. 35° do. 3P.M. 73°
November, do. do. 30° do. do. 62°
December, do. do. 09° do. do. 52°

1834, January, do. do. 06° do. do. 43°
February, do. do. 28° do. do. 64°
March, do. do. 30° do. do. 66°
April, do. 6 do. 32° do. do. 83°
May, do. do. 42° do. do. 86°
June, do. do. 49° do. do. 90
July, do. do. 55° do. do. 93
August, do. do. 49° do. do. 86
September, do. do. 46° do. do. 86
October, do. do. 36° do. do. 73°
November, do. do. 31° do. do. 61°
December, do. do. 18° do. do. 49°

1835 January, do. do. 29° do. do. 52°

February, do. do. 28° do. do. 58°

March, do. do. 31° do. do. 61°

1836, April, do. 7 do. 40° do. 4 P. M. 68°
May, do. do. 42° do. do. 81°
June, do. do. 48° do. do. 83°
July, do. do. 55° do. do. 97°
August, do. do. 54° do. do. 98°
September, do. do. 40° do. do. 86°
October, do. do. 41° do. do. 81°
November, do. do. 29° do. do. 61°
December, do. do. 16° do. do. 53°

1837, January, do. do. 22° do. do. 48°

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 215

Amount of Mr. Slacum's account, as made out at
the Department of State $5,969.74

From which the following deductions have been
made at the same, viz. :

*From item No. 14, one-third of the amount,
being for board, etc., of servant, not
allowed $9.08

From item No. 15, one-third of the amount
being for stage-fare of servant from Mex-
ico to Vera Cruz 47.82

From item No. 16, one-third, being for pass-
age of servant to New York 61.66

From item for expenses in Mexico, one-third

for the proportion of servant 3.66

From item for expenses in and from New

York to Washington, for the same 9.66

From item for hire of the servant, the hire
and expenses of whom is allowed from the
period of the commencement of the jour-
ney of Mr. Slacum, in execution of the
duty confided to him, to that of his arrival
in Mexico, when it is considered he could

have dispensed with his services 6.00

$137.89

$5,831.85

The amount of expenses in the within account greatly ex-
ceeds that anticipated; it not having been contemplated that
Mr. Slacum would have to charter a vessel at the Sandwich
Islands for the purpose of reaching the Columbia river ; but,
inasmuch as it appears that this was done by him after a fruit-
less attempt to go up the coast in a small vessel, hired on the
coast of Mexico, in his anxiety to perform the duties intrusted
to him, I have approved the account, and submit it to the Presi-
dent for his approbation.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

November 13, 1837.

Approved: M. VAN BUREN.

JOHN FORSYTH.

*The servant above alluded to, and on whose account the above deductions
are made, I carried with me from this District to Mexico. His expenses were only
charged to the Government from the commencement of my iourney from the west
coast of America until my return to this city. He is a native citizen of the
United States, a man of well-tried fidelity, courage, and integrity; and I could
not, therefore, think of leaving him alone, a stranger, in a foreign and dan-
gerous country. W. A. S.

216 DOCUMENT

DEDUCTIONS.

From No. 14, one-third of the amount, being for
board, etc., of a servant at Mexico, not allowed. . . $ 9.08

From No. 15 one-third, being for stage-fare from
Mexico to Vera Cruz 47.83

From No. 16, one-third, being for passage of servant
to New York 61.66

From item for expenses in Mexico, one-third, for
proportion of servant 3.66

From item for expenses in and from New York to
Washington, for the same, 9.66

From item for hire of servant, the hire and expenses
of whom is allowed from the period of the com-
mencement of the journey of Mr. Slacum, in the
execution of the duty confided to him, to that of
his arrival in Mexico, when it is considered he could
have dispensed with his services 6.00

$137.89

No. 1.

PETIC, June 7, 1836.

SIR: I have the honor to acquaint you with my having
reached this place a few days since, on my way to the Oregon.
I could not procure a vessel at Guaymas, to go up the coast,
therefore felt compelled to attempt the journey by land, in-
tending to cross the Rio Colorado, in 113° west, and 33° north
latitude. I entertained some fears of not being able to cross
the river, and two days ago met Dr. William Keith, late United
States Consul at Petic. He had just returned from Upper
California. In answer to my inquiries as to the difficulties
of the route, at this season of the year, he answered me thus :
"From the Augua Salada, to the Tinaga Alta, is a distance
of 28 English leagues, without water. From thence to the
river Gila you are still without water. That at the Tinaga Alta,
is collected during the rainy season in the rocks. We had great
difficulty in watering our animals, and Don Silvestre de la
Portilla, who followed four days after in our track, informed
us the water had given out; consequently you would have a
journey of at least 55 leagues to perform, without watering

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 217

your horses. From the 20th of April, until the 20th of Au-
gust, Grand river is not in a condition to cross. I crossed on
the 15th of April last, and found the river considerably swollen;
in twelve hours it rose 4^2 feet, and it continues to rise until
the 15th of July. On either side of the river for the distance
of from 3 to 4 leagues, it is low, level, and muddy, and soon
begins to overflow. The journey at this season of the year is
impracticable; there is no case existing of its having been
done. In fact, no one who is aware of the situation of the part
where travelers are obliged to cross Grand river, would at-
tempt it, unless in case of life and death." From the above
statement of Dr. Keith, I feel, with the greatest degree of
reluctance, compelled to abandon the journey by land. I shall
return to Guaymas immediately, and hope I may find a vessel
of some size in which I can beat up the coast.

I have the honor to remain, etc., etc.,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.
To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.

No. 2.

GUAYMAS, July 7, 1836.

SIR : I had the honor of addressing you on the 7th ultimo,
from Petic, on the subject of my route to the Oregon, and the
cause of its impracticability at this season of the year.

I have now to acquaint you with my having chartered a
small vessel of the country, of 12 55/95 tons, in which I em-
bark this day. I almost fear I shall not be able to work up to
windward on the northwest coast, as the vessel is so very
small. If, however, I should be blown off the coast, I must
run for the Sandwich islands, and then do the best I can to
get into the (coast) river. No exertion shall be wanting on
my part to execute the trust reposed in me.

I have the honor to remain, etc.,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.
To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State} Washington.

218 DOCUMENT

' No. 3.

MAZATLAN, July 27, 1836.

SIR : I have the honor to hand you, enclosed, duplicates of
my respects of the 7th of June, from Petic, and 7th of July,
from Guaymas. I sailed from the latter port on the 7th inst,
in the schooner Loretano, of twelve tons. This small vessel
was the only one I could procure to prosecute the voyage to
the Oregon. Off Cape St. Lucar, we encountered such tem-
pestuous weather that I have been compelled to put in here in
distress, water started, and leaking badly. When I tell you
the Loretano was formerly the long-boat of the ship James
Munroe, of New York, you will understand the size of my
ship, in which I have attempted to get to the river. After
navigating about four hundred miles in her in this gulf, I feel
satisfied she will never beat to the windward a distance of two
thousand eight hundred miles against the northwest winds,
which blow with great violence at this season of the year on
the coast; and I assure you, sir, it is no sinecure to be out
now, on any part of the coast, in so small a craft. I have just
heard that an English barque, the "Falcon," is lying at La-Paz,
loading pearl shells for Canton. She will touch at the Sand-
wich islands. I shall therefore, cross over to La-Paz, and take
passage in her to Oahu. This will be my last hope of being
able to reach the river this season. However, I feel confident
of being on the banks of the Oregon by the first of November,
and back in time to make my report to the Department of
State before the adjournment of next Congress. I have been
unfortunate heretofore in both my essays. I trust I shall be
able now to get from the Sandwich islands to the river, with-
out any further difficulty.

I have the honor to remain, etc.,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 219

To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.
No. 4.

FALCON, OFF SAN BLAS,

October 10, 1836.

SIR: I have been unavoidably detained in California until
this time. We sail, however, this day, for the Sandwich islands.
I hope to be there by the, 1st proximo, and by the 10th of De-
cember on the banks of the Oregon.

I have forwarded to Mr. Ellis, in Mexico, a claim against
the Government of Mexico, evidently of the most just and
plain character; and although I have every confidence in the
ability and friendly disposition of Mr. Ellis to do everything
in his power to get the claims of his countrymen acknowledged,
I could still have wished to have gone to Mexico, to urge, in
person, the claim in question, amounting to nearly ten thousand
dollars. But the duty that has been assigned me, I shall en-
deavor to accomplish to the satisfaction of the Government, to
the postponement of all matters of a private nature.

I have the honor to remain, etc., etc.,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.
To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.
No. 5.

OAHU, SANDWICH ISLANDS,
November 24, 1836.

SIR: I have the honor to acquaint you that I arrived here
on the 5th instant, from Lower California, via San Bias. To-
morrow I sail for the Columbia river, in the American brig
Loriot, Captain Bancroft, and I may fairly calculate on being
at Fort George in twenty days from this date.

My coming hither has very much facilitated my views, and
I have received information connected with American interests
in the Oregon of the highest importance.

220 DOCUMENT

I have chartered the brig Loriot at $700 per month, as per
enclosed memorandum of agreement, as I must be independent
of the Hudson Bay Company, who are in possession of four
forts on the Columbia, and two on the Willhamett, and they
will, doubtless, endeavor to throw every obstacle in the way
of proceeding up the river; but I have guarded against any
ordinary contingency by having a good boat to proceed in
after taking the Loriot above Fort Vancouver, the principal
establishment of the Hudson Bay Company, situated about
ninety miles from the mouth of the river. I have also pur-
chased some few articles of trade, such as blankets, tobacco,
etc., to lull suspicion and facilitate my movements.

After accomplishing the objects of my mission to the Ore-
gon, I shall run down on our line of coast to the Bay of
Bodega, the Russian establishment, ninety miles north of San
Francisco, and if I can meet a party sufficiently strong, I shall
cross the Indian country to the United States, following the
line of the Sacramento to its source, which must be near the
head waters of the La Platte. The Russians are exceedingly
anxious to get a footing on the bay of San Francisco. Last
year, they erected a large block-house on the north side of the
bay, ostensibly to be used as a granary to secure their wheat
purchases for their more northern establishments at Sitka, etc.
The people of California, however, are exceedingly jealous
of their encroachments ; whilst, on the other hand, they (the
Californians) are most anxious to throw off the Mexican yoke,
and claim the protection of the United States. The American
ship Rasselas came in yesterday, from Monterey ; came out with
the United States ship Peacock, Commodore Kennedy. The
captain of the Rasselas reports that the "Rancheros" were
marching against the Government troops about one hundred
strong. Last year, the "Rancheros" displaced two governors,
and the third will, doubtless, follow their example. There are,
at this moment, at least 300 American riflemen in Upper Cali-
fornia, enough to take possession and hold the country, because
the people are decidedly opposed to the lawless exactions of
those who have been sent from Mexico to rule over them. I

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 221

hope to get to the United States in April, and trust the in-
formation I may be enabled to lay before the Department of
State may prove useful and interesting.

I have used of my private funds about $1500, as the enclosed
vouchers show. I shall most probably be compelled to draw
on the department for my further expenses.

I have the honor to be, sir,

Your most obedient servant,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.
To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.

No. 6.

ALEXANDRIA, September 13, 1837.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of the llth instant, and beg to ask a reference
to my letters of June 7th, from Petic ; of July 7th, from Guay-
mas ; of July 27th, from Mazatlan ; of October 10th, from San
Bias and November 24th, from Honolulu. Those letters ex-
plain the difficulties I had to encounter, and the reasons which
influenced my conduct in going to the Sandwich islands, as
the only practicable route by which I could carry into effect
the orders I had the honor to receive from the President of
the United States, through the Department of State, in No-
vember, 1835. Those orders, directing me "to embrace the
earliest opportunity to proceed to and up the Oregon, by such
conveyances as may be thought to afford the greatest facilities
for attaining the end in view," in my humble opinion, fully
justified my chartering the brig Loriot, to convey me to the
river Columbia. On the subject of freight, I beg leave to
assure you, that none was taken on board, either on my ac-
count, or that of any other person. The provisions, accoutre-
ments etc., of the American settlers from the Willhamett, whom
I conveyed from that river to Bodega, were taken aboard the
Loriot free of expense, as the agreement of the settlers, now

222 DOCUMENT

on file in the Department of State, shows ; and the benefit that
will result to the United States from that measure alone, will
be, nay is, at this moment more than ten times equivalent to
all the expenses incurred in my journey. From the 1st day
of June, 1836, when my private affairs were closed in Guaymas,
I devoted myself to the duty assigned me; wholly regardless
of my private interest, which would have led me to the capital
of Mexico, to prosecute, in person, the claim I hold against
that Government. (See my letter of October 10th from San
Bias.)

In conclusion, I beg leave most respectfully to remark, that
inasmuch as I have paid on the account of the Government of
the United States in specie, which I carried with me at my
own risk, it seems to be but fair that I should be reimbursed
in the same currency, to the full amount of my account.

With sentiments of the highest respect,

I am your most obedient servant,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.
To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.

No. 7.

ALEXANDRIA.

SIR: In submitting this account for the actual expenses I
have paid in gold and silver, on account of the Government
of the United States, I wish it to be distinctly understood that,
from June, 1836, when I closed my private affairs as nearly
as I could in Guaymas, I devoted all my time and energies
to execute the commission intrusted to me, to the postpone-
ment of my private interest, which would have led me to
the city of Mexico, to urge in person the claim I hold against
that Government, for about 10,000 dollars.

I distinctly state, likewise, that I had no private business at
the Sandwich islands, or elsewhere, to attend to, after June,
1836, when I commenced my journey towards the Columbia
river from Lower California. When I failed in getting to the

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7 223

Columbia by land from Lower California, (see my letters of
June and July, from Guaymas,) I availed myself of the only
alternative, namely, that of going to the Sandwich islands to
procure a vessel to take me into the river ; my anxiety to pro-
ceed caused me to take up a small vessel of 20 tons, to per-
form a voyage of 3,000 miles. Finding on examination that
this vessel was not sea-worthy, I chartered another even
smaller, and after being out 19 days, and nearly entirely
wrecked, I was compelled to abandon this vessel, and take
passage in the English barque Falcon for the Sandwich islands,
where I chartered the Loriot, and proceeded to the Columbia
river. Hence has arisen the charges for Joven Teresa, and the
Loretano, (see my letter from Mazatlan, of July, 1836,) the
charges for clothing, blankets, &c. were as necessary for my
use, to withstand the rigor of the climate, exposed as I was,
as to the arms which I carried with me at my own expense.
Part of the clothing I gave to the Indians for services ren-
dered. I took with me gold and silver at my own risk, and
which was calculated to increase the dangers of the journey :
these were neither few nor light. I have made presents of
arms, &c. to persons who have been civil to me, and have
actually expended, in this way, over $200. I have not charged
these items in my account, nor is there any charge for interest,
because I have reasonably thought that the arduous duty I
have performed would receive the attention of the Executive
of the United States.

With great respect, I remain,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.

To the Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,

Secretary of State, Washington.

No. 8.

EXTRACT.

FALCON, OFF SAN BLAS,

October Wth, 1836.

MY DEAR SIR: I have much pleasure in acknowledging the
receipt of your favor of the 20th, just from Mexico.

224 DOCUMENT

I have requested my frie'nds, Messrs. Barren, Forbes, & Co.
to forward to you the drafts on the custom-house at Guaymas,
and have to beg the favor of your doing all you can to get
the claim adjusted. I am compelled to proceed, on duty for
the Government, to the Oregon,, else, I should hasten to Mexico,
to endeavor to make some settlement of this, to me, important
claim. I put the greatest trust in your getting the claim ac-
knowledged at once from its apparent equity.

Yours most truly,

WILLIAM A. SLACUM.

TO POWHATTAN ELLIS, Esq.

Mexico.

NOTES

The sixty-ninth anniversary of the organization of the first
American civil government west of the Rocky Mountains
was celebrated at Champoeg, thirty-three miles south of Port-
land, on May 2, 1912, for the twelfth time. Ex-Governor T. T.
Geer, a native son of Oregon, whose father came across the
plains in 1847, was president of the day. The principal ad-
dress was made by Mr. Frederick V. Holman, President of the
Oregon Historical Society, and a well known lawyer of Port-
land. His subject was "A Brief History of the Oregon Pro-
visional Government and What Caused Its Formation." Mr.
Holman is also a native son of Oregon of the year 1852. His
grandfather came to Oregon in 1843 and his father and mother
in 1846. The sole survivor of the one hundred and two per-
sons who were present on May 2, 1842 — Mr. Francois Xavier
Matthieu — was on the platform. He passed his ninety- fourth
birthday on April 2nd. With the exception of his eyesight, he
is an unusually vigorous man, both mentally and physically.
Following Mr. Holman, short addresses in the nature of greet-
ings to the assembled pioneers, their descendants and friends,
were made by Mrs. La Reine Helen Baker and Mr. Samuel
Hill. Upwards of one thousand persons were in attendance.

Through the initiative of Mr. Joseph Buchtel, a pioneer of
1852, and a number of other pioneers, fifteen acres of land
adjacent to the site of Champoeg where the historic meeting of
May 2, 1843, was held, and the spot now marked by a small
monument, has been secured, and an effort will be made to
secure state aid in the near future and convert it into a state
park, one feature of which will be a suitable auditorium in which
to hold annual celebrations.

The fortieth annual reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Associa-
tion was held in Portland at the Masonic Temple on June 20th.
Robert A. Miller, President, presided. The annual address was
delivered by Hon. Robert G. Smith, Mayor of Grants Pass,
Josephine County. The annual banquet, provided by the Pio-
neer Woman's Auxiliary, was laid in the Multnomah County

Armory. Twelve hundred sat at the tables. No one can be a
member of the Oregon Pioneer Association except those who
came to, or was born in, some part of the original "Oregon
Country" prior to January; 1, 1860. Only one exception is
made, and that is in connection with California. Any one who
came to, or were born in, that State prior to January 1, 1860,
now residing in Oregon, are eligible to membership upon the
same terms as if they had always been residents of Oregon.
The average age of the twelve hundred pioneers present at the
reunion was sixty-nine years. It was not an uncommon ex-
perience for persons attending this reunion to meet old acquaint-
ances whom they had not seen for periods of twenty to fifty
years, and in one case sixty-four years.

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME xm SEPTEMBER 1912 NUMBER 3

Copyright, 1912. by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributor* to its pages

THE TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS

By Rev. J. Neilson Barry, Baker, Oregon

Two famishing white men were eagerly searching among
the debris of a deserted Indian camping ground for some mor-
sel of food that may have been left behind, and were vainly
endeavoring to swallow some dry fish bones which they had
pounded between stones. The men were utterly destitute, as
treacherous Indians had robbed them of everything, including
all their clothing, and they were now starving in a trackless
wilderness after having journeyed an entire year since they
had left the last frontier habitation of a white man.

One of these two men was Ramsay Crooks, a partner of John
Jacob Astor in the Pacific Fur Company. He had left St. Louis
with the overland expedition to Astoria, but had become so en-
feebled from hunger and privations that he had been unable
to keep up with the main party, so, with five others equally
debilitated, he had been painfully struggling through the snow
along their route, under such vicissitudes of sufferings that
four of his companions had been unable to continue the journey,
and now, with one comrade, he was on the verge of perishing
from destitution.

It is an illustration of the wonderful development of civil-
ization in the West that in later years through transcontinental
trains, with Pullmans and dining cars, ran along the very route
on which this man so nearly lost his life, while his son, Col.
William Crooks, was the assistant to the president of that rail-
road.

228 J. NEILSON BARRY

A traveler on the observation car of a through Pullman train
who sees the pine-clad mountains, and the sagebrush plains,
with the wonderful transformation which is taking place wher-
ever civilization has gained a foothold, must naturally feel an
interest in the story of the first travelers through this region,
so charmingly told by Washington Irving in "Astoria," which
was written in part at the home of Ramsay Crooks in St. Louis.

The attempt in 1811 of an American corporation, the Pacific
Fur Company, to establish Astoria as a trading post at the
mouth of the Columbia River in Oregon, was of far-reaching
consequences, as it became one basis for the claim to the Ore-
gon country as part of the territory of the United States.
. The overland expedition to Astoria under Wilson Price Hunt
did much to increase the knowledge of what had been an un-
explored wilderness, and contributed to the ultimate discovery
of that natural highway between the Mississippi and the Pacific,
which became the route of the trappers, and in later years
"The Old Oregon Trail" of the emigrants, and is now used
by the trunk line of a transcontinental railway system.

The chief natural features along the route of the Astorians
have remained unaltered, although irrigation has produced an
almost miraculous change in parts of the desolate wilderness,
such as that around "Caldron Linn," now Milner, Idaho, which
has become like an immense garden. A network of railroads
now covers what was formerly a trackless wild, while through-
out the region, where no foot of white man had ever trodden,
are now scattered a steadily increasing multitude of towns and
cities, with all the adjuncts of modern civilization that they
imply.

It was the view from the Pullman car that first caused the
writer of this article to desire to learn the stories that must lie
behind the outward scenes, and later the fertile Baker valley
at the foot of the beautiful Elkhorn range was recognized as
the "fine level valley" and "chain of woody mountains" men-
tioned in "Astoria."

The thought that here had actually trodden the footsteps of
the half famished, but resolute, band of explorers, aroused the

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 229

desire to identify other portions of their trail, and so for several
years every fact that might throw light upon the subject was
eagerly sought. Through the courtesy of Gen. H. M. Chit-
tenden in lending manuscript notes used in the preparation of
his most valuable work, the "American Fur Trade of the Far
West," and with much assistance from Mr. T. C. Elliott, of
Walla Walla, Wash., and from very many others, the entire
route has been approximately ascertained.

The first stage of the journey was along well known water-
ways. Mr. Hunt and Mr. McKenzie started from Montreal,
Canada, in July, 1810, and went by way of the Ottawa River
and Georgian Bay to Mackinaw, Mich., where they obtained
recruits for the expedition. Crossing Lake Michigan, they
went by Green Bay across Wisconsin, by the Fox and Wiscon-
sin Rivers, to the Mississippi, down which they sailed to St.
Louis, Mo., where they arrived September 3rd,, 1810 (Chap-
ter 13).

Having obtained recruits, they left St. Louis October 21st,
and ascended the Missouri River to near the present site of
St. Joseph, Mo., where the expedition went into winter quar-
ters, while Mr. Hunt returned to St. Louis. (Chapter 14.)

Mr. Hunt, with additional recruits, left St. Louis March 12th,
1811, and having passed St. Charles, Mo., saw the famous
hunter, Daniel Boone, at La Charette, near Marthasville, War-
ren County, Missouri. At Fort Osage, near Sibley, Mo., he
was met by a detachment of the expedition under Ramsay
Crooks, who was destined, upon his return journey from As-
toria, to taste bread at this place for the first time in nearly
a year. (Chapter 15.)

Having rejoined the expedition near St. Joseph, Mo., Mr.
Hunt started April 21st and, following the route of Lewis and
Clark, ascended the Missouri, passing the mouth of the Platte
River and the present site of Omaha, little knowing how much
time and suffering would have been saved if he had abandoned
the river at that point and struck westward across the country.
Continuing up the Missouri, they passed the hill, on the Ne-
braska side of the river, a short distance below Sioux City,

230 J. NPILSON BARRY

Iowa, where Blackbird, the noted chief, was buried; his skull
is now in the National Museum at Washington, D. C. (Chap-
ter 16.)

The Niobrara River, Nebraska, then called the Quicourt, was
passed on May 24th, and near Chamberlain, S. D., Mr. Hunt
held a parley with the Indians. (Chapter 18.)

On June 2nd a massacre by Indians was narrowly averted
near Cul de Sac Island, and the next day the Astorians were
overtaken near Dorion Island by Manuel Lisa, of the Missouri
Fur Company, who had left St. Louis after Mr. Hunt had as-
cended the Missouri some two hundred and forty miles, and
who for two months had been making a strenuous race of
eleven hundred and fifty miles in order to have the protection
of the Astorians while passing this dangerous part of the river.
(Chapter 19.)

On June llth Mr. Hunt camped near Ashby Island, and the
next day arrived at the Arickara village, some eight or ten miles
above the mouth of Grand River, S. D., then called Big River,
thirteen hundred and forty-three miles from St. Louis. (Chap-
ter 20.)

The second stage of the journey was by horseback across a
difficult part of the country, as they abandoned the route of
Lewis and Clark up the Missouri River for fear of the Black-
foot Indians. The expedition, consisting of sixty-four persons,
left the Arickara village July 18th, and, having followed the
present course of the Chicago, Milwaukee & Puget Sound Rail-
way for a short distance, they turned toward the southwest,
passing through Corson, Perkins and Harding Counties, S. D.
(Chapters 23, 24 and 25.)

On August 13th Mr. Hunt altered his course to the west-
ward, and entering what is now Montana, reached the Little
Missouri River near the present site of Ericson, Custer County,
Montana. ( Chapter 25. )

Having crossed the Little Missouri, Mr. Hunt attempted to
continue westward, but was prevented by the Powder River
Mountains, which were formerly included under the general
designation, Black Hills. Turning to the southwest, he passed

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 231

near the present site of Alzada, Custer County, Montana, into
what is now Crook County, Wyoming1, where on August 17th
he caught sight of Cloud Peak of the Big Horn range. (Chap-
ter 26.)

Following the ridge between the watershed of the Powder
River and the Belle Fourche fork of the Cheyenne in Crook
County, Wyoming, they probably crossed the present line of
the Burlington & Missouri River Railway in the neighborhood
of Gillette. On August 24th they reached the Powder River
near the mouth of Pumpkin Creek, Johnson County, Wyoming.
This valley was a "hunter's paradise," and was later a favorite
wintering place for trappers on account of the abundance of
game. Continuing onward along Powder River and Nine-
Mile Creek, they camped near the present site of Mayoworth,
Johnson County, Wyoming, at the foot of the peak known as
the Horn. (Chapter 27.)

Although much uneasiness had been felt in regard to Rose,
their renegade interpreter, he performed a very valuable ser-
vice in showing to them the Indian trail across the Big Horn
range, by the middle fork of Powder River and Beaver Creek,
which is still used as a highway. ( Chapter 28. )

Having crossed the Big Horn Mountains, they descended
Little Canyon Creek and encamped September 6th near the
present town of Redbank, Big Horn County, Wyoming. Cross-
ing the divide to the valley of Badwater Creek, Fremont County,
Wyoming, they followed that stream to its junction with Wind
River, which they ascended, passing the site of Riverton on
the Wyoming & Northwestern Railway. They continued up
Wind River past the fork near Circle, Fremont County, Wy-
oming, and near Union turned off on the beaten Indian trail,
which is now a public highway, and crossed Union Pass, from
the summit of which they saw the Tetons. Keeping to the
southwest, they reached Green River (Spanish River), which
they followed a short distance, camping September 17th oppo-
site Gros Ventre Peak, near Kendall, Uinta County, Wyoming,
going from there to the north fork of Beaver Creek, where
they spent five days. (Chapter 29.)

232 J. NEILSON BARRY

Crossing a divide, they reached Hoback's River, named from
John Hoback, one of the hunters with the Astorians. This
they followed to its junction with the Snake River, a short dis-
tance above the Grand Canyon. (Chapter 30.)

Having detached Carson and three other hunters on Septem-
ber 28th, they forded the Snake and were led by Indian guides
along the trail, which is now a public highway, across the Teton
Pass into Pierre's Hole, the valley of the Teton River, Fremont
County, Idaho. On October 8th they arrived at the deserted
post called Henry's Fort, which consisted of the first buildings
intended for permanent occupancy that had been erected by
white men within the Oregon country, and seem to have been
.a short distance below St. Anthony, Idaho, on the north, or
Henry, fork of the Snake River. (Chapter 31.)

Here they began the third stage of their journey in canoes,
which they had constructed, since they most unfortunately
abandoned their horses under the impression that they were
near Astoria and could navigate the Snake River. Having de-
tached Mr. Miller and four hunters, they embarked at Fort
Henry October 19th and the same day passed the mouth of
the south fork of the Snake River, which they termed Mad
River. On October 21st they portaged around Idaho Falls,
the Blackfoot Mountains being on their left, and on the 24th
reached American Falls, which are said to have been so named
at a later day by the Canadians with the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, because a party of American trappers, descending the
river, came unexpectedly to the cataract and were swept over
and perished. The Oregon Short Line Railway now crosses
the river at this point. On October 28th the Astorians met
disaster at Caldron Linn, the present site of the dam of the
Twin Falls irrigation system at Milner, Idaho. (Chapter 32.)

Further navigation of the Snake River being impossible,
the surplus goods were placed in caches on the north side of
the river, opposite Milner, and the expedition divided into sev-
eral detachments and began on foot the fourth stage of their
j ourney . ( Chapter 33 .)

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 233

The exploring parties under John Reed and Robert Mc-
Lellan having united, they followed along the north or right
bank of the Snake River to the canyon below Weiser, Idaho,
where they were overtaken by the detachment under Donald
McKenzie. The Snake River from this point to near Lewiston,
Idaho, flows through a region of precipitous mountains, in-
cluding the almost impassable range called the Seven Devils.
Even to the present time no wagon road has been constructed
across this difficult country, which is aptly described as being
"on edge." The gorge, through which the Snake River flows,
being only surpassed by the Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone.
In some way McKenzie and his ten companions succeeded in
crossing this region in twenty-one days, and possibly ascended
Captain John Creek and crossed a shoulder of Craig's Moun-
tain to the headwaters of Sweetwater Creek, near Waha, Nez
Perce County, Idaho, where they found wild horses grazing.
Making their way to the Clearwater, near Lapwai, they reached
the Snake River near Lewiston, Idaho, being again on the route
of Lewis and Clark, which they followed, descending the Snake
through Washington to the Columbia,, and down that river to
Astoria, where they arrived January 18th, 1812. (Chapter
38.)

The main body of the expedition left at "Caldron Linn,"
Milner, Idaho, consisted chiefly of Canadians, as most of the
American hunters had been detached, which contributed to
their subsequent suffering from scarcity of provisions. Having
divided into two parties, they set out November 9th. The group
on the north side of the Snake River under Wilson Price Hunt
followed along the river through Lincoln and Elmo re Coun-
ties, Idaho, and camped November 18th in Ada County, oppo-
site the present site of Grand View, and south of Cinder Cone,
or Kuna Butte, which is a well known landmark in that vi-
cinity. The "rimrock" in that vicinity is now still destitute of
sagebrush. Leaving the river, they followed an Indian trail
across a section destitute of water until the recent introduction
of irrigation. Crossing the route of the present Oregon Short
Line Railroad near Orchard station, they reached the Boise

234 J. NEILSON BARRY

River a short distance below the present city of Boise. It
was on this river that Reed, Dorion and others were subse-
quently massacred by Indians, of which an account is given
in Chapter 51, and the river was in consequence called
Reed's River in the early days. Although the Astorians
suffered greatly for lack of water on their way from the
Snake to the Boise River, yet it was fortunate that they
took this route, as it enabled them to procure some horses,
without which many would probably have subsequently per-
ished in the Snake River canyon. Following the Boise
River along the route, in later days, of the "Old Oregon
Trail," toward Malheur Butte, subsequently a well known
landmark, they reached the Snake near where Fort Boise stood
in after years. Turning northward, they followed along the
present route of the Oregon Short Line down along the Snake,
crossing the Payette and Weiser Rivers near the present towns
with those same names. Little realizing that there was a nat-
ural route used by the Indians between this point and the Co-
lumbia, they continued down the Snake and entered the canyon
November 27th. Traveling then became excessively arduous,
but they still continued onward until December 5th, when they
had probably reached near the present line dividing Washington
and Adams Counties, Idaho. (Chapter 34.)

The detachment under Ramsay Crooks left "Caldron Linn,"
Milner, Idaho, November 9th and, following along the left or
south side of the Snake River, through Twin Falls and Owyhee
Counties, Idaho, they entered what is now Malheur County,
Oregon. Continuing northward along the Snake River, they
passed near where Huntington, Baker County, is now situated,
and then followed along the present line of the Northwestern
Railroad to probably a short distance beyond Homestead, Baker
County, Oregon, where they were forced to turn back and re-
trace their steps. While ascending back up the river they came,
December 6th, to a point opposite to where Mr. Hunt was on
the Idaho side. When he had learned through Mr. Crooks
of the impassable nature of the canyon, his party also turned
back and retraced their steps southward up the river. (Chap-
ter 35.)

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 235

The two companies of half famished travelers struggled
along on opposite sides of the Snake until they emerged into
the open country. Mr. Hunt, on the Idaho side, found an
Indian camp, near where Weiser now stands, where he for-
tunately was able to obtain an Indian guide to lead him along
the natural highway across the Blue Mountains to the Colum-
bia, a route first used by the Indians and later forming part of
the old Oregon Trail, and now traversed by the main line of the
Oregon- Washington Railway. Having constructed a canoe of
horse-skin, Mr. Hunt's party crossed to the Oregon side of the
river, probably in the vicinity of Olds Ferry, Idaho. (Chapter
36.)

Leaving the Snake River December 24th, they passed the
present site of Huntington, Ore., and ascended Burnt River,
which is called Woodville Creek in Chapter 44. The Canadian
Carriere gave out and had to be placed on a horse, probably
near Durkee, Baker County, Oregon. On December 28th they
reached Powder River and encamped near Baker. A promi-
nent peak of the "chain of woody mountains/' the beautiful
Elkhorn Range, has been recently named Hunt Mountain in
honor of the leader of this expedition. Continuing northward
along Baker Valley, the party camped near the present site
of the village of North Powder, Union County, where the
Dorion baby was born. This was the first child with the blood
of the white race in its veins to be born on the "Old Oregon
Trail."

Following the Powder River along the line of the Oregon-
Washington Railroad to where the river enters the canyon,
above Thief Valley, they turned off among the hills toward
Telocaset, Union County, when La Bonte gave out, and was
placed upon a horse, while Mr. Hunt shouldered his pack. This
was one of the eight white men with this expedition who subse-
quently became permanent settlers in Oregon. Having reached
the now famous Grand Ronde Valley, the party camped near
the present site of Union, near Hot Lake, which is described
in Chapter 44.

236 J. NEILSON BARRY

It is still possible to almost locate the spot from which the
Indians pointed out the gap, near La Grande, through which
they must pass, where it becomes visible, around a point of a
hill, from the road between Union and Cove. Crossing the
Grand Ronde Valley, they passed near the present site of La
Grande, and ascended along Tillakum Creek to the summit of
the Blue Mountains, near Kamela.

The following day, January 7th, the little Dorion baby ended
its brief life of arduous traveling, and its unmarked grave is
probably somewhere near Duncan Station, and near where, on
a later occasion, Madame Dorian hid her other two children,
while she crawled on her hands and knees, from hunger and
exhaustion, to seek for food and succor.

The old Indian trail, which the travelers undoubtedly were
following, reaches the Umatilla River near Thorn Hollow Sta-
tion, and it was near here that poor Carriere disappeared for-
ever. Following down along the Umatilla River, the explorers
passed the site of Pendleton, and later turned from the river
and struck across country to the Columbia, which they reached
between Wallula, Wash., and Umatilla, Ore.

They were then once more on the route of Lewis and Clark,
for the first time since leaving the Arickara village in South
Dakota six months before. Crossing to the north side of the
Columbia, into what is now Washington, they followed down
the river along the present route of the Spokane, Portland &
Seattle Railway, to the noted Indian village of Wishram, which
still exists near the station unfortunately named Spedis, since
the ancient name, so well known in history, would be most
appropriate now for that station, which is at the head of the
Long Narrows, or Celilo Rapids, which extend from this point
to The Dalles, Ore. The United States Government is now
constructing locks at this part of the Columbia, an undertaking
which is said to be exceeded in cost only by the Panama Canal.
(Chapter37.)

Having procured canoes, the party embarked from opposite
The Dalles, Ore., and descended the Columbia through the
great gorge which cleaves the Cascade Range. Portaging

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 237

around the rapids at Cascade Locks, where Indian tradition
says that the "Bridge of the Gods" formerly spanned the river,
they descended the Columbia to Astoria, where they arrived
February 15; 1812, nearly a month later than the detachment
under Mr. McKenzie. (Chapter 38.)

Mr. Ramsay Crooks and John Day, the Kentucky hunter, —
who were mentioned at the opening of this paper, — had been
left behind by Mr. Hunt, since they, with four Canadians,
had become too exhausted from hunger and privation to con-
tinue with the main expedition. These six having gotten to-
gether near Weiser, Idaho, started in January, 1812, to follow
the tracks left in the snow by Mr. Hunt's party and, ascend-
ing Burnt River, crossed the divide into Baker Valley, where,
like Mr. Hunt, they were disappointed at not finding any Indian
encampment, since they were greatly in need of provisions. For
some reason Indians appear not to have encamped in Baker
Valley, possibly from some superstition. The Powder River is
shown on the Lewis and Clark map as "Port-pel-lah," with the
North Powder tributary as "Ta-kin-pa," which were names
evidently learned from the Nez Perce Indians near Lewiston,
Idaho. Captain Fremont mentions meeting an Indian in this
valley October 15th, 1843, but his lodge was "in the mountain
to the left" (Hunt Mountain). The late Hon. A. H. Brown,
once the State Treasurer of Oregon, who was one of the first
settlers in the Baker Valley, learned from the Indians that the
valley was called by them "The Peace Valley," as there was a
tradition that no battle had ever been fought here. The fact
that the valley was originally caused by an earthquake, and
since the city of Baker has been built an earthquake has oc-
curred, it is possible that some superstition may have arisen
in this connection.

Not finding an Indian encampment, three of the Canadians
turned back to the Snake River, while the other three travelers
continued along the trail of Mr. Hunt's party until they reached
the Grand Ronde Valley, where there was no snow. There,
about the, last of March, Dubreuill, the Canadian, became ex-
hausted and was left with a lodge of Shoshones.

238 J. NEILSON BARRY

Mr. Crooks and John Day, with the aid of information gained
from the Indians, managed to cross the Blue Mountains, and
followed the Umatilla River to the Columbia, near Umatilla,
where Chief Yeck-a-tap-am befriended them. From here they
followed along the route of the present Oregon-Washington
Railway to the mouth of the river, which has ever since been
called the John Day, where they were treacherously robbed and
stripped by some Indians, after which they managed to make
their way back to Chief Yeck-a-tap-am near Umatilla, whose
kindness to them was afterwards rewarded by a scarlet suit,
like the household of King Lemuel.

The party under Mr. Robert Stuart, which was returning
from the Okanogan in Washington, fortunately picked them
up and carried them to Astoria, where they arrived May llth,
1812, nearly two months later than the second group of the
overland expedition. (Chapter 41.)

While Mr. Hunt was at the junction of Hobach River and
the south fork of the Snake, in what is now Uinta County,
Wyoming, Carson and three other hunters were detached Sep-
tember 28th, 1811 (Chapter 31). After a successful hunt they
were attacked and robbed by Indians and one of the trappers
was killed. Carson and his two companions made their way
to the Boise Valley, Idaho, where they fell in with the four
Canadians who had been with Mr. Crooks and John Day. These
seven were picked up by John Reed, the clerk, while on his trip,
during the summer of 1812, to visit the caches at "Caldron
Linn," Milner, Idaho, and they accompanied him to the post
Mr. McKenzie was attempting to establish on the "Shahaptan,"
probably the Clearwater River, Idaho (Chapter 52). When
Mr. McKenzie abandoned that post, they went with him to As-
toria, where this fourth and last group of the overland expedi-
tion arrived January 15th, 1813, almost a year later than the
first party to reach the goal of their long journey, and nearly
two years and three months after the main expedition had left
St. Louis. (Chapter 53.)

When we read of the experiences of these travelers a century
ago, we can understand something of the development of civil-

TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 239

ization in the West, especially when we realize that now reg-
ular trains carry passengers from St. Louis to Astoria in forty-
two hours.

The charge has been made that Washington Irving was ro-
mancing when he wrote Astoria, yet from his detailed descrip-
tions of natural features, it has now become possible to approx-
imately identify the entire route, which lay through a formerly
unknown wilderness, and in many places to almost be able to
trace the footsteps of the overland expedition to Astoria.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS

By William Barlow

I am now in my seventy-ninth year,1 and have been a pretty
close observer of changes and events that have taken place
during my own recollection. And, if anything, a closer ob-
server of what my parents and grandparents told me when I
was young, as I was always tought to confide in all they said.

There was one of my grandfathers I never saw. He was
killed or wounded unto death in the Revolutionary War. My
mother and grandmother often told me what a great, patriotic
grandfather I had; of this I will have more to say hereafter.
Of course, all sons of Revolutionary sires have a lasting grudge
of King George the Third, and a more bitter grudge against
the Tories.

I will first give a history of the Barlow side of the house,
as handed down from my great-grandfather Barlow. But I
have no exact dates. I only know they came from Scotland
long before the Revolution and settled in old Virginia. They
always claimed that we had Bruce and Wallace blood in our
veins.

In those days the crown appointed all the magistrates, who
domineered over the people as they saw best. They did not
consider the common people had any right that they were bound
to respect.

One day great-grandfather Barlow was going to mill with a
heavy load of grain on a sled, snow about a foot deep outside
of the traveled track. The royal magistrate, with a fine cutter,
prancing steeds and jingling bells, came, dashing up in front
of the old farmer. With a wave of his hand to turn out of
the beaten track, which grandfather failed to recognize, the
result was disastrous. The magistrate, cutter and all went over
into the gutter. The old gent stopped his big team to assist his
royal highness in getting out of his self-made unpleasantness.
But instead of thanking the old gent for his kindness, he sprang
to his feet, drew his sword and went for the old man. But

i The writer states in the body of these reminiscences that he was born on the
26th of October, 1822.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 241

just as he got in reach, the butt of the old gent's blacksnake gave
him a clip on the lug of the ear which dropped him in the beau-
tiful snow over a foot deep. That and the blacksnake, or both to-
gether, seemed to cool the young officer off. So he got up and
begged the old gent's pardon. Grandfather helped him get the
rig all straightened out, and told him he had got him so he
thought he could take care of himself, and each one went his
own way. To grandfather's surprise, that was the last he ever
heard of the affair.

My own grandfather, William Barlow, for whom I was
named, followed Daniel Boone to Kentucky, and had to con-
tend with numerous tribes of Indians. Kentucky was not
claimed by any particular tribe of Indians, but held as mutual
hunting ground by all the surrounding tribes. The climate and
blue grass production of the soil made it a great resort and
home for all the carnivorous and herbaceous wild animals of the
forest that were found east of the Mississippi River. Among
these were bear, panther and wolves, buffalo, elk and deer, be-
sides all the little fry, such as foxes, coons, oppossums, hogs,
hedgehogs, squirrels, rabbits and wild turkeys, in unlimited
quantities.

So all the first settlers had to do was to get in a little patch
of corn for bread. This was pounded in a mortar, burnt out in
a big stump, with a big wooden pestle. This pestle swung from
a natural spring pole, by bending down a young hickory tree
and tying a rawhide made of buffalo skin to the top of the little
hickory sapling that was stout enough to raise the big pestle
above the mortar so the corn would roll to the center of the big
stump whenever the pestle went up. Thus one could have
a bushel of cornmeal in a very short time. Of course, it had
to be sifted through a rawhide deerskin sieve, that was made at
home and equally as good as the best wire ones that we use
today.

Grandfather said the way they protected themselves from
the numerous tribes of Indians, who made desperate efforts to
keep the whites off their happy hunting ground, was by build-
ing their log houses in straight rows right opposite each other,

242 WILLIAM BARLOW

with a porthole or lookout on one side of the door, that could
be closed up at night and opened up in the day to give light
in the house. All the inmates had to observe a certain rule of
rising in the morning at a stated hour, or as soon as they could
see across the street, about sixty feet wide. Thus they could
see if there were any redmen at their neighbors' doors. The
only way the wild Indians could hope to cope with Kentucky
rifles was by placing a watch at the door of each house with
a tomahawk in hand to strike down the inmate as soon as he
opened the door. But before the door opened each watcher, al-
most at the same time, fell dead at the door he was watching.
There was no truce to bury the dead, but the Kentucky braves
gave the red braves a decent burial all in one grave. One such
occurrence as this was the last time the noble redman of the
forest ever tried that plan.

Of course, the bow and arrow was no match for the Kentucky
rifle, many of which the frontiersmen made themselves. My
grandfather was a gunsmith and made as good accurate shoot-
ing guns as are made in this day and age of the world.

Kentucky now began to settle up in earnest, mostly from
Virginia and Tennessee. Cornwallis had surrendered and
Tories had to hunt their holes. Peace and quiet now reigned
throughout the land. Kentucky was filling up rapidly with
the F. F. Vs.

My grandfather soon met and married a Miss Sarah Kim-
brough, of Welsh descent. Her father moved from Virginia
with all his household, including a large family of negroes,
many cattle and horses, and an even half-bushel of Spanish-
milled dollars, the only real land office money we had at that
time that amounted to anything. This silver is now considered
unsound, dishonest, corrupt fifty-cent dollars. Rag money is
good enough for the common people now. I only mention
this to show what a wonderful change has taken place since I
was a man grown.

In 1812 war again broke out between the United States and
Great Britain. I had two uncles who were old enough to shoul-
der a rifle. One of them made his own gun, he being a gun-

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 243

smith himself. In fact, both of them were fine mechanics at
anything in the iron or steel line. Both of them were strongly
solicited not to enter the ranks, but to enter the armory corps
as mechanics, to repair and keep guns in order. Uncle Jim
said that would suit him better than to be set up as a target for
redcoats' muskets, but Uncle John said he volunteered to shoot
redcoats and he was going to do that or he would go home. So
each one got his wishes granted.

But Uncle Jim made the most money, had the easiest time
and saw the most fun. He was a great hand to tell jokes and
anecdotes, particularly on the Irish. He used to tell one with
a great deal of eclat about a couple of Irish soldiers when they
were lying at barracks. They called him master armorer, as
he was head mechanic at the armory. The Irish boys came
rushing in one evening both out of breath.

"Master armorer, master armorer, me and my comrade here
has got a wager of a dollar apiece and a quart of whiskey."

"Well, what is it, my boys ?"

"Well, my friend and comrade here bets me a dollar that he
can drink this quart of whiskey all at one time and live till
morning. Now, if he is here in the morning a live man, you
give him the two dollars. But if he is not here at six o'clock in
the morning the money is mine. Is that stated right, com-
rade?"

"Just right, just right, and I'll get the money,, whiskey and
all, and divil a bit will I give ye."

Next morning a little after six o'clock the head spokesman
came bounding in.

"Master armorer, give me the money."

"Is your comrade dead ?"

"Och, and he is as straight (and stiff, too) as a shingle. Darn
fool, I told him so, but he said it was just like finding the two
dollars and getting the whiskey besides."

Uncle John's regiment had gone to New Orleans —

244 WILLIAM BARLOW

Where Pakenham had made his brags, if he and fight were

lucky,

He would have his gals in cotton bags, in spite of old Kentucky.
But Jackson he was wide awake, and wasn't dazed at trifles,
For well he knew what aim we take with our Kentucky rifles.

Pakenham had at least three to our one of regular British
soldiers. He came on with all the pomp and dash of a Welling-
ton. Jackson said : "Hold your fire, my boys, until you can see
the whites of their eyes."

When the word was given all along the line to "make ready,
take aim, fire," Uncle John said it seemed as though the whole
British army went down at once.

Jackson again commanded, "Keep cool, my boys, take your
time, load your rifles well, so every ball will tell, then give them
plenty of time to rally and close up the ranks. We are per-
fectly safe ; no ball will go through these cotton bales."

So the second charge was worse than the first.

Then Pakenham made a third desperate effort at the head
of his invincibles, as he called them. But the third time he
went down with them with a Kentucky ball through his most
vital parts. All was lost; nobody to rally them, and army de-
moralized.

We had lost nothing, comparatively speaking. We had killed
more than our whole army numbered, Uncle John said.

Jackson declined to follow them, and said : "Let them go ;
we have no guns to sink their ships, but we can whip them on
land as fast they come ashore."

Uncle John told us that Pakenham was corked up in a cask
of whiskey and shipped back to England, but when the vessel
arrived in Liverpool the general was there, but the brandy was
gone. On investigation, it was found that the cask had a spigot
in it or gimlet hole with plug in it that could be drawn any
time. The sailors evidently thought that anything that would
preserve flesh would have the same effect on their stomachs.

So that ended the war of 1812. In fact, this battle was fought
long after peace was declared. Henry Clay, one of our peace
commissioners at Ghent, won a thousand guineas from one of

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 245

the English peace commissioners on that battle. One of the
English lords, after the treaty of peace was signed, said, "I
will now bet a thousand guineas that New Orleans is in pos-
session of Lord Pakenham." Henry Clay said, "Draw your
check for that amount. Here is mine."

Now I will go back and fetch up the mother's side of the
house. My grandfather Lee was a thoroughbred Protestant
Irishman. Had it not been for the great rivalry between the
Catholics and Protestants, Ireland would have been an inde-
pendent state long before our Revolutionary War.

Great-grandfather Lee fought clear through the Flanders
war, seven years for the crown, then rebelled and fought seven
years against the crown. At the end, he and many others were
overpowered and surrendered as prisoners of war. All the offi-
cers of high rank had to lie in a dungeon one hundred feet
under ground and live on half an allowance of bread and water
for one year. All who lived the time out and could pay 500
pounds sterling to the crown could go free.

Great-grandfather was one that lived the time out and was
able to pay the fine. He called his two sons, William and
Frank (William was my grandfather) to his bedside, as he was
yet too feeble to be out. He said : "My sons, I am getting old
and feeble ; I am broke down and almost broke up. I will have
to stay here, but I want you both to go right to America. Some
day that will be a free and independent country. It is too
large and there are too many independent, free-thinking people
there to be corralled by any of the King George tyrants. Scotch,
Irish and English Liberals are getting over there as fast as they
can, and they are just the material that will fight for freedom."

So when the Declaration of Independence was declared
Grandfather Lee was one of the first to volunteer for service
during the war. He was lieutenant of a home-made battery in
Charleston, South Carolina, and when the British fleet came
into the harbor he was ordered to swab and test one of the new
castings. Unfortunately it burst all to pieces and shattered one
of grandfather's legs, so he, was disabled for the balance of the
war. He got well enough, however, to raise a hearty and hardy

246 WILLIAM BARLOW

family of sons and daughters. But about the time the family
was all grown, the old veteran took sick and died, while his
wife was hale and hearty. The boys and girls were young and
stout, so they all thought while the family was all together
they would emigrate to a newer, richer and healthier state.
So they sold out and moved to the State of Kentucky. After
remaining there two years, they concluded they would try a
free state, so crossed over to Indiana, which had recently be-
come a state.

My father, Samuel Kimbrough Barlow, about the same time
had left Ketnucky and gone over to Indiana to try his fortune
in a free state. There he met, wooed and married one of the
Lee girls, Miss Susannah Lee, who was my mother. A nobler
woman never breathed the breath of life. She lived to raise
her family and came to Oregon in 1845. She died on the place
that I now live on and was almost worshipped by all who knew
her.

It was from her that I got my first idea of gold mines. She
was born and raised in the State of South Carolina, and at that
time such a thing as gold or silver mines were never heard of
west of the Mississippi. But she would tell us children about
the great gold mines of South Carolina. She said she knew a
man there who had a gold mine on his own land and owned the
negroes that worked it. Said his income was one dollar a min-
ute ; that is, if the negroes came up to their task. This was to
fill a goose quill an inch and a half long every day, and any
over that was to be put in the darkey's sack. In case the darkey
failed to have dust enough to fill the goose quill, any day, it was
filled out of the negroe's surplus sack; but if the darkey had
no dust in this sack to make up the deficiency, he was stripped
to the bare back and the overseer was compelled to hit him a
lick with the rawhide for every troy grain short.

Now, I will take up my own father's life and what brought
him to Oregon. In the first place, he was a great admirer of
Henry Clay, more particularly on account of Clay's being a
strong believer in the emancipation of the negroes. He thought
he was the greatest natural statesman that ever lived, but I think

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 247

no more so than was Lincoln. They were both poor boys and
had to struggle for a living. Clay was the son of a poor widow
and went to mill with a sack on a mule's back, borrowed books
and read by fire, not torchlight. Lincoln did the same thing,
only he did not have to support a widowed mother. Clay was
elected to Congress when a very young man and was speaker
of the house almost all the time. He came very near getting
beat by voting for the enormous salary of $1500 per year fof
Congressmen instead of $5 per day, as they had been getting ;
but the next election the Democrats brought that against him
with powerful effect. This is the way he defended himself:
Without trying to justify himself in the least, one of his most
substantial friends was selected to notify him of his doom. This
old appointee, with rifle in hand and tears in his eyes, ap-
proached Clay with almost death silence.

"Well, Henry, I have been appointed to notify you that we
can't stand that $1500 salary."

"John," he said, "please let me look at your gun. That looks
like a good gun, or has been a good gun."

"Yes, and it is just as good as it ever was."

"Well, John, doesn't it sometimes flash in the pan ?"

"Yes, but very seldom."

"Well, what do you do with it then, John ?"

"Oh, I just pick the flint and try it again."

"Well, can't you pick the flint and try me again ?"

"We will, we will !" sounded a hundred voices.

Well, from that time on Henry Clay held Kentucky in the
hollow of his hand. But like all or most all of our most bril-
liant men, he never could be elected President of the United
States. But when his last defeat by James K. Polk, of Ten-
nessee, a man comparatively unknown, came to Clay, this was
a little more than the old gent, my father, S. K. Barlow, could
stand. He said he would leave the states that did not recognize
their great statesman and go to Oregon. By the time Oregon
became a state he expected he and Clay would both be dead.
But Polk made a better president than the old gentleman
thought he would. He was really elected as an Oregon man,

248 WILLIAM BARLOW

and "54-40-or-fight" was what made him president. But he
did not carry out his "54-40-or-fight," either.

I voted for Clay, myself being 22 years old in 1844, though
I never regretted Folk's election as Clay had never committed
himself on the boundary question. Father always said, Clay
would have had 54-40 and would not have had to fight either.
Of course, Canada and British Columbia should belong to the
United States by natural boundaries. I have always thought
it strange, that we did not exact it at the close of the last war
with Great Britain. In fact, we had virtually taken Canada.
Had whipped England at Plattsburg and on Lake Erie and
could have taken Quebec from the rear without any trouble.
But the Briton had sued for peace and always were the shrewd-
est diplomats. We never, never valued the North Pole as much
as they did. But now with Alaska, we would have the whole
North American continent except Mexico. This acquisition
without Mexico would be worth to us more than all Asia and
Africa put together ; in fact, we do not want those countries, all
of them or any of them. Even the Sandwich Islands are detri-
mental to us and we are going to have trouble about them
some day. The delegates selected to our Congress will try to
seat the old Kanaka squaw on the throne. Of course that will
not be done. But just as we are now, we are the greatest
and most powerful nation on the globe. But expansion was
Spain's downfall and it will be the fate of England some day
and who knows how it will affect America ?

Now, I will commence back with father in 1836 at Bridge-
port, Indiana, ten miles west of Indianapolis. My father was
owner and proprietor of the little town situated in a densely
timbered country. There were five boys and two girls of us, all
growing up fast. We were making a good backwood's living,
by making at home everything we ate, drank and wore. But
to stay there and wear ourselves out in that white oak timber
and on land not very productive, even when it was got in culti-
vation, was more than the old folks thought they could stand.
Hearing there was land already cleared in Illinois, the adjoin-
ing state, and having a fair offer as they thought for their In-

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 249

diana farm, they accepted $1600.00 for the 160 acres less what
had been sold off in town lots, probably about 25 or 30 acres.

But now came the sticking point. This money was to be
paid in land office script. Jackson had just vetoed the United
States National Bank bill, the notes of which had always been
land office money ; State Bank paper, Father would not look at.
There was no gold in the country and very little silver. So they
struck out for Indianapolis and had to give 5 per cent premium
for Mexican silver dollars, which was best money we had then
in the United States, and was land office money at that.

So the old gent thought he would make a sale and sell off
all his loose property. I recollect just how he wrote out the
notice, and that has been sixty-five years ago.

"Gentlemen, I will say to you, that I will sell at a vendue:

"Horses, hogs, sheep and cattle, plows and hoes and chains
that rattle,

"And some fine honey bees, and things as good as these."

The sale came off, which added a few hundred dollars more
to our farm money, and had to take that in any kind of money
that was in circulation.

But before he started with his family, he thought it best to
go on alone on horseback and select a location. The Black
Hawk War was over, and no fears were entertained in trav-
eling through Illinois and Iowa ; but by two going together for
company, it would make it more pleasant. So Uncle John
Thompson, a good old Baptist preacher, said he would go
along, if father would agree to take in Iowa, as he was very
anxious to get out of the woods, and go where he said God
had done the clearing. So they started early in the Spring
to look at the cleared-land country, which they were delighted
with. They said they could put in a hundred acres quicker and
cheaper than they could put in ten acres in Indiana. They went
clear up to Lake Michigan, where Chicago now stands. It was
then an Indian trading post. A man there had jumped a quar-
ter section of land and offered to sell his right to it for $400.00,
and the improvements on the place were worth the money
Father said, "I believe I will buy that place. Some day there
will be a great town right here."

250 WILLIAM BARLOW

"Nonsense," said Uncle John. "Do you think any man of
common sense would live where it takes two men to hold his
hat on?"

Just then a big puff of wind from the Lake lifted my fath-
er's hat high in the air. When he had recovered it, he said,
"Well, John, I don't know but that you are about right. We
will go south where there is more timber."

They had already been down about Peoria, Fulton and Knox
counties ; now they could go back that way and select a place
to move the family. Father was well pleased without going
any further. Uncle John said he did not care to go over into
Iowa then, as he had not sold out and did not know when he
could. So father selected Farmington for his rendezvous
until he could look up vacant land with timber and prairie land
joining.

After being gone just six weeks he came back to Indiana.
We were soon on the road, as we had our teams and wagons
all ready ; three yokes of oxen to one wagon and a good span
of horses to another. It was at this time that I first saw a
friction match. Father went up to Indianapolis to buy a little
outfit for the trip; the storekeeper said here is something you
should have, as you are going to camp out all the way, and this
box will beat your old flintsteel and punk a hundred times.
They are something new, but they will all go and never miss
fire. They are worth twenty-five cents a box and there are
over a hundred in a box. They will start you a hundred fires
and so much quicker. So father took them, as they only came
to one coon skin anyway.

In a few days we were on the road to Farmington, Illinois.
We crossed the Illinois river at Peoria, twenty-five miles from
Farmington. We moved into an old log house close to town
that cost us nothing for the use of it ; bought a cow or two and
we herded the horses and cow on the commons.

Father struck out for the land office at Quincy to get field
notes of certain townships where he might select the land that
he wanted to buy. But he could not find any prairie and tim-
ber land joining, but selected three 80-acre lots of smooth

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 251

prairie and one 80-acre lot of timber two miles off. We moved
right on the place, made a sod house, hired a lot of men, all
good choppers, and one good hewer. Paid seventy-five cents
for the choppers each and one dollar for the hewer per day
and board. In a few weeks, we had up a big hewed log house
a story and a half high. We had two rooms twenty feet square
with a twelve-foot entry between them. It was the finest house
in the county and a good house when we left for Oregon in
1845. We broke, fenced and had more land in cultivation in
one year than we could have had in Indiana in ten years with
the same help. We remained on that place until March 30,
1845. Had been there nine years but only raised eight crops.
But never got two good wheat crops during that time. Oats
and corn were always good, but prices were poor, ten cents a
bushel for oats and twelve and a half for corn, and that in
store pay. Pork brought from a dollar and a half to two and
a half a hundred pounds, but that always brought cash; cash
money had to be paid for taxes. We came out about even
every year, though we were never in debt.

We were all about grown now ; had lost one brother, Eli, the
brightest one of the family.

We could sell out now and make fine outfit for Oregon. We
could have laid out a thousand dollars for young cattle, which
would have made us a fortune in Oregon, but the old gent
thought he would better keep his money than take chances
by the stock being run off by the Indians.

March 30th, 1845, arrived. Well, now we are off for Ore-
gon, the land of sundown. We had four wagons, four yoke
of oxen to one wagon and three to each of the others. They
were all young, well-broken cattle, and could trot like horses.
With wagons loaded light, they could walk off twenty-five or
thirty miles a day easy. People came from far and near to
bid us a last farewell, as they said. We had enough for an
army of well-drilled soldiers to undertake without helpless
women and children. Our outfit had a good effect, for in '47
there were quite a number came from that neighborhood. The
Grimes and Geers came first, as they said they would follow
us soon.

252 WILLIAM BARLOW

We rolled on without a hitch, crossed the Mississippi at
Quincy, Illinois, and the Missouri river at Utica, Missouri.
Went up on the south side all the way to Independence, where
the grand start was to be made. There we lost one yoke of
oxen, strayed or stolen, we never knew which, but they were
the only animals we lost on the whole trip. Bought another
yoke of oxen for twenty-two dollars and two or three cows
for five dollars a head, to give milk on the road. We wanted
father to buy one hundred cows, as he could have got them
for five or six dollars apiece, and could get plenty of young
men to drive them just for their board. Of course, we would
have to furnish them each a horse or mule. Mules were better
for the trip, but American mares were more profitable. When
we got to Oregon father sold a young American mare, bought
in Missouri, and which he had ridden nearly all the time,
for $300.00 in Oregon City. I bought a nice yearling
filly and traded her for a half a section of land on the Clacka-
mas river, six miles from Oregon City. If we had bought
American cows they would have been worth from $75.00 to
$100.00 each in Oregon. But we did not do it; if we had it
would have changed our whole lives. We would only have had
to go up the valley on account of range and could have sold
out the first year. But we got a hundred and fifty dollars for
what oxen we had to sell. Of course, it was all in Oregon
currency, which were orders on any of the stores in Oregon
City, from Ermatinger to Abernethy. But these orders would
bring flour and money, which we needed.

Now, I will go back to Independence, Missouri, and fix
for starting across the great American desert, as a great many
thought it was. But now it is the richest part of the United
States, and it has furnished the gold and silver to make the
balance of the country blossom like a rose; and if they had
not have demonetized silver it could have blossomed like a
hundred roses. Of course, this demonetization set the country
back at least a hundred years. For without gold and silver
at the old parity of 16 to 1, we would have had no use for the
worthless rag money which we can heap all together, and

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 253

touch a match to and in five minutes you would have nothing
but an irredeemable and irrecoverable heap of ashes. But if
you could put all the gold and silver together and melt it down
it would be worth just as much as it ever was, less the mintage.
Besides, it would give employment to millions of people, that
would give us a better market for our produce than all Europe
ever has given us. Whenever a man tells me that there is not
just as sound metal and just as good metal in silver as there
is in gold to make an honest dollar, I will tell you he is either
a knave or a fool, and should be either in the penitentiary or
the asylum, according to his intellect, for he is a dangerous
man in either case.

But you must excuse me for getting off the subject every
once in a while, but I have to cross the streams whenever I
come to them, and every stream develops something new. So
when I wish, if anything looms up before me, I will have to
disagree and investigate the new subject.

But now we are at Independence again, five thousand strong
or five thousand weak, if women and children could be con-
sidered weak. At least, two-thirds of our company were
women and children, and we had a thousand wagons at least.

The first thing to do was to organize. We called a repre-
sentative meeting, elected a big captain over all, and one little
captain over every forty or fifty wagons, each company elected
it's own captain and he appointed his lieutenants, etc. But it
soon all became etc. and etc. The guard was kept up for some
time, and we stopped and started when the captain ordered.
He always went on to look out a camping ground, taking into
consideration wood, water and grass.

My father was captain of a company all the way. He very
seldom had anybody with him, though he would sometimes be
miles and miles ahead of his company.

Sometimes he would meet or overtake big bands of Indians
and would always stop and talk with them, and give them more
or less tobacco. He must have, given away several hundred
pounds of tobacco, which he had laid in for that purpose before
he started. The Indians got to know him all along the route.

254 WILLIAM BARLOW

He would go to their camps, call for their chief, get down
off his horse, take off his saddle, and give his horse and lariat
to the chief, who would send him out with some young boy
to good grass. He would talk, smoke and eat with the chief,
and his horse would be brought up in the morning looking fine.
The boy always was given a plug of tobacco and the old chief
several plugs. But if the old gent had sneaked off and tried
to hide, the Indians would most likely have stolen his horse
and maybe killed him. But this did not happen.

After he got to The Dalles, father went on to Tygh Valley
to look for a starting point for going through the Cascade
mountains with his wagons. We had hired Steve Meek,
brother of Joe Meek, to pilot the emigrants clear through to
The Dalles, for one dollar a wagon and board.

He said he knew every trail and camping ground from Fort
Laramie to Vancouver, west of the Cascade mountains. But he
proved himself to be a reckless humbug from start to finish.
All he had in view was to get the money and a white woman
for a wife before he got through. He got the wife and part
of the money. He and his company then went on and made a
stand at the mouth of the Malheur river, which empties into
the Snake River, where, he said, he could make a cut-off that
would take them to The Dalles before we could get to the
Grand Ronde Valley. This route, he said, would give them
plenty of wood, water and grass all the way, and there would
be no Blue Mountain to cross, which he described as almost
impassable. The result was the whole emigration had gone
clear through the Dalles six weeks before this company was
heard of. He had got lost and did not know where he was. He
told those with him he would fetch them through all right and
they were afraid to desert him or discharge him, for fear they
would all perish. Finally, after they had all lost a portion
of their stock, and a large number of the people had perished,
they came in sight of the Deschutes river. But the perpen-
dicular basaltic walls prevented them from reaching the water,
so they had to follow down the river on top of the bluff for
miles before they could get a drink of water to cool their

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 255

parched lips. One night, Meek took his wife and ponies and
disappeared in the darkness ; he got across the Deschutes river
at the mouth of Tygh creek, got dried salmon and other pro-
visions from the Indians (for he was at home when he was
with them) and struck out on the Mount Hood trail. That
was what saved his life, as vengeance was sworn against him.
I never knew what became of him, but I understood from his
brother that Stephen Meek settled in Southern Oregon and Joe
would have nothing to do with him.

Now, I have got Steve Meek through and disposed of, I
will go back to the big Kaw River, right among the Kaw In-
dians, where Kansas City now stands. They were the first
tribe of Indians on the route that we had to meet, and were
a noble, fine-looking Indian, and they treated us fine. They
were about to start on a buffalo hunt up the Big Platte River
but they were in fearful dread of the Sioux Indians, for they
claimed all the buffalo on the Big Platte River.

But the Kaws disputed their right to all the buffalo, but if
the two tribes happened to come together there was sure to
be bloodshed, unless the Kaws could get back to their own
hunting ground. But none of them molested us in the least.

So we rolled on until we struck the North Platte River at Ash
Hollow, where, according to arrangements at the start, we
were all to go into camp and let the big chief, Captain Welch,
take the lead. But there were four or five companies ahead
of us, the Barlow company ; but when we got there there were
no companies to be seen ; so from that time on each company
was an independent company of its own, and the "Devil take
the hindmost," was the saying.

Grass was good and water plenty, but wood was not very
plentiful. But we had a good substitute in the way of buffalo
chips. We soon came in sight of vast herds of buffalo, and
close by, as we thought. But when we started to go to them,
we found they were from five to eight miles away. To further
illustrate this illusion, when we came in sight of Chimney
Rock, some of the young men took their guns, said they would
go around by the rock and get on top of it, then overtake the

256 WILLIAM BARLOW

teams before time to camp. It was then about ten o'clock.
We moved on at a good rate for ox teams, and we just got
opposite the rock at camping time. Some of the men who
went on to it and went up on top did not get in that night.
It was a least fifteen miles away.

Buffalo from that time on were in unknown quantities. I
am sure we could see five thousand head at once in lots of
places, and wolves were very nearly as thick. Some of the
boys made a terrible slaughter both among the buffalo and
wolves. They just shot them down to see them fall, did not
even skin them and the hides were worth from four to eight
dollars each. Father called a meeting of his company, and
admonished the boys in the kindest kind of words, not to kill
any more than just enough for meat. For, he said, it was
robbing the Indians of their natural food and might arouse the
wrath of the great Sioux nation, whose country we were now
crossing. He said, as long as we went straight through and
did not kill too many of their buffalo, they would not molest
us. Up to this time, we had not had a mishap. No sickness,
but peace and kindness reigned supreme. Stock had actually
improved all the time, but just now (and as I kept no diary I
cannot give the date, but it was way up in June) we had quite
a mishap. Somebody's untrained, worthless dog (something
that should not have been allowed on the road) had gone over
the bank of the Big Platte River to cool off. He stayed there
until all the teams had passed. The loose stock was just com-
ing up some distance behind, when the big dog made a bound
from the water to the top of the bank and gave himself a
big shake to throw the water out of his hair. Away went the
cows, horses, bulls and all, with such a rattle and jam that
it would almost raise the hair on a dead man's head. When
the stampede started, the animals were half a mile behind the
wagons, which was the distance they were allowed to keep.
But on they came with renewed fury at every bound. The old
Captain, who happened to be back with his company, took
in the situation at a glance, clapped spurs to his noble mare
and bounded along the line with a trumpet voice to those in

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 257

the wagons to halt and drop their wagon tongues. But it was
too late for all to accomplish. Some of the hind teams were
all ready on hearing the order. Our four family wagons and
Games' two were ahead that day. James Barlow's big team
was in the lead, but failed to stop when he said "whoa." So
he dropped his lead ox in his tracks with the butt of his whip
stock. J. M. Bacon's team was next. In this wagon, Mother
Barlow rode, and it had to stop as it was jammed up against
James' wagon. That gave mother time to jump out and run
to the bank of the river about twenty yards off and jump down
the bank, only a few feet high. I had been quick enough to
get my team loose from the wagon, but J. L. Barlow and
Games' two teams got under considerable headway, but for-
tunately one of Games' oxen fell down, and that was more
than the balance of the team could pull. This gave my sister,
Mrs. Gaines, good time to get out with the baby, about a year
old, and get down the bank of the river. She always said
that that ox-broken neck saved her life, as she was just fixing
to jump, and it might have been her neck instead of the ox's.
It was her natural disposition to make the best of everything.

The cleanup of this stampede were a few broken wagon
tongues, a few smashed-up wagon wheels, one ox with a
broken neck, another with a broken leg and two days' layover
for repairs. Fortunately, no human being was even crippled.
Some were slightly bruised, but at the end of the second day
everybody was ready to move. Cattle were well refreshed and
getting restless. We found the best plan was to make a
drive every day. Cattle stayed togethed better and did not try
to wander off. I have no recollection of our company's losing
a single head on the way, though a few oxen got sore feet
and had to be taken out and driven with the loose cattle for
a few days. But that was on account of wagons' being too
heavily loaded.

We had one old deadbeat whom we called "Noey" and his
wagon "Noey's Ark." He had one span of mares and one
yoke of cows and both of them gave milk, which was the prin-
cipal nourishment he had for half a dozen children, himself

258 WILLIAM BARLOW

and wife. His wagon beds were built close out to the wheels,
so it took about a half-acre of ground to turn on. The object
was to make the bed large enough to hold all the worthless
rubbish that he could not sell or give away before he started.
He said the things might come in mighty good play when he
got through. But he never would have gotten through if it
had not been for my old mother. He did not belong to our
company. We found him camped by himself, his company
had gone off and left him several days before. Mother said,
"We must not leave him there to be butchered by the Indians."
But father did not think the Indians would molest him, as he
had nothing that they would have. But if everybody went off
and left him, he would starve or freeze to death when winter
came on. So the old gent went to see him and told him he
could join us, if he would let us overhaul his wagon and throw
out every worthless article. His wife began to cry and said
they would need everything when they got through. But the
old gent said, "You will never get through with that load and
old team." So they finally consented to be overhauled. The
old gent called two or three of the best men of the company
to come and overhaul the wagon; they took everything out
that was in it, and a more worthless lot of trash was never seen.
They put back what few necessaries they had, such as bed
clothes, wearing apparel and all the provisions they had, but
that was very light. It lightened up his wagon more than
half, so his old cows and mares could waddle along and
keep up for awhile. But we could not stop the whole company
to wait on him. We had got him across the Big Platte River
and up to Fort Laramie, where he could get all the jerked
buffalo meat he wanted for almost nothing. There were
thousands of Indians coming in then from their big buffalo
hunt with tons of jerked meat and hundreds of buffalo robes
to trade for Indian goods at the Fort. So mother fitted Noey
and his family out with quite a supply of provisions, such as
bacon, flour, coffee, sugar and so forth. She told them they
must take their time and try and get through. I don't know
whether she told them she would pray for them, but I do know

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 259

she did pray for all the poor and needy, every night, and she
certainly could not leave them out, because she knew their
circumstances.

Now, I have written this simple fact to illustrate what I
have always said about the privations and starvations of the
dear old emigrants. I will now say again, for myself and our
company, that I never passed a more pleasant, cheerful and
happy summer in my whole long life, and see no reason why
the others cannot agree with this statement. We never had
any sickness nor fear of any, more than we would have had
in the oldest state in the Union, until we ran into the Cascade
Mountains. Up to that time, we never had an obstacle in the
way that we could not easily overcome. We forded every
stream from the Big Kaw, where Kansas City now stands, to
Oregon City, and we never doubled our teams to get over any
hills or mountains that I can recollect. We never lost a horse,
cow, nor ox on the entire trip.

When we got to Fort Hall, on the Snake River, we laid by
a day or two. Some of our company wanted to go to Cali-
fornia and here was where the roads parted. But my father
said he was going to drive his teams into the Willamette Valley.
Superintendent Grant, of Fort Hall, the agent of the Hudson's
Bay Company, was present, and remarked, "Well, we have
been here many years and we never have taken a pack train
over those mountains yet, but if you say you will take your
wagons over the mountains, you will do it. The darned Yankees
will go anywhere they say they will." So the next morning,
a mutual and friendly division took place. About half the
wagons took the California road and the remaining twenty
wagons continued on the Oregon route. Our family com-
pany, consisting of thirteen wagons, traveled down the Snake
River on the south side and crossed it the first time at the
Great American Falls ; thence over to Boise River to its mouth
at Fort Boise. We then crossed Snake River again, the deepest
river we had forded. We raised our wagon beds about one
foot and got nothing wet. We then went down the Snake
River to the mouth of the Malheur. There Steve Meek was

260 WILLIAM BARLOW

waiting to get a crowd for his famous cut-off that would save
more than half the distance to The Dalles, he thought. There
the Geers, Moores and Sweets bid us boodbye and said they
would wait for us at The Dalles. But we got to The Dalles
six weeks before they did, besides they had lost two or three
of their family.

At this camp the old gent lost a fine Indian pony that he
had bought to rest and recruit his fine American mare, and
that was the only animal we lost from start to finish.

Nothing transpired from there on to The Dalles that requires
special notice, except the peculiar way we had to cross the
Deschute.« River.

We had to drive out into the Columbia River and strike
the sandbar made by the Deschutes River and circle around on
that to reach the bank of the Columbia River below the mouth
of the Deschutes.

We were now nearing The Dalles, where decision had to
be made about tackling the supposed impracticable mountains.
It was early in the fall, somewhere close to October, and we
had plenty of provisions to last us two months and our teams
were in good condition, or would be by having a few days'
rest on good grass. I knew the old captain was determined to
go through the mountains. He said, "God never made a moun-
tain that He had not made a place for a man to go over it or
under it, if he could find the place," and, he said, "I am going
to hunt for that place." But he further remarked he did not
ask anyone but his own family to go with him, and wanted no
one to go who knew what the word "can't" meant. So we
drove out to Five-Mile Creek, where there was wood, water
and plenty of good grass. He said we could stay there and
look after the stock and the women could wash and clean up
as much as they wished, until he got back from a little recon-
noitre to look out for a starting point. He had his eye on a
low sink in the mountains just south of Mt. Hood ever since
we had crossed the Blue Mountains. Our company was now
reduced down to thirteen wagons, all good teams, and were
well provided with provisions and tools. But the old gent said

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 261

we will divide up so all should share alike who went with him.

We had a young fat cow which he would kill and divide.

In a few days the old gent got back from his preliminary
survey and reported everything favorable as far as he went.
He had been about sixty or seventy miles. By this time, W. H.
Rector caught up with him and said he would go, too, if Cap-
tain Barlow would let him. "Why, yes, you are just the man
I am looking for; young, stout and resolute." Although his
wife was a very weakly woman, she was anxious to make the
venture.

Well, in two or three days the start was made. All were
stout and hearty, both old and young, except Mrs. Rector, and
her lack of physical strength was somewhat made up by mental
energy.

Our teams were fresh and buoyant and walked right along.
We made Tygh Creek the first day, it being twenty-five or
thirty miles from our camp. Here we laid over one day to let
the teams eat and rest, as we had a long steep hill to pull up
and would have no water for about fifteen miles. A canyon
had to be crossed that would require some pluck to cross it
with a wagon. But when we had passed these barriers, we
found plenty of wood, water and grass. The old gent said
he would cross the canyon so our cattle could not get back.
It was a deep bluff canyon and there was no other crossing
for miles either way. Father had already examined the lo-
cation on his first trip out, as a good point to start from.

So the next morning the old gent said he would take Mr.
Rector and go ahead, hunt and blaze out the best place to
make the wagon road. The balance of us could follow up and
cut out the road. We would leave a man or two in camp to
look after the stock and attend to the wants of the women and
children. There were about twelve of us who could do a
man's work. Mother wanted me to stay, and Mrs. Rector
wanted one of her sons to stay, the only one who was large
enough to work.

At this time we killed our heifer, so the men would have
plenty of meat. Besides we had plenty of bacon and flour to

262 WILLIAM BARLOW

last a month or over. The only thing we were deficient in
was good tools. Of course, we Had saws and axes, but they
were in bad condition, and we had only a small grindstone and
a few worn-out files. But there was very little heavy timber
to cut. The timber and brush on the east side of the Cascades
is very different from that on the west side. Over a portion
of the east side one can drive a team right through the timber.

Days and weeks had now passed and we had no tidings
yet of the pathfinders. We had made only one move of ten
or twelve miles, in order to be closer to our workers who were
cutting the road. The road was now cut out to the head or
source of the Little Deschutes River close up to Mt. Hood.
Some of the men had gone down to the river over a very
long but not a very steep hill. But we concluded not to go
down with our wagons until the blazers returned. For if
we had to go back, we did not want to have to climb that hill.

A day or two after this, just about dark, the keen crack of
the old gent's rifle rang out with joyous hopes of glad tidings.
In an instant, the boys sprang to their rifles and answered the
salute with a half-dozen shots that made the woods ring for
miles around. The air was light and the vibration was beau-
tiful. Then the old pathfinder's rifle rang out again close at
hand. "Tallows" were lit and men, women and children went
with a rush to meet the stalwarts. I will pass over the meeting
of the husbands and wives. The first thing the old gent said
was, "Don't give us anything to eat. A little coffee is all we
need now. It will be food and stimulant enough." Rector
said, "You can speak for yourself, but I am going to eat some-
thing. You would not let me eat those big snails and now I
am going to eat whatever my wife will cook for me." But
his wife was very cautious about what she gave him. Mother
gave father only a little coffee and a very little bread. Then
he smoked his pipe and that revived him very much. After a
little more coffee, mother had a good feather bed for him
and he went to bed and slept sound all night, and was almost
as fresh as ever in the morning.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 263

Up to that time, there had not been a word said about the
trip, but next morning- all hands wanted to know the result
of their preliminary journey.

"We have found a good route to make a road," my father
said.

"Yes," Rector said, "the route we have blazed out is a good,
practical route, and if Mrs. Rector were as stout and healthy
as I am we would go through. But if anything should happen
to her I would never forgive myself. We talked it over last
night, and I think I will take my wagon and go back to The
Dalles."

Father said: "Mr. Rector, you are at perfect liberty to do
as you please. If I had any fear of losing even any of my
company on account of the road, I would not say go. But
we can go on and in one day from right here we can reach
within two or three miles of the summit. Then, if you think
best, we can build a good house and cache everything in it.
We will send the cattle over the trail. Some of the young men
will be willing to stay and look after the goods for ten dollars
a wagon and I will send back provisions to keep them all
winter."

William Berry said that was right to his hand. I said, "I
would be another. Besides, I would go in and fetch the winter
grub out myself. That is, if we had to, for we did not know
but that we might get through.

Now, when we arrived at the selected spot, it was already
getting late in the season, away up in November. The days
were short and snow was liable to cover us up at any time.

So it was decided to build a house, send the stock over the
Indian trail that went over Mt. Hood, high enough to be on
perpetual snow. The Indians always made their trails over
the highest ground they could find. Though the distance
might be twice as far, they preferred the high land, as toma-
hawks and scalping knives are poor tools to cut out logs and
big trees. When they came to a big log that they could not go
around or jump their ponies over, they would hack a notch in
it just wide enough to let a pony squeeze through. The small-

264 WILLIAM BARLOW

ness of these openings made it hard to get some of our big
cattle through. Some of the emigrants had a number of head
killed or crippled in this way. But our little band got through
without a scratch. The bulk of all the cattle and horses went
over the Mt. Hood trail that fall and some families rode over
on oxen's and cows' backs. Old Mother Hood rode all way
from The Dalles to Oregon City on a cow's back.

But most of the families went down the Columbia River on
the Hudson's Bay bateaus. They left their wagons at The
Dalles and often found them cut up by the Indians and the
spokes of the wheels used for whip handles. Some few got
their wagons down that fall on rafts to the Cascades and then
hauled them from there down with teams, or got them taken
down and up to Portland on bateaus. This cost them about
all each wagon was worth.

To return to the summit. The bulk of the men were at work
building the mountain cache. I took three of the young men
and started over Mt. Hood with all the stock except the horses,
which were left to carry out the women and children. I had
a horse to ride as I was to go back as soon as I got the stock
over Mt. Hood. This took only two days. Then I started
back to camp, being gone just three days.

The house was pretty well along, considering the tools, and
the men who had to do the work. Albert P. Gaines and Wil-
liam Berry were the principal workmen. Both could handle
tools well, but the others were mere supernumeraries. The
old gent was now almost worn out. Bacon was a good hand
with a needle and thread, and he was kept busy fixing up
clothing for the men. We had eleven or twelve wagons, and
it required a large house to hold all the plunder and the three
men that were going to stay all winter. But one of the men
backed out, so I agreed to go below and come back with pro-
visions and stay at least six months. About the first of De-
cember, everything was packed away nice and snug. House as
tight as a jug, all the cracks chinked up with moss, a good
store of food and mountains of good dry wood. We had a few
books, which would serve to while away the time. In fact,

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 265

enough of everything to make any lazy man feel happy. Up
to this time there had been no snow at all. Berry went up
to the top of the summit with us. We had left him provisions
enough for one month, and with a good gun there were plenty
of fine squirrels that he could kill.

All went well with the emigrants until we started down on
the Oregon side of the Cascades. We called it Oregon, as that
was all the habitable part of Oregon then. Then the real
simon-pure hard times commenced. There were huckleberry
swamps to wallow through as best we could ; women and chil-
dren had to be carried off of their horse's back to let the horse
get out of the mire, if he could, and if he could not we had
to pry him out. Of course, these, swamps were only in spots.
The old gent expected to corduroy all these places before he
took the wagons over them. But they were worse than he
thought, as he had only crossed them on foot. But when we
went to put horses on them, packed with heavy loads, they
went down frequently. So we moved very slowly, only from
three to five miles a day. It commenced snowing and that
covered up the grass and our horses had to browse on the
laurel.

We were now at the top of Laurel Hill. We camped for
the night and there was about twelve inches of snow on the
ground. One of our best horses died from eating laurel. The
old gent saved his harness and brought it up to camp. Mother
said, "Poor, old Grey is dead, but I hope his meat is good, and
we will not starve so long as we can eat horse meat." Mrs.
Caplinger broke down at this and commenced crying right
out. Mrs. Gaines, my oldest sister, said, "What is the matter ?"
Mrs. Caplinger replied, "We are all going to freeze and starve
to death right here." "Nonsense," said Mrs. Gaines, "we are
right in the midst of plenty. Plenty of wood to make fires,
plenty of horses to make meat, plenty of snow to make water,
so when it comes to starving here is your old dog as fat as
butter and he will last us a week." "Would you eat my old
dog?" "Yes, if he were the last dog in the world," Mrs. Gaines
concluded.

266 WILLIAM BARLOW

But alarm was in the air and fear prompted William Barlow
and J. M. Bacon to push on to Foster's for more supplies.
In the morning bright and early we started on ahead for the
valley with a little coffee and four small biscuits as our share
of the provisions. We took only a dull chopping ax and a
pair of blankets as our outfit. We went down Laurel Hill
like shot off of a shovel. In less than two hours we had to
look back to see any snow. We soon struck the Big Sandy
trail where thousands of cattle and horses had passed along.
There was no trouble to follow the trail now ; at this point the
new Barlow road ended. The only trouble was in crossing
the stream that ran like water from a floodgate, and the num-
ber of crossings were too numerous to keep any account of.
The water was very nearly as cold as ice, but at most of the
crossings we found drifts or boulders that we managed to
cross on without getting wet. I carried the ax and coffee,
Bacon carried the biscuit. But when we got down to the last
crossing of the Big Sandy, it was getting late in the evening.
The river was wide and still rising ; there was no way to cross
without swimming or cutting a tree down that stood on the
bank about one hundred yards above the ford. There was a
rock island right in the middle of the river, and I saw that all
the water was running on our side of the stream. It was quite
narrow from bank to rock, not over forty feet. I said to Ba-
con, "If we can get that tree down and lodged on the rock,
unless it breaks it two it will make a good crossing." "Yes," he
said, "but we have nothing but that old dull ax and I can't
chop." I knew that without his telling me, for he was a sailor
by trade. So I went at it, and in about an hour the tree fell,
but broke in two and went sailing down the river. All I could
say was, "Well, John, we will make a big fire under that
cedar tree and make a pot of coffee and our four biscuits will
make us a good meal. But in the morning I am going to cross
that stream." John drew a long breath, then said, "Well,
I am sorry and ashamed to tell you, but I lost those biscuits
in the river, in jumping from one boulder to another. I tripped
and fell and away went the bread, and you know no human
being could catch them."

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 267

"Yes," I said, "I know it would be hard to catch anything
after it was in a man's own bread basket." But I never really
thought that John had really eaten them.

We made a big fire under a large cedar tree that would turn
the rain as well as the best thatch roof that could be made,
wrapped ourselves up in our blankets and lay down and slept
as sound as we had ever on the road.

We had slept together all the way across the plains. In the
morning, got up and made a good pot of coffee. After break-
fast, as we called it, I went out and cut what I called a safety
pole about ten feet long. I said, "Now, John, if I should slip
and fall I am a goner, and you tell my mother that I lost my
life in trying to save hers." She was the nearest and dearest
and most helpless of any of the family.

But I made no blunder. I would place the pole firmly on the
bottom among the boulders, then would brace against the pole
and swing out as far as the pole would let me go on the other
side; again I would brace myself against the strong current,
lift my pole around on the other side, and place it again in the
same manner until I reached the shore. We had no big guns
or even firecrackers to celebrate the event, but the big cheers
that John gave me from the other side and the consolation that
I felt in being victorious over the raging river was enough.

Now we had only eight miles more before we met friends
and help. So I bounded away like a mountain buck, and in
three hours more I was at Foster's. James and John L. Barlow
(Doc) were there herding the stock. I told them to mount
the best horses they could get and hie away to Oregon City,
get some men and eight or ten good horses and be back here
at ten o'clock tomorrow morning. All of which they did in
good shape. But I had prostrated myself by over-eating, and
I thought I had been very cautious. However, I climbed up
on one of the horses and started on a lope, and that seemed
to help me very much.

We met our hungry emigrant party that evening just at
dark. They had been making short moves every day. The
The main thing now was to keep them from over-eating ; they

268 WILLIAM BARLOW

had had something to eat all the time, but their rations had been
short and not choice either. The next day we arrived at
Philip Foster's, where we laid over one day, rested and ate
cautiously but heartily. The next day, December 25th, 1845,
we arrived in Oregon City. A few of the party stayed at
Foster's for rest. Albert Gaines afterward took up a claim
there and stayed a year or two. It was Christmas night when
we landed in Oregon City, just eight months and twenty-four
days from Fulton County, Illinois.

At this time, Oregon had a Provisional legislature of its own,
and Governor Abernethy was governor. The old pathfinder
went to the assembly and asked for a charter to build and make
a wagon road over the Cascade Mountains south of Mt. Hood.
The request was immediately granted. And it was not long
before he accomplished what he said he could and would do.

He never was a man that hunted after notoriety. He only
wanted to benefit mankind in building this road and wherever
he could. All he asked in the venture was to get his money
back in doing it. To show that that was all he wanted, when
he got all the cost of the road, or what he thought was all
the cost, he threw open the road to the public. He had five or
six hundred dollars in notes that he had taken for toll in lieu
of cash. But to his surprise, he never got the half of it, though
the parties said the first money they could get would go to him,
but when they got out of reach they forgot all that. The worst
thing he did do was throwing up the charter, and it was the
worst thing for the emigrants that could have been done, for
there is no road that will keep up itself, and it soon became al-
most impassable. Poor jaded teams would mire down and
emigrants lost sometimes more than three times what the toll
would have been,, besides the delay and time lost. Soon after
Foster and Young re-chartered the road and made some money
on the investment, besides making it prove a great accommo-
dation to emigrants. This road was kept in pretty fair condi-
tion until the railroad was built down the Columbia River.
Even now it seems to be the best route across the Cascade
Mountains that has been found.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 269

Samuel Kimbrough Barlow was born in Nicholas County,
Kentucky, in the year 1795. He died at Canemah, Oregon,
in 1867. If he were alive today (1904) he would be 105 years
old, but he did live long enough to accomplish all he set out
to do. Though he never got rich, he always had a competence.
He was one of the most strictly conscientious honest men I
ever knew and one of the most strictly temperate, though he
never belonged to any temperance organization in his life. He
used to say that if he found a drunken man lying on the road,
he would get him up, take him home, feed him, give him a good
bed to sleep on and breakfast in the morning. The next time
he found him drunk he would roll him out of the road to keep
the wagons from running over him. The third time, he would
not move him out of danger in any way, for the, quicker he
got crushed to death the better.

I will now say in conclusion of this brief sketch of the old
pioneer's life, that he was one of the most beneficial men to
Oregon and the emigrants who came with wagon and team.
He prepared the way so they could roll right in to the Willam-
ette with all their effects of every kind. They thereby saved
time and much risk of losing their lives in running the Cascade
rapids, for all admit that that was a great hazard. Well-trained
Hudson's Bay men did lose a great quantity of fur and quite a
number of men. Old Dr. McLoughlin used to tell it in this
way : "Dangerous place, dangerous place ! We have lost thou-
sands and thousands of pounds of beads and many boats in
running the Cascades."

I said : "What becomes of the men, doctor ?"
"Oh, well, they did not cost us any money."
But the old doctor was good to his men and very sym-
pathetic. He was a sturdy old Scotchman and a strict dis-
ciplinarian. But as I am not writing a history of the doctor's
life, I will say that this was just put in to show the hazard
of going down the Columbia River at that time with women
and children in rather frail boats; it also further proves the
benefit to the people that the old gent's road had over all other
routes, and that it was not made for selfish gain in any way,

270 WILLIAM BARLOW

as he proved by throwing it open to the public as soon as he
got his money back. It had cost about two thousand dollars
and was sixty- five miles long. This ends the old pioneer's part
of this history.

Now I will go back seventy years and tell as briefly as pos-
sible what I know of my own knowledge of the changes, habits
and style of that period. I was born on the 26th day of Oc-
tober, 1822, in Marion County, Indiana, twelve miles south-
west of Indianapolis, on Little Whitelick River, right in the
midst of a Quaker settlement. So my early training had to
be of the strictest kind. I never saw a drunken man or heard
an oath sworn or profane language of any kind until I was
ten years old ; never heard the words "Yes, sir/' or "No, sir,"
but instead "Yes, man," or "No, man." If one would say
"Madam" to a woman she would say, "Thou is mistaken,
friend, I am neither mad nor dumb." Their ways were very
peculiar ways, but I must say, they were very peculiar good
ways. They had no use for lawyers, as all difficulties were
settled by the Church. They had no use for drones, all had to
work alike. A lazy man they disposed of. If they could not
get rid of him any other way they would just hate him out of
the hive. Bees kill their drones, but the Quakers were averse
to taking blood under any circumstances, so they first turned
their drone out of the church, and afterwards hated him out
of the neighborhood. You might think strange that they let
him into the church, but in that respect they are just like the
Catholics, if the parents are Quakers their children are also
Quakers so long as they conform to the rules of their religion.
These rules were honesty, industry, strict morality and teetotal
temperance. This is all the religion they had, and when summed
up it is, "Do unto others as you would have them do unto
you." Any slight deviation from any of the rules would turn
them out of the church, or would have done it when I was a
boy.

I will now give their style of matrimony sixty years ago.
No priest or preacher of any kind, judge or justice of the peace
or any kind of law officer had anything to say about it. The

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 271

contracting parties simply married themselves and it took them
just three months to do it. Their churches were all built with
two departments, one for the women and one for the men, but
arranged so they could be thrown into one room. The first
month, each of the contracting parties rose in his or her own
department where neither could hear what the other said. We
will take the woman first. She rises and says: "My beloved

sisters, John and myself have concluded to become man

and wife; if there is no objection, and we do not change our
minds within the time allotted for the ceremony." John
Killom gets up in his department and repeats the same thing,
only calling the girl's name instead of his own. The next
monthly meeting they both get up in their respective depart-
ments and state that they have had no cause or wish to change
their minds and if nobody else has any objections, they will con-
tinue in the good work for the time allotted. The third month
the gentleman gets up and walks into the ladies' department
and takes his seat beside his affianced, but she can have a
bridesmaid and he can take a groom in with him if he likes.
Then, at a signal from the ladies' department, the doors are
thrown wide open and the two contracting parties with the
groom and maid rise in their seats and declare themselves man
and wife in the presence of the whole audience.

Then congratulations and shaking of hands finish the cere-
mony, and it is just as good and lawful and legal a marriage
as ever was performed by any priest or magistrate in the United
States. I am not sure whether they keep up this ancient custom
or not. I see they have discarded the old broad brim hat and
shad-belly coat, and eat with their hats off. They are shrewd
and witty in business as the most accomplished broker you
can find in any state, the only difference in their system of
doing business and ours is in the modus operandi. Under
their system of government one Superior Court and one term
a year would be all Oregon or any state would ever need. I
have only written this little history of what I call a model class
of people to show the changes that have taken place since I
was a boy seventy years ago.

272 WILLIAM BARLOW

I will now take up the schools to show the difference between
now and then. I am decidedly in favor of the new system, be-
cause the poorest child in the country can get a better educa-
tion now than the richest man's child could then, at least in
the Western states. Such a thing as a school tax was never
thought of and would have been unanimously hooted down
if it had been thought of. Of course, there were no very poor
people in the West in those days ; the poor people had to stay
back East. All the men in the West owned their own farms,
built their own schoolhouses, hired their own teachers and
sent their children to school during the winter season. This
gave them what they thought was a fair education. Reading,
writing and ciphering were the main branches. Geography
and a little English grammar were indulged in occasionally,
providing the teacher could get that high up himself. He did
not have to have a certificate, as there was no superintendent
to examine him, and no school directors to hire him. If he
were a new man, he would generally have a recommendation
from where he taught before. The main things he had to have
were nerve and muscle, as he was required to keep good order.
The first thing he stocked up with was a good supply of good
hickory gads. He might not have to use all of them, but he
had obligated himself to keep good order, and most of the em-
ployers said, "If you spare the rod, you'll spile the child." To
think about a woman teacher in those days would have been
perfectly preposterous. In fact, no woman would have thought
of undertaking it. But now they handle all kinds of scholars
much better than men and use no corporal punishment, or next
to none. The man who wanted to teach school would find by
going through the county where there was a log schoolhouse
because there were no other kinds to be found. I never saw a
frame schoolhouse in the country until I came to Oregon.
These log houses in the Middle West, however, were comfort-
able, large and well built — logs smoothed down and closely
chinked, and all had substantial puncheon floor. There was
always a huge fireplace that would take in at least a six-foot
back log.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 273

I never saw a stove in a schoolhouse in that country. In fact,
there was not one farmer in ten that had even a cooking stove.
My father bought a cooking stove and a Franklin heating
stove when we went to Illinois, to save wood and hauling, as we
had to haul our firewood about three miles. The cookstove
was a three-hole concern with the bakeoven in the middle.
People came from miles around to see it. It cost $50.00. It
would be worth now just nothing at all.

But I must now finish up our school teacher business. He
would come around with his subscriptions to see if he could
make enough money to make him $15.00 or $18.00 per month
and his board.

He would board around with his scholars if required, but
much preferred to be boarded at one place if the subscribers
would agree to it. But many would not agree to that arrange-
ment, as they said they had plenty of hog and hominy which
did not cost them anything and they would just as soon board
the teacher as not and save their three dollars a week, as that
was the ordinary price of board then. Poultry and eggs were
so low that it was considered a disgrace for a boy to be seen
carrying them to market. These trifles belonged to the old
ladies and the girls in the family, and they had to take some-
thing out of the store in payment for their chicken and eggs.

To show what contempt a high-minded boy had for carry-
ing eggs to market, I will illustrate it by relating a circum-
stance that took place in our neighborhood. An old lady
wanted a quarter's worth of tea, as she was expecting some lady
company, and it was customary on such occasions to draw a
good cup of Young Hyson tea. So the old lady gathered up
ten dozen eggs and they were worth three cents a dozen, that
would more than pay for the tea, which was worth twenty- five
cents a pound. But she must take, it all out in tea, and that
amount would last them a whole year, as they only made tea
on rare occasions. The boy protested all he could, said he
would pay for the tea with his own money, but all to no use.
His mother said the eggs did not cost any thing and would
soon spoil and the money would keep any length of time. So

274 WILLIAM BARLOW

off he went, but kept out of sight of everybody he saw on the
road until he got to the store. He then set his basket down
on a platform outside of the store and slipped in to see if there
was anybody in the store that would laugh at him. Just then
a man came running in and said that there was an old sow out-
side with her head in someone's basket of eggs. The boy's first
thought was that he would neither claim basket nor eggs. But
his second thought was that he dare not go home without the
basket, so he stepped to the door and saw that the eggs were
all smashed to jelly. "Well," he said, "I guess that basket is
mine, but the eggs seem to belong to that old sow." But he
got the tea and threw a bright quarter down on the counter
with pompous satisfaction and walked out. He washed the
basket clean and went home joyous that he had escaped the
disgrace of selling eggs. His mother praised him for a fine
boy and he had saved his money besides. The boy thought that
he had done well himself in satisfying his mother and himself
and to get praise he did not deserve.

But now the hen and the product of the hen bring more
money to the farmer than all the wheat he sells, and there is
not half as much hard labor about it. Besides, this is something
that can be done and is done mostly by women and children
and merely amusement and recreation for them. I think this
is enough to illustrate the difference between then and now.

As I have already crossed the plains or great American
desert as it was called, scaled the Rocky Mountains, and helped
build a road over the Cascade Mountains and landed on the
Pacific Coast, I will now make one bound and light down in
Oregon City again and commence to do business for myself in
my own way. The first thing I did was to go back with
provisions to the man I had left with the wagons and goods
on or near the summit of the Cascade Mountains; this was
Mr. William Berry, afterwards son-in-law of Stephen Coffin,
one of the proprietors of the now great city of Portland, of
which I will have a good word to say before I get through
these memoirs.

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 275

I started across the Cascades with one man and three horses
on January 1, 1846. They were loaded with sugar, coffee,
flour and bacon enough to supply two of us until June. I had
agreed to stay with Berry for company and to help guard the
property cached away until the road could be made through
for teams and wagons to pass through. The man who went
with me was to return with the horses. It was thought by
some that we could not cross the mountains with a load at
that time of the year, but it was a groundhog case and had
to be done. Though the snow was from three to five feet
deep we could see the blazes on the trees which the old gent
had marked, so there was no danger of getting lost. But our
horses would occasionally break through the crust of snow that
had formed about two feet below the surface by rain and then
freezing. Then we would have to take our shovels and dig the
horse out and get him on top again, but that only happened a
few times. When night came we would tie our horses to a
tree, feed them oats we had with us, make a fire and cook
supper. Then we would dig a hole in the snow, wrap ourselves
in our Hudson's Bay blankets and jump down in our snow
houses and sleep sound and warm. We were only three days
from Foster's to the Cascade cache, where we found Berry
as happy as a clam at high water. The Indians had been to
see him, brought him plenty of dried salmon and huckleberries.
Besides, there was a man by name of Foster who had followed
our trail in from the east side and wanted to winter with Berry.
He had plenty of money and would pay for everything he used
if we would let him stay. He did not want to go through the
mountains any further, and he never did. In the spring he
got up his horses that he had kept down on the creek on good
grass all winter and went back to The Dalles. We accepted
his proposition and sold him part of the grub that I had taken
in for his winter supply. One morning Berry said, "Now,
Barlow, if you want to go back to the valley I am perfectly
willing to stay." I said, "All right," pretty gleefully, "and I
will allow you all the income from the wagons and will keep out
only the expense of this trip." To this he readily agreed. The

276 WILLIAM BARLOW

next morning Eaton and myself started back. Eaton was the
man's name that went with me over the mountains. We had a
harder trip going back than we did going over heavily loaded.
There came on a blinding snowstorm and our matches got
wet so we had to resort to an old flintlock gun and that flashed
in the pan several times ; but finally we got a fire started, set
an old dead tree on fire that lit up the mountains in fine
shape, so we could find our horses, as they had wandered off
in the dark. We, never could have found them if we had
failed to get a fire, and I really believe we would have frozen
to death, as we had left our best blankets back with Berry. So
much for that trip.

In dead of winter we got back to Oregon City. The next
thing to do was to find something to do, as I never could be
idle. I bought a squatter's right to a section of land up on
the Clackamas River.. It cost me a young American filly valued
at $250.00. I went right on the place, hired a man, and went
to work, preparing a place to plant out a peck of apple seeds
that I had brought over the plains and packed out on horseback
from our mountain cache whence I had just returned. And
right here I will state that I let an independent fortune slip
through my hands.

I had started from Illinois with a complete assortment of the
best grafted fruit trees that Illinois could produce, and they
were all growing and doing well. I could have got them
through in good shape, but I met a lot of men from Oregon
who were good intelligent men. I think Jason Lee was one
of them. I showed him my young trees that were in a box that
weighed about 300 pounds, dirt and all.

"What are you going to do with them when you get them
there?" one said.

"I am going into the nursery business/' I replied.

"My dear sir," they said, "there is as good fruit in Oregon
as anywhere in the world. There are old bearing orchards at
Vancouver and in the French prairie, and you have the hardest
part of the road ahead of you, besides you cannot get your

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 277

wagons to the Willamette Valley without taking them to
pieces in order to load them on the bateaus going down the
Columbia River."

"Well, if that is the case, I might as well lighten up my load
right here." So I dumped on the ground close up to Inde-
pendence Rock, at least $50,000.00. For, as it turned out, the
box with all its contents could have set right in the wagon
until it reached Oregon City. Of course we never dreamed
of crossing the Cascade Mountains then. As it was, the watch-
man left with the wagons could and would have attended to
them with perfect safety. But this opportunity was all gone
now, so I turned my attention to preparing my apple seed for
planting out in the spring. Good luck attended me, as almost
every seed came up, and I had at least 15,000 young seedling
apple trees that sold readily in the fall at fifteen cents apiece.

When I say I lost $50,000.00, I mean just what I say. There
were no grafted apple trees in the territory and I could have
made a full monopoly of all the grafted apples and pears on
the coast, as California had nothing but seedlings. Of course,
you will once in a thousand times get a fine apple from the
seed. In fact, that is the way all our fine apples and pears
originate. But you might plant a bushel of seed all from the
same tree and you would not get one apple of the same kind.
But you can graft all the fine fruit into the seedling root and
you will get just the kind of fruit that the graft is. Or even
a bud put into seedling stock will have the same effect, but
you must cut off the seedling stalk above the bud. To sub-
stantiate what I have said about the value of the fruit scions
or grafts that I dumped on the ground at Sweetwater close to
the summit of the Rocky Mountains in 1845, I will just refer to
Mr. Henderson Luelling, who crossed the plains in 1847, two
years later than I did, with substantially the same kind of fruit
trees that I had, and he supplied the country as fast as he could
grow the trees at one dollar apiece for one-year-old trees. I
paid him in 1853 $100.00 for one hundred grafted trees. I
was talking with his son a few days ago about the profits to
themselves and the benefits of their importation to the country,

NOTE. — On the above page, 7th line from the bottom, Mr. Barlow alludes to
Henderson Luelling, and in the second line from the foot of the page speaks of
"talking with his son." On the next page, second line from the top, Mr. Barlow
refers to "Seth," in a way that indicates to the general reader that "Seth" was a
son of Henderson Luelling. This is wrong. Seth Luelling, or "Lewelling," as
he spelled his name late in life, was a brother of Henderson, and an uncle by
marriage of William Meek and Henry W. Eddy, who were sons-in-law of Hender-
son Luelling. — George H. Himes, Assistant Secretary, Oregon Historical Society.

278 WILLIAM BARLOW

estimating it at a million dollars. I think their own profits ran
up to hundreds of thousands, though Seth could not say how
much money was made, as he was not in partnership with the
old gentleman at that time. But Meek, his brother-in-law, was
in with his father and built the Standard flour mill at Mil-
waukie out of his profits of the nursery. I think the nursery
was the foundation for Meek's and Eddy's large fortunes. I
would have been two years in advance of them, and I knew
all about the nursery business back in Illinois. Eddy and Meek,
I think, were both sons-in-law of Mr. Luelling and were in-
terested with him in all his successful business ventures. I
only write this to substantiate what I lost by listening to men
that I thought knew what they were talking about.

But I thought then and believe now that they thought they
were telling me the truth.

Well, it is now the winter of '46, and it was as fine a winter
as I have ever seen in Oregon. I hired a man and went on
the place that I had traded for. We could work every day
in our shirt-sleeves. If it rained at all it rained at night. Wages
were very low. Could get a man for little more than his
board. No money in the country, so had to tak.e his pay in
truck and "turnover," as we called it. Most of the business
was done by and through merchants of whom there were four
in Oregon City, and they were rated about like the Irishman's
whiskey. He said he had never seen any poor whiskey in his
life, but he had seen some a great deal better than others
and all would make drunk come. All the merchants floated
more or less paper money, which was only redeemable at their
own store, and you had to take just what they had to sell or
take nothing. That was what made some a great deal better
than others. Abernethy's was considered the poorest paper,
though you could get flour and lumber at his mills,, gunflints
and remnants at his store. Ermatinger, or the Hudson's Bay
store, was gilt-edged. You could get all kinds of substantial
goods at that store if you had their paper. The way this paper
was floated was through the agency of Dr. McLoughlin. He
had a large flour mill, three run of fine, French burrs and they^

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 279

made as good flour there then as any mill does in Oregon
today. He bought the bulk of all the wheat that was raised
in Oregon at that time, paid the farmer or whoever had the
wheat with paper on Ermatinger or the Hudson's Bay store.
They in turn would pass it to the credit of the wheat man,
then he would draw orders in favor of any person or persons
to the full amount due him and those orders were good until
they were taken in. It made no difference how many hands
they had passed through or when it was presented, it would be
put to your credit ; and you could draw on it a dollar at a time
or take it all up then if you wished which they would really
prefer. I just state this to show how business was done before
there was any money in the country and the people got along
just as well as they do now and in some respects better. For
they could not run their hands into their pockets then and call
up all hands to take a drink. They could get a bottle of good
Hudson's Bay brandy and then call up all hands to drink it, but
there was virtually no drinking done in Oregon. There is more
whiskey and beer drunk now in Portland in ten minutes than
was consumed in Oregon from 1845 to 1848.

There was a man by the name of Dick McCary who started
a large distillery in the woods down the river between Portland
and Oregon City. It consisted of one big kettle and a few coils
of some kind of piping. He made what was called Dick
McCary's Best. It was made out of Sandwich Island black
strap molasses and it "would make drunk come mighty quick,"
as the Irishman said. But it was soon found out by the Indians.
So a posse of law-and-order men went down from Oregon City
and pitched the whole thing into the river and would have
pitched Dick in, too, but he was not to be found. There were
rigid Oregon laws against selling any kind of intoxicating
drinks to Indians, which of course was right, for at times they
owned the country and outnumbered the whites two to one, and
a drunken heathen is the worst heathen in the world.

But after the government had organized a territorial govern-
ment in Oregon, appointed a governor and supreme judge,
plenty of whiskey soon followed the flag. But the Oregon law

280 WILLIAM BARLOW

was very severe on persons selling whiskey to Indians and
O. C. Pratt, first U. S Judge, was very strict in enforcing
the law but lenient (?) in fines and punishments. The least
fine was a thousand dollars for each offense or imprisonment
for one year or both at the discretion of the court.

Sidney W. Moss was keeping a hotel in Oregon City and of
course kept all kinds of liquors to sell to white customers, but
whether he ever sold any whiskey direct to Indians was always
a question in my mind. But he was indicted and convicted
under two indictments. The judge ousted one indictment as
it was the first offense and just fined him $1,000.00 on the
second indictment. He thought that would be a lesson for
him and others and it was, too, for there were no more in-
dictments.

Moss promptly walked up to the clerk and paid the thousand
dollars, demanded a receipt and started to walk out. The judge
said, "Mr. Moss, I hope this will be a lesson not only to you but
others," and was going on to make a long talk but Moss had
his ire up and said, "Never mind, your honor, that is not
interest on the Willamette water I have sold," and walked out.

Now I will go back to the place that I bought on the Clacka-
mas. I stayed there until May, '46, making rails and improving
the place. The winter was the finest I have ever seen in Ore-
gon, stock got rolling fat on range by the first of May. Old
Uncle Arthur, who lived on the same prairie about one mile
away, had new peas for Christmas dinner. I was invited to dine
with his family, but did not go as I wished to take dinner with
my mother that day in Oregon City. Uncle Arthur had come
out in '44. Those peas were volunteer that had come up from
the spring planting of '45. I have seen that several times since
in Oregon and I think we could have had them last Christmas
(1903) if they had been planted at the right time.

In the summer of 1846 I went with my father to make the
road back to the wagons. Everything was safe and in good or-
der, household goods and all. Our teams soon arrived and we
started with the first wagon over the mountain. I wanted to
drive the lead team so I could say I had driven the team that

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 281

drew the first wagon over the Cascade Mountains. But I am
not sure whether I did it or not. There was a rush and as
Gaines, my brother-in-law, and we had six wagons in our
family we all wanted to stay together and there might have
been one wagon got over the summit first. Mr. Savage of
Yamhill told me a few years ago that there was one wagon got
ahead of me and he was with us all the time. That wagon
was driven by Reuben Gant, now a resident of Philomath,
Oregon.

At any rate, we made the road and got all our wagons and
household goods out in perfect order and then went back and
helped finish the road clear across the mountains. We estab-
lished a toll-gate about ten miles this side of Tygh Valley where
there was fine bunch grass, wood, and water. Here all the
emigrants laid over one or two days for recruit before starting
through the mountains. I staid with my father until all emi-
grants got through in the winter of '46. We then started out
and made the trip clear through to Oregon City in two days.

The old gent gave me $400.00 for my summer's work. I laid
that out for a house and lot on Main street in Oregon City, the
first real estate I had owned. The claim I had bought was only
a squatter's right held by a record.

By this time, emigrants were getting pretty thick around
Oregon City. I soon had an offer of $600.00 for my right to
the Clackamas place. I reserved all my young seedling apple
trees, about 10,000 from one to two feet high, worth ten to
fifteen cents apiece in anything you could get. I then went out
to the big Molalla prairie and bought a section of land with no
timber on it for $400.00. Now this was in the spring of '47. I
hired rails made to fence in 100 acres and broke up fifty acres
for wheat in the Fall. Of course, I did not do all the work
myself. In fact, I did not do any of it. I had all I could do to
cook and look after my stock. Hands were cheap and would
work for little more than their board. Many were trying to
get enough to get back "to the States" as we said then.

But when gold was discovered in California, they changed
their outfits and went in that direction. Three or four very

282 WILLIAM BARLOW

fine young carpenters heard that I wanted a fine barn built and
would trade horses for work. They came out to see me and I
told them just what kind of a barn I wanted built. It was to be
74x40 feet 18 feet high, but they must take it from the stump.
I would deliver everything on the ground, lumber and all, but
they must make the shingles. The, lumber I would get sawed,
as there was a sawmill started about a mile off. That suited
them exactly.

"Well how much wages are you going to want," I asked.
They thought they ought to have one, dollar a day and board.

"Well, if you can put up with bachelor cooking you can take
the job," I said. They had some tools and I bought some more.
I had to get a broadax and a chopping ax or two. They went
right to work with a will. I saw they meant business right
from the start. They drew a draft of the barn so they would
know just how to get out the timber, to which they had to
walk about a mile. It was Uncle Sam's timber and free for all.
They thought they would better take their dinner with them. I
had several fine cows and we made up all our bread with pure
cream. So every morning they would start with a big pone of
cream bread, a jug of milk, a pot of coffee and often Chinook
salmon that needed no lard to cook it in. In those days, could
get a salmon that weighed twenty or thirty pounds for ten or
fifteen cents. I had also plenty of salt beef and pork. The men
said they never lived better in their lives and that it beat city
grub out of sight. So they finished the barn in time for me to
store my crop of wheat in August. I fitted them out for the
mines and they went off the best pleased set of fellows I ever
saw. But I never heard of them afterwards.

Pretty soon the emigrants began to pour in. This was now
1848. One evening, about the middle of September, I saw
three or four emigrant wagons steering for the house. I went
out to meet them. When lo ! and behold, up drove old Mathias
Swiggle and all his family. He was our old neighbor right
from Illinois. He hallooed so loudly you could hear him a half
a mile away. He wanted to know if here was where old Samuel
K. Barlow's son William lived. I told him it was. He said,

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 283

"Your father told me to come right here and stay all winter.
Will has plenty of everything and I see for myself that you
have got the best place in the county, for you came here three
years ago when you could get pick and choice/' "But, Mr.
Swiggle, I did not take up this place myself. I had to buy it to
get it, and all it cost the man I bought it of was a dollar to get
it recorded and a little expense in building that log cabin. I
paid him $400.00 just to get off and I had it recorded just as he
had it staked out.

"Well, I knew you would have the best place if you did have
to buy it," he said, after looking over the level prairie and my
improvements. That was just what I wanted to hear him say,
for I wanted to sell the place, and I knew he had the gold and
plenty of it. As yet there was little gold coming from Cali-
fornia. So I told him to unload everything in the big new barn
and rest a while and I would show him plenty of land to take
up for nothing. In a few days, we took a ride all round that
part of the country. There was plenty of land but no clean,
smooth prairie like mine. He said he was too old to grub out a
farm but wanted a farm already made. One day he said, "Will,
I don't suppose you would sell your squatter's right to this
place at all?"

"Never had anything in my life but what I would sell except
my wife, and I have only had her for a few weeks and don't
want to dispose of her for a while, at any rate."

"Well, what will you take for the place all gold right down
in your fist ?"

"Well, for all gold right down, I will take two thousand
dollars."

"I won't give it, I won't give it."

"Well, there is no harm done, Mr. Swiggle."

"But," he added, "I will tell you just what I will give you.
I have been talking with my old shell (he always called his
wife and old shell), I will just give you $1600.00 in gold and
pay you 50 cents per bushel for all the wheat in the barn and
thrash it out myself. That will make you $2000.00."

284 WILLIAM BARLOW

"Well, I will talk with my young 'shell'," I replied, "and let
you know in the morning."

I intended to take it, as I knew ready cash was the stuff for
the times. Everybody was fixing for the mines next spring
and they would pay anything to get money to pay their passage
on the old brig Henry.

So I sold and went right down to Oregon City and went into
anything and everything. Double invested sometimes in one
day.

Among other things, I bought 7000 bushels of wheat at 50
cents a bushel delivered in Abernethy's mill on the island. I
had it ground at the Island mill, put it in wooden barrels, stored
it away and let it wait for development. I was satisfied that
flour was bound to have a boom sooner or later. Oregonians
were running off and leaving their families and people were
pouring into California from all parts of the world. Flour had
to come around the Horn to supply the demand in California.
I had 600 barrels and Uncle Walter Pomeroy had about
the same amount. We had it stored together in one of his
buildings. I said to the old gent one day, "We would better
look after our flour as wooden barrels need re-coopering occa-
sionally."

"Well, Billy, I will tell you what I have been thinking about.
One of us had better own all that flour."

I replied, "I have no money to buy your flour and I don't wish
to sell at the price it is going at now."

"We need no money in this deal, as I will take your note
without interest for six months or I will give you mine on the
same terms. Say what you will give or take, and I will take
you up one way or the other."

"Well," he said, "Put it at $7.00."

"Draw up the note," I said, "And I will sign it as soon as we
find out how many barrels there are of it."

The next day we got a cooper and a man to help him over-
haul it all ; my own and what I had bought of him. It all came
out right. Besides he had about 50 barrels of middlings, that
I gave him $4.00 a barrel for, making in all $4,400.00. In less

REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 285

than thirty days, it went up to $9.00 a barrel in jobbing lots.
So I sold off about 300 barrels and stopped jobbing it. Pretty
soon it went up to $12.00 and I sold enough at that price to
take up my note and had 800 barrels left. In thirty days there
was no mail from California except when the old brig Henry
would get back. So along in the fall, she came up to Astoria
and it might take her a month to reach Portland.

At this point the manuscript of William Barlow ended.
Heard my father say, "Some one of the younger generation can
now take up the history of the Barlow family, as it is known
either by actual observation or by hearsay to many who can tell
it better than I can." In regard to the above flour transaction,
I have heard my father say that he took the remaining number
of barrels to San Francisco on the brig Henry and cleared on
the flour transaction $6,000.00.

HISTORY OF THE FIRST BUSHEL OF AMERICAN BLACK WALNUTS
EVER BROUGHT TO OREGON.

I came to Oregon in 1845 and supposed we would find similar
nut-bearing trees to those found all over the Atlantic and
Middle West States.

But when I arrived here, I found there were no nut-bearing
trees of any kind, except some small hazel nuts, which were, of
a very different kind from those which grew wild in Indiana.

So I made up my mind that I would send back, the first
good opportunity, and have a bushel of black and white, walnuts
sent out.

In 1858, Mr. John Dement, a good friend of mine, was
going back by way of the Isthmus and he said he would send
me a bushel by Adams Express. But remarked that it would
cost considerable.

I said, "Never mind the cost. I want to get them here by
Winter, so I can prepare them for planting the next Spring."

He did just as I told him, but had to pay in advance to San
Francisco for expressage. But he had plenty of money of his
own, besides he had some Indian war claims to collect for me.

These he did not collect till later on. However, he hurried

286 WILLIAM BARLOW

the walnuts on, so I would get them in time for Fall planting.
They were forwarded to me at Oregon City and when all the
charges came in, I was out just sixty-five dollars. I went down
to town, brought the sack up and told my wife what they cost.

She said, "Well, I declare, I could have got that many wal-
nuts in Missouri for fifty cents."

I said, "Well, we will crack a few of them anyway to see if
they are good. If they grow, I will get my money back and
several hundred per cent."

She said, "One is enough to tell that and one is enough to
lose."

"No," I said, "We will have one apiece."

They were both good and brought old Missouri and Illinois
and Indiana right home to us.

So I made a box, put sand and dirt in it, planted the nuts in
the box and buried them all in the ground. I kept them moist
all Winter and by Spring, they were all beginning to open. I
then prepared the ground in fine shape and planted the nuts
in rows.

There were just 765 nuts of both kinds, but there were not
over 100 butternuts out of that number. About 760 came up
and such a growth I never saw before. I kept the ground well
watered and well worked and the roots were larger and longer
than the tops. A large portion of the roots went down three
feet deep. Later in the Fall, I took them all up, set out about
100, gave away a great many to my particular friends and put
the balance on the market at $1.50 each. I allowed a big com-
mission to the nursery man who handled them, and the whole
venture left me a net profit of $500.00. Besides I had my wal-
nut avenue, 400 feet long, with a row of walnuts on each side.
There is one tree that is over three and one-half feet in diame-
ter six feet from the ground, and its branches spread out 80
feet in diameter or 240 feet in circumference.

THE BARLOW ROAD

By Walter Bailey

Among the numerous obstacles overcome by the American
frontiersmen in the monumental task of building a wagon road
across the continent, the last and one of the greatest was the
Cascade Mountains. Unlike the Appalachian and Rocky Moun-
tain ranges, the Cascades presented., to the eager eyes of the
road hunter, no natural pass. To those who would cross with
wagons, two alternatives were presented; first, the narrow
gorge through which the swift turbulent Columbia sweeps and
second, the range of steep rocky mountain tops which join the
white hooded peaks of the Cascades.

The stalwart pioneers who led the first wagon train of
American home makers, from the valley of the Mississippi to
the falls of the Willamette did not dare, because the season
was late and their stock fagged, to try the mountain heights.
With rafts and the few available boats, they descended the
troubled stream, suffering severely en route from rapids and
storms.1

The immigration of the next year followed the same route.
The stock of both trains were driven over the rough mountain
trails into the Willamette Valley.2

During the latter days of September, 1845, the third great
company of Western immigrants arrived at The Dalles, then
the terminus of the wagon road. The old mission station be-
came a great frontier camp. Hundreds of prairie, wagons, large
droves of stock and crowds of way-worn people lined the bleak
shore of the Columbia^

Their appearance showed the effects of their long overland
journey. Part of their number had suffered severe hardship
and nearly lost their lives in following an unreliable guide over
a supposed "cut-off" through the dry wastes of Eastern Ore-
gon.* Some of the travellers were becoming destitute, of pro-

1 Bancroft's Oregon, Vol. I, p. 410.

2 Ibid., pp. 412, 453.

3 Palmer's Journal, p. 120.

4 Ibid., p. 121.

288 WALTER BAILEY

visions, and many had little or no money. Disease added its
terrors to those of impending starvation.5 Only two boats were
running down to the Cascade rapids and transportation prices
were high. But for the sending of relief parties from Oregon
City and the kindly aid of the Hudson's Bay men, the immigrant
camps at the old mission post must have become a scene of
awful suffering.

Among the last to arrive in this camp was the company
commanded by Samuel K. Barlow. Captain Barlow did not
like the situation at The Dalles and the prospect of exhausting
his provisions by a long delay and his money for a dangerous
passage down the river.6 And Barlow, a true pioneer, pos-
sessed that stern self reliance and restless ardor which causes a
man, when he disapproves of the route of his fellows, to break
a path of his own. At the early age of twenty he had left the
home of his parents in Kentucky because his father was a
slave holder and Samuel was bitterly opposed to human slavery.
He had started west with the emigrants because his admired
friend, Henry Clay, had been defeated for president and Barlow
could not stay where he had fought a losing fight.

True, to his principles,, Captain Barlow began looking for a
new route into the Willamette valley. Two trails, he was told,
had been opened across the mountains by stock drovers and
horsemen. 7 One way was to swim the stock across the Colum-
bia, skirt the mountains along the north bank and ferry back at
Fort Vancouver. A second route was the old Indian trail south
of Mount Hood, a path said to be steep and difficult.

Captain Barlow determined to attempt the southern route
with wagons. If there was already a trail it would probably be
possible, he reasoned, to widen it into a wagon track. Says his
son, William Barlow :8 "After resting a few days and recruit-

-m .! >•! — •.:':•': -.: • '!.!» • :•'• •.''•:.-;.--;"": "lir.-Jirj" [r;

5 Bancroft's Oregon, Vol. I, p. 516.

6 Evans' History of the Northwest — Biography of S. K. Barlow.

7 Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 72.

8 Evans' History of the Northwest — Biography of S. K. Barlow.

THE BARLOW ROAD 289

ing his followers, teams and cattle, like a general refreshing his
troops for a new fight, notice was given that the company's
captain, S. K. Barlow, was going to cross the Cascade moun-
tains with his family, wagons and plunder. An invitation was
extended to any and all who felt disposed to join his expedi-
tion ; but he wished none to follow him who had ever learned
the adaptability of the word 'can't.' "9

Old mountain men who had trapped through every valley in
the mountains, the missionaries who had lived for years in their
shadows, and Hudson's Bay men, trained trailers of the wilder-
sess, all declared the attempt to be folly — especially so as it
was late in the season and the cattle were somewhat jaded by
two thousand miles of prairie and mountain.

Captain Barlow, however, "declared his belief in the goodness
and wisdom of an allwise Being and said 'He never made a
mountain without making a way for man to go over it, if the
latter exercised a proper amount of energy and perseverance.' ''

When the start was made, on or about September 24th,10
the party consisted of seven wagons and about nineteen persons
including besides the family of Mr. Barlow, Messrs. Gaines,
Rector, Gessner, Caplinger, William G. Buffum11 and families,
together with John Bown, Reuben Gant and William Berry.

For forty miles the way led over rolling mountain land, cross-
ing a branch of the Des Chutes.12 At the end of this distance
a halt was called for rest and repairs. Camp was pitched on
Five-Mile Creek, where water and grass were plentiful. During
the delay in the march Captain Barlow left for a reconnoitering
trip.1^ From the Blue Mountains a small gap had been ob-
served south of Mt. Hood. Through this opening the leader
hoped to build the future roadway.

9 Evans* History of the Northwest — Biography of S. K. Barlow.
10 Palmer's Journal, p. 120.

it Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 72, supplemented by information
furnished by Geo. H. Himes.

12 Palmer's Journal, pp. 125-6.

13 Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 73.

290 WALTER BAILEY

While Barlow was absent some horsemen arrived from The
Dalles.14 Their leader was Joel Palmer, who with Barlow had
been aid in the company of Presley Welch, and who was after-
wards the government Indian agent for Oregon. Having ar-
rived at The Dalles after Barlow's departure, Palmer had deter-
mined to follow and had induced about twenty-three wagons
and nearly as many families to accompany him. After getting
started he had gone ahead of the wagons to explore. He fol-
lowed Barlow into the mountains but returned after several
days reconnoitering without meeting him. After Barlow re-
turned to camp, it was mutually agreed to join forces and push
on with the road building.

At this point it was decided to send a party with the loose
cattle onto the settlements.^ Two families determined to go on
with the drovers. This party was instructed to procure pro-
visions and assistance and meet the roadbuilders.

After dispatching a small party back to the Dalles for beef
and wheat the main party now began the arduous task of cut-
ting a road through the timber. The eastern side of the Cas-
cades was not heavily timbered, however, and progress was
rapid, though there is recorded some complaint about the in-
compatibility of big trees, rusty tools and tender muscles. It
being the dry season, fire was used effectively in clearing the
mountain sides.

When they came face to face, with the steep mountain sides
several families gave up the enterprise and returned to The
Dalles.16 Palmer and Barlow were still determined to push on.
On the morning of October llth1 7 they set out ahead to find a
way over the main dividing ridge. This lay further to the west
than they had expected and their previous exploration had
showed no sign of a western descent. In their absence the
company continued the road building.

14 Palmer's Journal, p. 126.

15 Ibid., p. 128.

1 6 Evans.

17 Palmer's Journal, p. 131.

THE BARLOW ROAD 291

After several days travel on foot in the heart of the range
Barlow and Palmer found a passable route for wagons to the
western descent. But their own journey was fraught with so
much hardship and suffering on account of the snow that they
were forced to conclude that the season was too late and the
journey too long to risk being snowed in among the moun-
tains.18 It had previously been determined that, should the pass-
age prove impossible, the wagons and impedimenta should be
cached and the company should proceed with the stock over
the mountains. Therefore, on the return of the leaders a rude
house was construed about five miles east of the summit. In
this were placed the perishables of the company.

Three young men, William Barlow, John Bown, and William
Berry volunteered to remain and guard the deposit, but it was
found that scarcely any provisions could be left and Berry was
left in solitude to keep a long winter's vigil amid the mountain
storms.1**

Packing a few necessary articles upon the horses and oxen,
only the weakest having saddle horses, the remainder of the
company pushed on toward the outpost of the scattered Oregon
settlements.20

Even greater hardships were experienced on the western
slope of the Cascades. On the very summit they encountered
treacherous swamps ; there was no grass for the stock and they
broused the poison laurel bushes ; provisions gave out entirely
and the woods became so dense and the canyons so deep and
precipitous that some despaired of ever reaching civilization.
William Barlow relates how his sister, Mrs. Gaines tried to
cheer her disheartened companions, saying, "Why we are in
the midst of plenty — plenty of snow, plenty of wood to melt it,
plenty of horse meat, plenty of dog meat if the worst comes."21

A packtrain with flour and other provisions from Oregon
City came to their relief and all passed safely through to the
Willamette,

1 8 Palmer'* Journal, p. 140; Brans.

19 Brans.

ao Palmer'a Journal, p. 141.

ai Quarterly Orcg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, 76.

292 WALTER BAILEY

Captain Barlow, early in December, applied to the territorial
legislature, then in session in Oregon City, for a charter to
open a road across the Cascade mountains.22 He was allowed
to address the House on the subject and on December 16th, a
charter was granted. As soon as the snow left the mountains
in the spring, Barlow engaged a force of about forty men and
opened the road from Foster's farm in the Clackamas valley
to the camp where the wagons were left.23

A subscription list was circulated among the Oregon settlers
to help defray the expenses of this construction, but a writer in
the Oregon Spectator of February 18, 1847, declares that he
"has it from an authentic source that only thirty dollars was
ever received."

For two years following the construction, Captain Barlow
personally collected the toll. In 1846 according to his report
"one hundred and forty-five wagons, fifteen hundred and fifty-
nine head of horses, mules and horned cattle, and one drove of
sheep" passed through the toll gates.2*

The Barlow road continued to be extensively used by immi-
grants until the building of the railroad along the Columbia, and
it is still in use.

From 1848 to 1862 the road was leased by Barlow to various
operators, among whom were Philip Foster and Joseph
Young.2* These men did little except collect the tolls and the
highway lapsed into an almost impassable condition.

In October, 1862,26 the Mount Hood Wagon Road Company,
capitalized at twenty-five thousand dollars, was organized to
take over and reconstruct the old road. This enterprise appears
to have been a failure but in May, 1864, a new company called
the Cascade Road and Bridge Company was incorporated.

22 Oregon Archives, 1853, p. 126.

23 Evans; Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79.

24 Evans; Oregon Spectator, Oct. 29, 1846.

25 Evans; Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79. There is scanty material
concerning the operation of the road during these years. It is probable that the
California gold rush and the Indian troubles diverted men's attention from
internal improvements. During one year at least the toll gates were unguarded.

26 Art. of Incorp. of the Mt. Hood Wagon Road Co., Clerk's office, Oregon
City.

27 Art. of Incorp. of Cascade Road and Bridge Co., Clerk's office, Oregon
City.

THE BARLOW ROAD 293

This organization2? incorporated by Joseph Young, Egbert
Alcott, Stephen Coleman, Frederick Sievers and Francis
Revenue, made extensive improvements in the route, building
bridges and making corduroy roads across the swamps.

In 18822b the road was deeded to the Mount Hood and Bar-
low Road Company, organized by Richard Gerder, S. D. Cole-
man, H. E. Cross, F. O. McCown, and J. T. Apperson. These
men shortened and improved the route and constructed an
important branch road. The Mount Hood and Barlow Road
Company, now under different management, still operates the
road. One of the first measures to come before the people of
Oregon under the Initiative law was a proposal that the state
purchase the Barlow road and abolish tolls. The measure was
defeated by a small majority.

Among the memorable occurrences in "crossing the plains"
the passage over the Cascade mountains by the Mt. Hood route
stands out most vividly in the memory of a large number of
Oregon pioneers. The dangers, toil and hardship ; the beauties
of the mountains and the pleasant surprises of the great dense
forests; the laborious climb on the eastern slope and the steep
descent of "Laurel Hill" on the west ; all combined to make an
impression on the minds of the pioneers which later, served for
many a fireside reminiscence. Autumn after autumn, from
"forty-six" to "sixty-four" witnessed long lines of expectant
homeseekers toiling through the rocky defiles and over the
steep ridges.

The diaries and letters written by the travellers express a
strange mixture of happiness and sorrow, contentment and
dejection, hope and despair, ectasy and misery.^ Says one,
"Some men's hearts died within them and some of our women
sat down by the roadside — and cried, saying they had aban-
doned all hope of ever reaching the promised land. I saw
women with babies but a week old, toiling up the mountains in
the burning sun, on foot, because our jaded teams were not
able to haul them. We went down mountains so steep that we

28 Corporation deed on file in the Clerk's office, Oregon City.

29 Bancroft's Oregon, Vol. I, p. 561, note.

294 WALTER BAILEY

had to let our wagons down with ropes. My wife and I carried
our children up muddy mountains in the Cascades, half a mile
high and then carried the loading of our wagons up on our
backs by piecemeal, as our cattle were so reduced that they were
hardly able to haul up our empty wagon/'

Of Laurel Hill an emigrant of 18533° complains : "The road
on this hill is something terrible. It is worn down into the soil
from five to seven feet, leaving steep banks on both sides, and
so narrow that it is almost impossible to walk alongside of the
cattle for any distance without leaning against the oxen. The
emigrants cut down a small tree about ten inches in diameter
and about forty feet long, and the more limbs it has on it the
better. This tree they fasten to the rear axle with chains or
ropes, top end foremost, making an excellent brake."

On the other hand many make no mention of hardship but
are enraptured and captivated by the charming blushes of the
snowy peaks. From The Dalles at five in the morning one is*1
"thrilled by the spectacle of Mount Hood's snowy pyramid
standing out, clearly defined against the pale grey of dawn ; not
white as at noonday, but pink, as the heart of a Sharon rose,
from base to summit. A little later it has faded, and by the
most lovely transitions of color and light, now looks golden,
now pearly, and finally glistens whitely in the full glare of the
risen sun."

Even the prosaic Palmer finds room to exclaim among his
practical observations : "I had never before beheld a sight so
nobly grand."3»

Curry, a newspaper editor,33 in his new charge the Oregon
Spectator, records at some length his impressions of the moun-
tain road, " -The breath of the forest was laden with the

scent of agreeable odors. What a feeling of freshness was dif-
fused into our whole being as we enjoyed the pleasure of the
pathless woods. In every glimpse we could catch of the open

30 Diary of E. W. Conyers, Transactions Oregon Pioneer Assn., 1905.

31 Overland Monthly, Vol. Ill, p. 304.
33 Palmer's Journal, p. 130.

33 Spectator, Oct. 20, 1846. The article is unsigned. It was written, howerer,
by George L. Curry, the editor.

THE BARLOW ROAD 295

day, there, above and beyond us were the towering heights,
with their immense array of sky-piercing shafts.

"Up, up to an altitude fearfully astounding — the ascent is
steep and difficult, but there are many such ridges of the
mountains to be crossed before you can descend into the flour-
ishing valley of the Willamette. Down, down into the deep, dark
and silent ravines, and when you have reached the bottom of it,
by precipitous descent, you may be able to form an idea of the
great elevation which you had previously attained. The cross-
ing of the Rocky mountains, the Bear River range and the "big
hill" of the Brules, with the Blue Mountains, was insignificant
in comparison to the Cascades. Here is no natural pass — you
breast the lofty hills and climb them — there is no way around
them, no avoiding them, and each succeeding one, you fancy
is the dividing ridge of the range."

The Barlow road was an important asset to both immigrants
and settlers. It enabled the former to divide their trains and
avoid the overcrowded condition on the Columbia ; it furnished
the latter a means of communication and trade with the
settlers east of the mountains. Large numbers of Willamette
valley cattle were driven over it to be slaughtered in the mines
and many a packer has paid toll at its gates.

Judge Matthew P. Deady,34 an esteemed citizen and noted
jurist of Oregon, is reported to have said of this road: "The
construction of the Barlow road contributed more towards the
prosperity of the Willamette Valley and the future State of
Oregon than any other achievement prior to the building of the
railways in 1870."

The general references consulted in the preparation of this
paper are as follows :

Palmer's Journal, published in Thwaites' Early Western
Travels.

Elwood Evans' History of the Northwest.

Bancroft's History of Oregon.

The Oregon Spectator, Vols. I and II.

34 Quoted in Quarterly of the Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79.

296 WALTER BAILEY

The Oregon Archives, published in 1853.

Oregon Pioneer Transactions for 1889 and 1905.

Records in the office of the County Clerk of Clackamas
County.

"The Story of the Barlow Road" in the Oregon Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 3.

John C. Calhoun

Secretary of War

1817-1825

Frances Packard Young

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for
the Degree of Master of Arts

A Thesis presented to the Department of History
LELAND STANFORD, JR.

UNIVERSITY
May. 1912

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION.

Calhoun becomes Secretary of War in 1817 1

Calhoun's work as a Congressman 2

Favors a national tariff in 1810 3

Advocates internal improvements 4

Characterizations of Calhoun as a Congressman 5

Outline of work as Secretary of War 7

II.
ADMINISTRATION AND REDUCTION OF THE ARMY.

Centralization and Economy in the War Department 8

Lack of public revenue a cause for economy 9

Calhoun's argument against the reduction of the army 10

Argument by Mr. Williams, a member of Congress, in favor of

reduction 11

Criticisms of Calhoun's report 12

Congressional action against military appropriations 13

Comparative annual expenses of the army 14

III.
FORTIFICATIONS AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.

Bonus Bill speech compared with report of 1819 15

Congressional opposition to the building of forts 16

Report on Fortifications 17

The Mix or Rip Rap Contract 18

IV.
ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.

Rapid settlement of the West . . 21

Change in system of Indian trade 21

Calhoun's report on this change 22

System of forts planned by Calhoun 23

Attitude of Congress toward Indian Appropriations 24

Plans for Indian colonization, West of the Mississippi 24

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 299

THE CONFLICT ON THE FRONTIER.

Cause of Seminole War 27

The U. S. army is ordered into Florida 28

Jackson takes Pensacola and St. Marks 30

His account of the capture of these forts 31

Calhoun condemns Jackson for this action 32

Jackson is protected by public opinion 33

Calhoun's War policy 33

Treaty for annexation of Florida 34

Action of Congress 34

VI.

CALHOUN AS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT.

Calhoun becomes a candidate in 1822 36

Party divisions 37

Compared with other candidates 37

Factions of the different candidates, in the Cabinet and House of

Representatives 39

Relation between the attacks on Calhoun and his candidacy 40

Newspaper partisanship 41

Nomination of Calhoun 41

Calhoun's strength as candidate for President and then for Vice-

President 42

Final Election . . 43

VII.

JOHN C. CALHOUN.

Calhoun's personality 44

Social position in Washington 45

Mental qualities 45

Characteristics as a public official 46

Criticisms of Calhoun 48

Calhoun's explanation of his own political views 48

Attitude on Slavery 50

INTRODUCTION

It is generally agreed that the United States engaged in
a struggle for economic independence in
CONDITION its second war with England, and proved
OF THE to the world that it wished to protect its

UNITED STATES own citizens. From that time on, the
nation slowly grew in power until in
1817 when James Monroe became President, the treasury was
well filled and the people had a feeling of prosperity.1
Monroe offered the position of Secretary of War to four
different men, before he appointed John
CALHOUN C. Calhoun to fill that place in the
APPOINTED AS cabinet. The President invited Henry
SECRETARY Clay to take the post, but Clay declined,
OF WAR rather offended because he was not made

Secretary of State. He next thought
of Andrew Jackson, Governor Shelby of Tennessee and
William Lowndes of South Carolina, but they all refused.
Finally he selected Calhoun, who had justified his appointment
by his efforts in Congress to further the material advance-
ment of the United States.2

A brief sketch of Calhoun's congressional career from 1811
to 1817 is necessary before considering
CALHOUN'S his Secretaryship. Coming into Con-
WORK AS A gress as a young man, when the United
CONGRESSMAN States was on the verge of a war, Cal-
houn's patriotic enthusiasm led him to
support defensive measures. On December 12, 1811, he gave
his reasons for favoring a war.

i Schouler, History of the United States. II, 499. "Partly by internal taxes,
but chiefly by those upon imports, Congress and this administration planned a
permanent revenue, sufficient for meeting all current expenses and interest, and
so to apply an annual surplus besides of $10,000,000 towards discharging the
principal. When the year 1817 opened all was auspicious for instituting such a
policy; most of the treasury notes had been cancelled; nearly the whole national
debt was refunded; cash to the amount of $10,000,000 lay in the treasury] direct
taxation could at once be dispensed with and various obnoxious items of internal
revenue besides."

z Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, 43.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 301

"One principle necessary to make us a great people is to
protect every citizen in the lawful pursuit of his business."3

In a speech a year later, on December 4, 1812, he asserted
that—

"It is the duty of every citizen to bear whatever the general
interest may demand, and I, Sir, am proud in representing a
people pre-eminent in the exercise of this virtue. Carolina
makes no complaint against the difficulties of the times. If
she feels embarassments, she turns her indignation not against
her own Government, but again the common enemy. She
makes no comparative estimate of her sufferings with other
states. . . . High tariffs have no pernicious effects and
are consistent with the genius of the people and the institutions
of the country/'4

Calhoun made this last statement to answer an argument
put forth by Mr. Widgery from Massachusetts, a few days
before, which he considered to be an expression of New Eng-
land sectionalism.5

The Committee of Commerce and Manufactures presented

a tariff bill to the House in February, 1816. Two months later

Calhoun declared in support of the

ARGUMENT IN measure that it required commerce, agri-
FAVOR OF culture and manufactures to produce

NATIONAL wealth for a nation. The United States
TARIFF States possessed agriculture and com-

merce, what she needed was manufac-
tures, and these could not exist without protection from
European competition. His argument in detail was that,

"Neither agriculture, manufactures, nor commerce, taken
separately, is the cause of wealth; it flows from the three
combined, and cannot exist without each. . . . Without
commerce, industry would have no stimulus ; without manu-
factures it (U. S.) would be without the means of production;

3 Calhoun, J. C. Works. II, x.

4 Calhoun, J. C. Works, II, 31.

Annals of Congress, i2th Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 3, page 315.

5 Just before Calhoun's speech this representative spoke against the "Mer-
chant's Bonds" Measure. 310.

302 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

and without agriculture neither of the others can subsist.
When taken separately, entirely and permanently, they
perish.'*

As opposed to the sectional reasons for tariff, this argu-
ment might be called tariff nationalism.

Calhoun spoke in favor of national aid for internal im-
provements, as earnestly as he did for
NEED FOR tariff. Without adequate means of com-
INTERNAL munication, no country could advance in
IMPROVEMENTS national prosperity. The extent of terri-
tory which the United States occupied
exposed them "to the greatest of all calamities — next to the loss
of liberty — and to that in its consequences — disunion. We are
great, and rapidly — I was about to say fearfully — growing.
This is our pride and our danger; our weakness and our
strength. Little does he deserve to be entrusted with the liber-
ties of the people, who does not raise his mind to these truths."7
In 1812 the nation had been hindered by not being able to
move troops quickly from place to place. Was she to be
caught like that again ?

During his term in Congress, Calhoun served as chairman

of the Committee of Foreign Relations.8

CHARACTERIZA- Elijah H. Mills, a Federalist, wrote of

TIONS OF Calhoun in 1823 :

CALHOUN AS A "He came into Congress very young
CONGRESSMAN and took a decided part in favor of the
late war, and of all the measures con-
nected with it. He is ardent, persevering, industrious and
temperate, of great activity and quickness of perception, and
rapidity of utterance. . . . His private character is esti-
mable and exemplary, and his devotion to his official duties is
regular and severe."9

Tcllhoun, J. C. Works, II, 163-6.

7 Calhoun, J. C. Works, II, 186.

Speech on Bill to set aside bank dividends and bonus for internal improve-
ments.

8 Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, aa.

Calhoun at first occupied second place on the committee, but when the chair-
man, Gen. P. B. Porter, retired from Congress, Calhoun was made chairman,

9 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed. XIX, 37, 1881-2.

Letters of Elijah H. Mills. After the first sentence the characterization
belongs to the time when Calhoun was Secretary, but might well be applied to his
Congressional career also. (Representative from Massachusetts in 1816.)

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 303

Another man described Calhoun's legislative career as,
"Short, but uncommonly luminous; his love of novelty and
his apparent solicitude to astonish were so great, that he has
occasionally been known to go beyond even the dreams of
political visionaries and to propose schemes which were in
their nature impracticable or injurious, and which he seemed
to offer merely for the purpose of displaying the affluence
of his mind and the fertility of his ingenuity."10

Babcock, in the "Rise of the American Nationality," has
characterized Calhoun, when in Congress, as a "Young South-
erner of good family, fine endowments, and fine education, he
was an ardent nationalist, working for, arguing for and dream-
ing of a great and powerful United States safely bound to-
gether for its work in the world. He was ambitious, but could
afford to wait for his promotions. . . . Through all the
quiet energy of his work, and the luminous diction of his
speeches runs a strain of passion and chivalrous sentiment.
More clearly than anyone else of this time did Calhoun fulfill
the prophetic function for the South, showing forth its best
spirit and noblest impulses, as yet unwarped and uncorroded by
slavery."11

Mr. Nathan Appleton, a visitor in Washington about 1816,
wrote

"That he had been introduced to many distinguished men,
among whom were Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun."12

These two men worked together during this Congressional
session, both believing in tariff and internal improvements,
and not realizing as yet, their conflicting ambitions.1 3

10 Am. Hist. Review, n, 510-2; 1905-6.
F. 7. Turner, The South 1820-30.

Taken from Letters from North America, by A. Hodgson, I, 81; 1824.

11 Babcock, Rise of American Nationality, Am. Nation Series, an.

i a Mast. Hist. Society Proceed. V. a6i. i86o-a.
Memoirs of Nathan Appleton.

13 William and Mary Quarterly, XVII; 143-4, * paper on the U. S. Congress
and SOIM of Itt Celebrities, Colton, Henry Clay, I, 434-6, VI, 108.

304 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

When Calhoun became Secretary of War in 1817, it was his
first interest to strengthen the army for
OUTLINE OF the needs of an expanding boundary
CALHOUN'S line. His Indian policy was the most
WORK AS complete plan that had, up to 1818, been

SECRETARY formulated to take care of the large un-
OF WAR settled territory in the, western part of

the United States.14 In the events con-
nected with the Seminole War and the Acquisition of Florida,
he was conservative and patient, trying to avoid rather than
make war.

Toward the last of his Administration, he was nominated
for President by the legislature of South Carolina,15 but he
consented to run for Vice-President when it seemed that he
could not compete with Jackson. Clay and Calhoun were
rivals in this Presidential Campaign, while in political ideas
they were no longer united. Whether or not Calhoun gov-
erned the War Department with the idea of gaining the sup-
port of the people to this higher office, is a question.

CHAPTER II

ADMINISTRATION AND REDUCTION OF THE ARMY

After administering the office of Secretary of War for some
time, Calhoun stated his ideas concerning
CENTRALIZATION a more efficient management of the De-
IN THE WAR partment. He outlined his plans in let-
DEPARTMENT ters to authorities who were connected
with the control of the army. On Feb-
ruary 5, 1818, Calhoun wrote to John Williams, Chairman of
the Military Committee of the Senate, concerning the reorgani-
zation of the medical staff of the army. His main object in
taking this step was to introduce responsibility and centraliza-
tion into its government and ultimately to reduce the cost of

14 Von Hoist, Calhoun. 45.

Niles' Register, XV. Supplement, 25.

1 5 Letters of Calhoun, House of Representatives, Documents, Am. Hist. Assn.
Vol. 115, page 216. 1899-1900.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 305

administration. He planned to accomplish this by placing some
medical expert at the head, to whom all the surgeons should
make quarterly reports. The same system was to be carried
out in the Quartermaster's Division.16

Several times Calhoun impressed upon the commanders of

the, army the necessity for strict economy.

ECONOMY IN March 15, 1820, he wrote to Andrew

ADMINISTRATION Jackson: "Each head of appropriation
has been reduced to its lowest amount,
and it will require much economy and good management to
meet the ordinary expenditure of the year. You will accord-
ingly take no measure, in the present state of business which
will much increase the expense of your division/'17

These two letters illustrate Calhoun's plan of action through-
out his entire administration. Every man in office must be
responsible to the head of the department and in the perform-
ance of his work, observe the most careful economy. This did
not mean that Calhoun wished to reduce the military force
as a means of lessening the expenses. To his mind it was
far more economical to have a well prepared army in case of
a crisis, than to waste time and money organizing one when
the nation was thrust into war.

The basis for the practice of economy in the War Depart-
ment may be found in the efforts of Con-

LACK OF PUBLIC gress from 1818 to 1823, to reduce the

REVENUE CAUSE expenses of the Government. One ex-

FOR ECONOMY planation for this policy was given by

Mr. Butler of New Hampshire on March

14, 1820, when he asserted in a speech before the House, that

the Treasury showed a decrease in revenue of fifty per cent,

and that the exports of the United States for three years before

1820 were only one-half their usual amount.18

16 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, Vol. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. Vol. II,
133-4- Calhoun did not take up the duties of Secretary of War until December
5, 1817. Hunt, John C. Calhoun, 43.

17 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, Vol. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. Vol. II, 171.

1 8 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1836. Turner, F. J. Rise
of the New West, Am. Nation Series, 140, states that customs receipts fell between
1816 and 1821 from $36,000,000 to $13,000,000 and the revenue from public lands
from $3,274,000 in 1819 to $1,635,000 in 1820.

306 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

The expense of a standing army was attacked first and a
resolution passed by the House in April,
CALHOUN'S 1818, asking the Secretary of War if
ARGUMENT military appropriations could not be re-
AGAINST duced.18 Calhoun replied at the next

REDUCTION session of Congress.20 In this report he
OF THE ARMY considered the army under four heads,
number, organization, pay and emolu-
ments. In 1818 the army was no larger than it was in 1802,
considering the increase in population and territory between
those years, and at the earlier date it was considered as small
as public safety allowed. These facts made it impossible to
reduce the number of soldiers. The officers' staff must not
be made smaller, because, if war were declared, the lack of
executive authority would cause great confusion. The great
extent of territory over which the army was scattered had
necessarily advanced the cost of transportation of men and
supplies. Calhoun did not wish to decrease the pay of the
men and officers, for the cost of living was much higher in
1818 than it had been in previous years. The only way to
economize, which he suggested in this report, was to prevent
waste in the handling of public property. In this connection
Calhoun advised that public bids be made for supplying army
rations, instead of having them bought through private con-
tract, as had been done in the past.

Notwithstanding Calhoun's protest against decreasing the
number of soldiers, Mr. Williams of
ARGUMENT North Carolina, introduced a resolution
IN FAVOR OF in February, 1819, to reduce the standing
REDUCTION army to six thousand.21 In support of
this resolution he asserted that an in-
crease of territory and population did not necessitate a cor-
responding increase in the army, that large towns and cities
did not need the protection of arms or forts, and that it was
extravagance to support a large staff of officers.23

Annals of Congress, i£th Cong, ist Sess., II, 1766.
ao Niles' Register, XV, Supplement, 39.
si Annals of Congress, III, 1155, and Sess., isth Cong.
22 Ibid, 1156-7. ,

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 307

Mr. Simpkins of South Carolina, opposed Mr. Williams'
resolution and reminded Congress of the
MR. SIMPKINS unfortunate condition of the United
SUPPORTS States in 1812 because of the lack of

CALHOUN'S military forces. He declared that Cal-
POLICY houn was justified in demanding a large

army to protect the citizens of this na-
tion.23

In May of the next year, Henry Clay brought forth a similar

resolution,24 and finally Congress asked

CALHOUN'S Calhoun to give his opinion on the reduc-

PLAN FOR tion.25 The Secretary of War had al-

REDUCING THE ready realized the advisability of econ-

NUMBER OF omy, as shown in his letter to Jackson

SOLDIERS in March, 1820, which has been quoted

above. Calhoun's reply in December,

1820, assumed that this change was inevitable and he resolved

to manage it as wisely as possible.26 He did not want Congress

to abolish whole regiments, but only to decrease the number

of soldiers in such divisions, in that way avoiding the possibility

of having to train new bodies of men in case the army was

suddenly increased for a war. It was easier to command

some new recruits along with others already experienced in

military tactics, than to use companies which were entirely

ignorant of such things. Neither did he, want the number of

officers reduced, for mere soldiers were easy to drill, but it

took time to make a good officer.

In the speeches which were made in favor of a reduction,

this report was severely criticised. Mr.

CRITICISM OF Williams again took the floor to oppose

CALHOUN'S the recommendations of the Secretary of

REPORT War and asserted that the standing army

was dangerous to the liberties of the

people, and that since it was a "necessary evil," they should

33 Ibid, 1155-6-7.

24 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong, ist Sess., II, 2233.

25 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong. 2nd Sess., Ill, 607.

26 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Appendix, 1715.

308 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

have as little of it as possible. He combated Calhoun's argu-
ment for a large staff of officers and the maintenance of a
standing army, which was always prepared for immediate
warfare. Because our population was double that of 1802,
was no reason for an army twice as large. He knew that
there were not as many as seventy-three forts to defend, as
Calhoun had reported, and that it was not necessary to use the
army to protect the frontier which the
PASSAGE United States had recently acquired.27

OF BILL The Bill to reduce the army to six thou-

sand soldiers was passed on January 23,
1821, by a majority of 109-48.28

The 16th and 17th Congresses hesitated to make even the

necessary military appropriations for

CONGRESSIONAL 1822 and '23, because Calhoun had over-

ACTION AGAINST drawn the account for 1821, and they

MILITARY feared that such an act was a dangerous

APPROPRIATIONS usurpation of power.29 Others were

afraid that the United States Treasury

could not meet all the demands, while a few accused him of

needless extravagance.30

Mr. Cannon, of Tennessee, attacked the appropriation for

the support of the West Point Military

ATTACK ON WEST Academy, and even made a motion that

POINT MILITARY they consider abolishing it. He declared

ACADEMY that it was a school where only the sons

of rich men were taught military science.

This would result in establishing an aristocracy in the United

27 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 767.

28 House of Representatives, Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., 160.

Vote on Bill to reduce army to 6coo. First figure is the negative vote from
the State named. Second figure is the number of representatives from that State:

Kentucky 3-12 Alabama i- i Illinois i- i

Maryland 4- 9 Georgia 2- 6 Ohio i- 6

Pennsylvania 8-25 N. Carolina 1-14 New York 8-27

New Jersey 1-3 Massachusetts 4-23 Virginia 4-27

Louisiana i- i S. Carolina 4- 9 Tennessee i- 6

Delaware 1-2

Taken from House Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 161. Out of these rep-
resentatives 28 were listed in some party and 14 of them belonged to the Demo-
cratic party in 1818. Congressional Bibliography.

29 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Ses., Ill, 710.

30 Annals of Congress, i7th Cong., ist Sess., I, 1105.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 309

States and destroy the democratic government. He was not
opposed to the teaching of military science, but he wanted such
instruction given to the general mass of citizens.31

The Secretary of War prepared a report in 1822 of the

army expenses for the years 1818 to 1822,

COMPARATIVE showing that the numbers of the army for

ANNUAL those years had increased, but that the

EXPENSES cost of maintenance for each man had

OF THE ARMY decreased.32 These expenses he divided

into two parts, those which are fixed by

law, such as officers' salaries, and those which can be changed
at the will of the Secretary of War. The two divisions had
become smaller, year by year, because the officers had kept
strict account and had carefully preserved public property.33 In
1823, he again claims that the accounts show remarkable econ-
omy in the organization of the army, chiefly through the atten-
tion which each officer had given to his department.34 Besides
the reports mentioned above, Calhoun prepared exact state-
ments each year, showing how much money had been spent and
for what it was used.35

31 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1603-4.

32 House of Representatives, Journal, i7th Cong., ist Sess., 318.
Niks' Register, XXII, 38-40.

33 Numbers in the army for 1818-1822: 1818, 8199 men; 1819, 8428; 1820,
9698; 1821, 8109; 1822, 6442.

Expenditures for each person in the army: 1818, $451.57; 1819, $434.70; 1820,
$315.88; 1821, $287.02; 1822, $299.46.

Niles', XXII, 38-9-40.
34Niles' Register, XXIV, 263.
35 House of Representatives, Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., 117;

i7th Cong., ist Sess., 262.

CHAPTER III
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS AND FORTIFICATIONS

On April 12, 1818, Calhoun was asked by Congress to give a

report on the national construction of

COMPARISON OF roads and canals.36 The Secretary of War

BONUS BILL considered such internal improvements

SPEECH AND necessary both for military defense and

REPORT OF 1818 the development of trade, but in reply in

ON INTERNAL January, 1819, he made commercial rea-

IMPROVEMENTS sons secondary, while in the speech he

delivered on the Bonus Bill in February,

1817, he had advocated internal improvements, primarily to

strengthen the nation commercially and politically, and only

incidentally to serve as a means of defense in war.

Calhoun worked out a system of inland transportation which
would protect the northern, eastern and
REPORT ON southern boundaries. Local roads not ex-
ROADS AND tending beyond the boundaries of a state,
CANALS were to be left to that state, but those

JANUARY, 1819 going through a large section of the
United States were to be built by the
government. The most important work would be a highway
along the eastern coast, over which troops could be marched
when it was dangerous to transport them by sea. North of the
Chesapeake Bay the coast is very accessible, making it expedient
to build roads from all parts of the country to this section, so
that it would be easy quickly to concentrate troops at any point.
Calhoun suggested that other roads be built from Albany to
the Lakes ; Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and Richmond
to the Ohio river, and from Augusta to Tennessee. On the
northern frontier he planned canals between Albany, Lake
George and Lake Ontario, and between Pittsburg and Lake
Erie. Roads were to be built from Plattsburg to Sackett Har-
bor, and from Detroit to the Ohio. The southwest was natural-
ly guarded by the Mississippi River, while a canal from the

36 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., ist Sess., II, 1678.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 311

Illinois river to Lake Michigan completed the system of com-
munication. The cost of building these roads was to be reduced
by employing part of the army and paying them slightly higher
wages than they ordinarily received.37 Congress went so far
as to appoint a committee in December, 1819, to consider the
building of roads and canals, but it was discharged before any-
thing was accomplished.88

In its economical mood toward military appropriations, the

House considered the advisability in Jan-

CONGRESSIONAL uary, 1820, of stopping the construction

OPPOSITION TO of all forts.30 It also asked Calhoun for

BUILDING OF a statement of the money that was being

FORTS used for this purpose, and the progress

which had been made on the different

fortifications.40

This time he gave the report of one of his chief engineers,

who had special charge of such works.

REPORT ON He had had the northern, southern and

FORTIFICATIONS eastern coasts inspected and had planned

a system of forts, such that each fort was

connected with the next in a continuous chain of defense. They
were all to fulfill some of the following conditions i*1

1. Close some important harbor to the enemy.

2. Deprive the enemy of strong positions where he could

get a foothold in the United States.

3. To protect the cities from attack.

4. To protect avenues of internal trade.

5. Cover coast trade.

6. Cover great naval establishments.

The whole system was to cost a little more than one million
dollars, and even then, the forts were not all to be built at once,
but were divided into three classes, according to the nation's
need for them. A committee was appointed on December 8,

37 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, 2443.

38 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., 708.
Ibid, II, 3241.

39 Ibid, I, 891.

40 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1594.

41 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Appendix, 1731, Feb. 7, 1821.

312 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

1819, to consider the subject of fortifications. It made a report
on April 24, 1820, which was laid on the table without any
debate.

The fulfilling of the Mix or Rip Rap contract for fortifica-
tions on the Chesapeake Bay caused Cal-
THE Mix OR houn to be severely criticised.42 The
RIP RAP House of Representatives appointed a

CONTRACT committee to investigate the affair, and
CONDEMNED BY they gained the following information
CONGRESS about the forts. The contract had been

given to Mix in April, 1818, but the com-
mittee was sure that other men could have been found who
would have furnished the stone much cheaper. After the work
was started, Mix did not deliver the stone at the appointed
time, and sold parts of the contract to other men. The chief
engineer of the government, who was a relative of Mix, bought
an interest in it and the committee suspected some fraud in
that transaction. They condemned the engineer for not adver-
tising the bids and for the careless methods used in issuing the
contract.

The testimony of several stone merchants was taken and
most of them agreed that Mr. Mix had
DEFENCE OF furnished the stone for a very low price
MR. Mix and that if the cost of freight and labor

had not unexpectedly dropped, he would
have lost money. The lowering of freight rates made it possible
for him to make profit. Whether or not the stone was deliv-
ered on time was not decided. The engineer who succeeded the
one mentioned above, asserted that it was not customary to ad-
vertise for bids, when the work was to be done in such a closely
settled district as the region about the Chesapeake Bay.

42 Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, 60.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 313

The only faults which were connected with the transaction,
were the tardy supplying of stone, and the
ALL suspicious reselling of the contract. No-

FoTHE ^ WaS t0 blame if the low frdght rates

CONTRACT ARE anc* wa£es made the prices of 1818 look
STOPPED BY extravagant to the Congressmen in
CONGRESS 1822. Calhoun had nothing to do with

this contract, except as he gave his silent

sanction to the whole transaction, although it came out in the
evidence that when the engineer had considered buying a share
in it, Calhoun had warned him of the effect such a deal would
have on public opinion. The committee recommended in their
report, on May 7, 1822, that no further appropriations be made
to Mr. Mix for his work.43

In all his military work Calhoun grasped large situations and
dealt with comprehensive plans. His re-
CALHOUN'S port on military roads showed that he had
MILITARY an accurate knowledge of the geography

ADMINISTRATION of the United States, and a keen appre-
ciation of the strategic points for defense.

The advice on the reduction of the army revealed his ability to
solve, in a clear and logical manner the most perplexing ques-
tions. It is interesting to surmise how much he could have
done if he had had the support of Congress.

CHAPTER IV
ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS

Regulation of Indian affairs as well as the administration of
of the Army, formed an important part
RAPID of Calhoun's work as Secretary of War.

SETTLEMENT Between 1812 and 1820, the land be-
OF THE WEST tween the Alleghanies and the Mississip-
pi, as far south as the Gulf, was settled
very rapidly. Tennessee, Kentucky and the banks of the Miss-

43 All the Mix Contract papers are found in the American State Papers, I7th
Cong., ist Sess., Sec. 109.

314 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

issippi had the densest population, while between these two
dates, five new western states were admited to the Union.44
In 1820 over one-third of the people of the United States lived
in this region. These facts made the Indian question one of
national importance.

Since 1802 Congress had managed the trading stations, but in

1819 it considered abolishing these posts

CHANGE IN SYS- and opening the fur trade to individ-

TEM OF INDIAN uals.45 In December of that year Calhoun

TRADE made a report dealing with this change.47

Before taking up the real subject of the

report, he summarized the history of Indian trade. When there
were no European settlements in America, the Indians had been
able to supply their own meagre wants, but after they began to
trade with white men, they demanded
CALHOUN'S more than they knew how to make for
REPORT themselves. This made them dependent on

the merchants of the colonies and later, of
the United States. By taking advantage of these circum-
stances, Calhoun wanted the government to establish a just and
efficient control over the Indians, and our trade with them.
He advised the government gradually to abolish its factories
and to open the trading privileges to every man who bought a
license from his department. Calhoun planned to sell the per-
mits for $100, intending by this means to protect the Indian
from the merchant with small capital. These traders would
be hard to keep under government control, for if they were
tried for some offense, they would forfeit their outfit, rather
than obey the laws which secured justice to the Indian.

44 Turner, F. J. Rise of the New West, 70. The new states were Louisiana
(1812), Indiana (1816), Mississippi (1817), Illinois (1818), Alabama (1819).

45 Walker, Statistical Atlas of U. S. Region including Kentucky, Tennessee,
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama and
Florida.

The original 13 Atlantic States had in 1820, 7417 inhabitants. The above
named group had in 1820, 3,216,390 inhabitants.

46 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., and Sess., Ill, 546.
Annals of Congress, isth Cong., ist Sess., II, 1675.

47 Niles' Register, XV, Supplement, 25.

Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 366.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 315

For purposes of administration the territory was divided
into two districts, one in the "immediate
DIVISION OF neighborhood of civilization," and the
TRADING second was the land "west of the Miss-

DISTRICTS issippi." In the first district individual

traders could carry on the work satis-
factorily, while in the other one conditions made this plan
impossible. Here the Hudson's Bay Company was so strong
that it was impossible for unorganized men to compete with
them.48 Calhoun tried to overcome this difficulty by creating
a company of American Fur Traders, in which each man who
was a stockholder, would buy a share for $100.

Calhoun planned a line of forts on the western frontier
for two purposes; to foster and protect
SYSTEM OF trade and keep out English interference.
FORTS PLANNED In 1818 an expedition was sent out to
BY CALHOUN establish a post on the Yellowstone River,
but later in the year he decided to trans-
fer it to Mandan, because that place was nearer the English
post on the Red River.49 At the same time he planned a chain
of forts to guard the frontier.*0 Two posts were to be established
on the Mississippi, one was Fort Armstrong and the other was
siuated at the juncture of that river with the Minnesota river.
At the head of navigation of the Minnesota, he built a second
fort, which had an overland connection with Mandan and the
third was situated at the head of the St. Croix.51

Congress cut down the Indian Appropriations, assuming the
same attitude toward them that they did toward those for
military purposes. In 1822 they hesitated to give Calhoun money

48 Niks' Register, XV, Supplement, 25.

Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, 2455.

Calhoun gives no suggestion that he had ever had any experience with the
small traders mentioned above.

49 House of Representatives, Documents, V. 115, p. 115, 162.
Am. Hist. Ass., 1889-1900, V. 2. Letters of Calhoun-,

Turner, Rise of the New West, 114. In 1820 Calhoun sent Gov. Cass to
Minnesota to drive out the English and establish American influence.

50 House of Representatives, Documents, V. 115, 1899-1900, II, 147-8.
Letters of Calhoun.

Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, IV, 143.

51 See map.

316 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

to conduct this part of his Administration because they did not
know definitely what the money was to
ATTITUDE OF be used for. One Congressman said that
CONGRESS it bribed the savages not to cut the throats
TOWARD INDIAN of white men. Others thought he had
APPROPRIATIONS been extravagant and wasteful in In-
dian affairs.52 There were, however,
enough in favor of the measure to keep it from being de-
feated.63

Mr. McCoy, a Baptist missionary among the Indians of the
United States, wrote on June 23, 1822, to
PLANS FOR Lewis Cass, then Governor of Michigan
COLONIZATION Territory, and to two members of Con-
OF INDIANS gress, concerning a plan for colonizing
WEST OF THE the Indians, then living east of the Miss-
MISSISSIPPI issippi, on land west of that river.5* The
suggestions of Mr. McCoy may have had
some connection with the Resolution for having the Com-
mittee of Indian Affairs, of the House, inquire into the pur-
chasing of land in the west, to be used for the purpose of
colonization.65 On December 30, 1823, a month before this
Resolution was passed, Mr. McCoy called on the Secretary of
War and again urged the plan of moving the Indians to
permanent homes in the west. Mr. Calhoun was in favor of
the policy, and said that it would be successful if they could
convince Congress of its advisability.66 To accomplish this,
the Board of Missions presented a petition to Congress in
March, 1824, praying for the removal of the Indians.67 On
January 27, 1825, Monroe sent a message to Congress, urging
them to take this step and accompanying his message was a
more detailed report from Calhoun.68 He enumerated the places
from which Indians ought to be removed, and located favorable

52 Annals of Congress, i7th Cong., ist Sess., I, 693-695.

53 House Journal, i?th Cong., znd Sess., 312.

54 McCoy, History of Indian Affairs, 200.

55 Annals of Congress, i8th Cong., ist Sess., I, 1164.

56 McCoy, History of Indian Affairs, 218.

57 Annals of Congress, i8th Cong., 2nd. Sess., II.

58 Niles' Register, XXVII, 363.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 317

spots for their settlement west of Arkansas and Missouri. In
carrying out this plan there were several principles to be ob-
served. Above all, the government should try to keep peace
among the different tribes, and the schools, which they had giv-
en, were to be moved with them, so that they should have the
same advantages of civilization. The government agents must
assure them that this new land will not be taken away from
them. An effort should also be made to unite all the tribes and to
introduce the laws of the United States among them, so that in
time they might enjoy the privileges of citizens. To this end
Calhoun advised Congress to hold a convention of the leading
Indians.59

The main ideas which run through Calhoun's reports in this
chapter, are, the necessity of keeping English traders out
of the United States territory, and the peaceful admission of
the Indians to participation in the United States Government.
He realized that if the English were allowed to trade in our
possessions, they would incite the natives to war and drive
out our traders. The Indians could not be civilized while they
were treated as a foreign and often antagonistic nation.

CHAPTER V
THE CONFLICT ON THE FRONTIER

No part of his work as Secretary of War exhibits Calhoun's
diplomacy and caution so well as his connection with the
Seminole War and annexation of Florida.

The War was caused by the attacks of the Seminole Indians

on citizens of the United States, in

CAUSE OF THE Spanish territory and on the American

SEMINOLE WAR side of the boundary.60 The Governor of

Pensacola61 asserted in 1818, that he had

neither the force nor the authority to conquer the Indians, but
that he was as anxious as the United States to stop the out-
rages which they committed.62 Nevertheless the Committee on

Ses egster, , 404.

60 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1618-9.

61 An important Spanish fort in the southwestern part of Florida.

62 Annals of Congress, i$th Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, Appendix, 1970.

318 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

Foreign Affairs, reported to the House of Representatives that
the Spanish had "permitted the Indian inhabitants of that
territory, whom they had promised by treaty to restrain, to en-
gage in savage hostilities against us."68

Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State, asserted that the Spanish
were aiding the Indians, by giving them supplies and allowing
the fort to be used for their councils of war.04

After some hesitation, Calhoun, in the name of the Presi-
dent, ordered General Gaines to cross the

THE U. S. ARMY boundary of Florida and subdue the na-
Is ORDERED tives. This message was sent in a letter
ACROSS THE from the Secretary of War to General

BOUNDARY INTO Gaines, dated December 16, 1817, in
FLORIDA which Calhoun wrote,

"On the receipt of this letter, should

the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for their
outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United States,
it is the wish of the President, that you consider yourself at
liberty to march across the Florida line, and to attack them
within its limits, should it be found necessary, unless they
should shelter themselves under a Spanish fort. In the last
event you will immediately notify this Department."85

General Jackson was not ordered to join Gaines until the
26th of December, 1817,66 and it is very likely that he enjoyed
the same privilege of crossing the Florida boundary. On
December 26th, Calhoun wrote to Jackson, telling him that
Gaines had probably by that date carried the war into Florida,
and,

"With this in view, you may be prepared to concentrate your
force, and to adopt the necessary measures to terminate a con-
flict, which it has been the desire of the President, from con-
siderations of humanity to avoid ; but which is now made nec-
essary by their settled hostilities."67

63 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., IL 1618-9.

64 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., and Sess., IV, 1826-39.
Letter of Mr. Adams to Mr. Erving, Minister to Spain.

65 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 35.

66 Ibid. Page 33.

67 State Papers, i$th Cong., and Sess., Sec. 14, page 33.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 319

Again on January 16th, 1818, Calhoun wrote to General
Gaines,

"The honor of the United States requires, that the war with
the Seminoles should be terminated speedily, and with ex-
emplary punishment for hostilities so unprovoked. Orders
were issued soon after my arrival here, directing the war to
be carried within the limits of Florida, should it be necessary
to its speedy and effectual termination."68

It would have been useless to order the war carried on in
Florida, without allowing General Jackson to cross the bound-
ary of that territory. A good summary of Jackson's powers
was given in a letter from Calhoun to William W. Bibb, Gov-
ernor of Alabama Territory, written on the 13th day of
May, 1818:

"Enclosed is a copy of the order authorizing General Gaines
to carry the war into Florida ; and you will consider it as fur-
nishing authority to the troops of the territory to pass the
Florida line, should it be necessary. I send also a copy of a
message of the President communicatng information in regard
to the Seminole War. General Jackson is vested with full
powers to conduct the war, in the manner which he may
judge best/'69

No direct orders to General Jackson to enter the Spanish
territory, as were given to General

JACKSON TAKES Gaines, can be found in the State Papers.

ST. MARKS AND Nevertheless, he took his troops into

PENSACOLA Florida in the first part of 1818, and on

April 2, captured St. Marks,70 while in

the following May he obtained the surrender of Pensacola,71

both of which were important Spanish forts of the coast.

In June and July of that year, the newspapers made com-
ments on the merits of Jackson's action. The "National In-
telligencer" commended him72 and states that he had taken the

68 Ibid. Page 37.

69 Ibid. Page 39. Evidently Calhoun did not know of the capture of St.
Marks and Penascola when he wrote this letter.

70 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 50-1.

71 Ibid. Page 87.

72 Niles' Register, XIV, 337-383.

320 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

forts for purely patriotic motives. The Democratic Press, as
Niles classed it, praised Jackson for this act,73 while the "Rich-
mond Enquirer," a paper which favored Crawford, called it,

"an act of war and perfidy, showing a grasping nature on
the part of the United States."74

The "Franklin Gazette," a Calhoun paper, said,75

"Jackson is a man of great courage and noble character, but
does not see the value of strict discipline and subordination.
He has placed the country in a most delicate situation."76

Jackson sent a report to Calhoun dated June 2, 1818, giving

an account of the taking of Pensacola, and his reasons for doing

so.77 On his march toward that fort, he had been warned by

the Spanish governor to advance no

JACKSON'S farther, but being confident of the hostile

ACCOUNT OF feelings of the Commander toward the

His CAPTURE OF United States, he proceeded on and took
PENSACOLA the fort with little resistance. Jackson
did not change the Spanish government
of Pensacola, but established revenue laws on the coast to stop
smuggling and admit the American merchants to equal rights
with those of Spain. This event practically closed the war, as
there were very few Indians left who had not recognized the
superiority of Jackson's army. He asserted further, that it was
impossible to establish an imaginary boundary line when Spain
was not doing anything to subdue the Indians in her territory,
and that

"The immutable principles of self-defense, justified, there-
fore, the occupancy of the Floridas and will warrant the Amer-
ican government in holding them until such time when Spain
can maintain her authority in it."

Calhoun emphatically disapproved of the capture of St.
Marks and Pensacola. He wrote to Charles Tait of South
Carolina, on July 20, 1818 :

73 Ibid. 369.

74 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, VI, 50. This reference states that the "Richmond
Enquirer" was a Crawford paper.

Niles' Register, XIV, 371.

75 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, VI, 244-5, gives evidence that the "Franklin
Gazette" supported Calhoun.

76 Niles' Register, XIV, 398-9.

77 State Papers, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 87.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 321

"The taking of Pensacola was unauthorized and done on his

(Jackson's) own responsibility. The place

CALHOUN will be given back to Spain, for above all

CONDEMNS things the peace of the country should

JACKSON FOR be preserved. We have nothing to gain

THE CAPTURE OF in a war with Spain, and would be liable

THESE FORTS to lose our commerce in such a war. We

want time. Let us grow."78

On the same day that this last letter was written John Q.
Adams stated that Calhoun considered the capture of these
two towns a violation of the Constitution and an act of war
against Spain. The Secretary of War even accused Jackson
of having deliberately disobeyed his orders and acted on his
own arbitrary will.78 Yet Calhoun wrote to Jackson on De-
cember 23, 1818,

"Its (Florida) acquisition, in a commercial, military and
point of view would be of great importance to us."80

He may have been working for the same thing that Jackson
was righting for, but condemned Jackson's methods ; or, taking
his letter to Governor Bibb into account, he did not realize,
before the seizure of St. Marks and Pensacola, what the
consequences of such an act would be.

President Monroe ordered the two forts to be surrendered
to the Spanish government until affairs
THE FORTS in Florida could be decided definitely.81
RETURNED TO The remaining question of what to do
SPAIN AND with Jackson was practically determined
JACKSON by public opinion. Calhoun wrote to

PROTECTED BY Mr. Tait, that the popularity of the Gen-
PUBLIC OPINION eral made it impolitic to punish him.83
President Monroe confirms this state-
ment in a letter which he wrote to Madison, acknowledging

78 Gulf State Historical Society, I, 92. Letters of Calhoun to Mr. Tait.

79 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, IV, 113.

80 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. V. II, 87;
1899-1900.

81 State Papers, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Sec. 14, page 87, August 14, 1818.

82 Gulf State Historical Magazine, I, 94.
Letters of Calhoun to Mr. Tait.

322 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

that if Jackson had been brought to trial, the interior of the
country would have been agitated by appeals to the sectional
interests and imputations of subserviency to Ferdinand of
Spain.83

Throughout this series of incidents, Calhoun's principal idea

was to bring about peace as soon as pos-

CALHOUN'S sible.84 He wished to avoid war with

WAR POLICY Spain or England, whom he thought

would come to Spain's aid, because of

the heavy expense of war and the inevitable injury to the

nation's commerce.85

The Acquisition of Florida was a natural sequel to the
conditions involving the Seminole War.
TREATY FOR Before Jackson crossed the boundary
ANNEXATION line, rumors were afloat that Florida was
OF FLORIDA to be transferred to this country.86 A
treaty to that effect was drawn up by
the Department of State and in September, 1819, was ratified
by the Senate.87 Everything was to be settled when King
Ferdinand of Spain signed the same document. For various
reasons this did not take place until 1821. In May, 1820, a
minister from Spain told the government that the King did
not wish to sign the treaty until he knew what policy the
United States would assume toward the South American re-
publics.88 At the same time his attention was called away from
Florida affairs by a revolution in Spain.89

83 Letters of Monroe, VI, 87, Feb. 7, 1819.

84 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, pages 37-8.

85 House of Representatives, V. 115, Documents. Am. Hist. Ass., 1899-1900,
V. 2, pages 145-6.

Calhoun's Letters. Niles' Register, XVI. 88

86 Nilcs' Register, XIII, 29, 95.

87 Letters of Monroe, VI, 106.

88 Letters of Monroe, VI, 118.

Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 181;
1899-1900.

89 Niles' Register, XVIII, 137.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 323

Congress became impatient at his delay, and on March 9,
1820, the Foreign Affairs Committee, at
ACTION OF the suggestion of the President, intro-
CONGRESS AND duced a bill which recommended, in very
ITS INFLUENCE strong terms, the immediate occupation
ON CALHOUN of Florida.90 President Monroe called a
cabinet meeting on March 21, to con-
sider the postponement of proceedings relative to Florida to
the next session of Congress. At this meeting Calhoun firmly
opposed such a measure and ridiculed the idea that we hesitate
on account of foreign interference or the recent revolution in
Spain.91 In the same month he wrote to Jackson expressing
his hope that Congress would take immediate action in regard
to Florida, but he made no reference to his disapproval of
Jackson's conduct in the Seminole War.92 The following May,
Calhoun took exactly the opposite stand and advised the Presi-
dent to refrain from acting on the matter until the next Con-
gress met.93 He was convinced that at present they should not
take such a step, which he felt would bring about a disagree-
ment between the Executive and the Legislature. Calhoun had
reasonable grounds for this last opinion, because on March 30,
the House had voted to lay the Florida bill on the table, and
doubtless did not wish to consider the matter again.94

Above all things Calhoun did not think that the United
States should go to war with Spain for
SUMMARY the possession of Florida. If the nation
OF HIS could annex the territory in peace, he

PRINCIPLES would approve of the step, but they
could not afford to fight for it. He con-
demned Jackson because his actions might lead to a war in
which not only Spain, but also England, would oppose the
United States. The nation needed to accumulate strength in
commerce and internal development. It could not afford to

90 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1618-9.

91 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, V, 29,

92 Letters of Calhoun, House Document, V, 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 171;
1899-1900.

93 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 100-1.

94 Journal of the House, i6th Cong., ist Sess., 353.

324 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

spend money for military supplies, which could be used to great-
er advantage in building roads and canals. Calhoun expressed
the policy of his administration in three words of his letter to
Mr. Tait, when he wrote : "Let us grow."

CHAPTER VI

CALHOUN AS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

John Q. Adams wrote on December 29, 1821, less than a
year after Monroe's second inauguration,
CALHOUN that a delegation of men from Pennsyl-

CONSENTS vania had called on Calhoun and asked

TO BECOME him to become a candidate in the Presi-
A CANDIDATE dential election of 1824.95 He as-
IN 1824 sented, but a few days later assured a

friend, Mr. W. Phemer of New Hamp-
shire, that, after some hesitation, he only wished to run
against a southern man, for personally he was in favor of a
northern President.96 Presumably Calhoun meant by this
that he was willing to compete with Crawford, the Secretary of
the Treasury, a man whom he thoroughly disliked. In a con-
versation with Mr. Adams, on April 22, 1822, Calhoun

"spoke with great bitterness of Crawford, of whose manoeu-
vers and intrigues to secure the election to the next Presi-
dency and to blast the administration of Mr. Monroe, of
which he is a member, he (Calhoun) has a full and thorough
knowledge. He said there had never been a man in our
history, who had risen so high of so corrupt a character or
upon so slender a basis of service; and that he (Calhoun)
had witnessed the whole series of Crawford's operations
from the winter of 1816 to this time."97

95 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 466, 468.

96 Ibid. 477-8.

97 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 497-8.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 325

The other candidates who appeared in 1822, were J. Q.

Adams of Massachusetts, Henry Clay of

COMPARISON Kentucky, Andrew Jackson of Tennessee,

WITH OTHER DeWitt Clinton of New York and Craw-

CANDIDATES ford of Georgia. All of these, with the

exception of Clay, were over ten years

older than Calhoun, who was thirty-eight at the time of his

nomination.98 "His age, or rather his youth," was an obstacle

to success from the very beginning of the campaign."

Party lines were very indefinite in the preliminaries of this

campaign. Gallatin wrote that if Calhoun

PARTY was nominated he would be the "Federal"

DIVISIONS candidate.100 Elijah H. Mills, writing to

IN THIS a friend in 1823, classed Calhoun as a

CAMPAIGN "Democrat" with principles like those of

Adams, inferring that he belonged to the

old conservative democratic party, but of a very different class

from that of Crawford.101 In 1824 Niles stated that Calhoun

was nominated by the Democratic Republicans at Harrisburg,

Pennsylvania.102 Calhoun in his letters, speaks of Crawford as

a Radical, and suggests that he (Calhoun) would like to have

the support of the New York Republicans.103

The following description of this campaign is given by Lyon
G. Tyler, in "The Life and Letters of the Tylers :"

"At this time, five aspirants had loomed up, — William H.
Crawford, Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay
and John Quincy Adams. All these claimed to be of the
good old Republican school, successors in principle as in
time of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. But the truth, that
only the first had any pretensions to true orthodoxy. The
others were latitudinarians from centre to circumference,
new men, supporters of the War of 1812, and all fortunate
enough to be on the national stage at that important juncture,
to gather political capital to speculate on for the rest of their

98 Niks' Register, XXIII, 369.

99 Story, J., Life and Letters of, I, 426.

100 Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 581. May 13, 1822.

101 Letters of Elijah H. Mills, Mass. Hist. Society, XIX, 37. 1881-1882.

102 Niles' Register, XXVI, 20.

103 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II,
page 206.

326 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

natural lives. Restless in the harness of the old party ideas,
they had kicked the traces of strict construction, and were
now eagerly bidding for the scattered Federal vote by vie-
ing with one another in patronizing the vast schemes, em-
braced under the name, 'American System/ "104-105

As most of the candidates mentioned above were in the House

or the Cabinet, they began to form small

FACTIONS OF factions in these departments, through

THE DIFFERENT which they fought for their elections.106

CANDIDATES IN This was partially the cause for the oppo-

THE HOUSE AND sition to the military and Indian appro-

CABINET priations for the Secretary of War. Rufus

King of New York, wrote on January

8, 1822, to C. King,107

"The premature nomination of sundry gentlemen as candi-
dates for the Presidency and among them the nomination of
Mr. Calhoun, has given rise to this discussion, concerning the
proposed appropriation asked for by the Secretary of War
for the Indian Department. Those who may be in favor of
some other candidate than Mr. Calhoun, are supposed to take
this occasion to manifest their dislike to him, though the
occasion is ill taken, and if such be the motive, it seems more
likely to serve than injure him."

In the Cabinet this discussion was made apparent by the
enmity between Calhoun and Crawford. John Q. Adams, the
Secretary of State, who was also a candidate for the Presidency
in this campaign, stated on July 8, 1822 :

"The relations in which I now stand with Calhoun are deli-
cate and difficult. At the last session of Congress he suffered
a few members of Congress, with a newspaper in Pennsyl-
vania, to set him up as candidate for the succession to the
Presidency. From that moment the caballing in Congress,
in the State Legislatures, in the newspapers, and among the
people had been multiplied ten fold. My personal intercourse
with him now is necessarily an intercourse of civility and not
of confidence."108

104 Ibid., 210.

105 Tyler, L. G. Letters and Times of the Tylers, 341; 1880.

1 06 Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 562.

107 King, R., Life and Correspondence, VI, 437.

1 08 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, VI, 42.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 327

In April, 1824, Adams again wrote that precedent and popu-
larity

"was the bent of his (Calhoun's) mind. The primary prin-
ciples involved in any public question are the last that occur
to him. What has been done and what will be said are the
Jachin and Boaz of his argument."10^

It was even asserted by Niles that these cabinet members
worked to promote their own interests
RELATIONS rather than those of their country.110
BETWEEN THE Mr. Von Hoist in his "Life of John C.

ATTACKS ON Calhoun," writes that "The Presidency
CALHOUN AND was at the bottom of these acrimonious
His CANDIDACY bickerings" against the Secretary of
War.111 This was undoubtedly true after
December of 1821, when Calhoun first declared his intention
to be a candidate for the Presidency, and serves to explain the
atacks on the military and Indian appropriations in 1822.112
However, the speeches of Mr. Williams of North Carolina,
against Calhoun's reports in 1819 and the early part of 1821,
must have been prompted by some other motives, for Calhoun's
future aspirations could hardly have been known at that time.113
Newspapers played an important part in the election of 1824.
Four of the Washington papers supported
NEWSPAPER three of the candidates. The "National
PARTISANSHIP Journal" worked for Mr. Adams, the
"National Intelligencer," and "Washing-
ton Gazette" favored Crawford. Calhoun"s paper was the
"Washington Republican,"114 while in the north, the New York
"Patriot," the "Franklin Gazette" and "Boston Galaxy" were
trying to make him President.115

109 Ibid., 177.

1 10 Niles' Register, XXIV, 337.

in Von Hoist, John C. Calhoun, 53. The failure of the Yellowstone Expedi-
tion, mentioned in III, was used against Calhoun in this election. Turner, F. J.
Rise of the New West. Am. Nation Series, 126.

1 12 House of Representatives, Journal, i7th Cong., ist Sess.., 620.

Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, V, 466-468.

Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 1155.

Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 767.

113 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 1155.
Annals of Congress, i6th C

Niles' Register, XXII, 9-10.

1 14 Niles' Register, XXIV, 178.

115 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, VI, 244-5.

328 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

In November, 1823, the South Carolina legislature nominated
Calhoun for President,116 giving as their
NOMINATION reasons,

OF CALHOUN "his devotion to the administration,

superiority to local views and sectional
principles, his zeal and energy in the late war with England,
and his pure and incorruptible integrity."117
When it became evident that General Jackson was the choice
of Pennsylvania, and that that state would determine the elec-
tion, Calhoun very wisely decided to be a candidate for Vice-
President.118

Early in 1824 a test vote in the Assembly and Senate of New
York indicated that he had very little sup-
CALHOUN'S port in those Houses. Adams, Crawford
STRENGTH AS and Clay, in the order named, received
CANDIDATE FOR more votes than Calhoun in the Assem-
PRESIDENCY bly. In the Senate, Adams and Crawford
were ahead of him. "9 A few days later,
on March 20, 1824, the citizens of Carbarrus County, North
Carolina, resolved that they would support Jackson, Calhoun or
Adams for the Presidency, before they would Crawford.120
As candidate for Vice-President, Calhoun proved to have the
support of practically all of the states and
UNITED SUPPORT of both the Adams and Jacksonian fol-
OF BOTH lowers. In New York the friends of

PARTIES FOR General Jackson met and nominated
VICE-PRESIDENCY Jackson and Calhoun for President and
Vice-President.121 The electors of Ver-
mont, who supported Mr. Adams, also voted for Calhoun.122
Maryland gave Jackson seven votes and Adams, three, for
President, while Calhoun received ten for Vice-President.123

116 Letters of Calhoun, House Doc. V, 115. Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 216.

ii7Niles' Register, XXIV, 243.

nSColton, Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, IV, 87.

Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 601-2.
npNiles' Register, XXVII, 19.

120 Ibid. 39.

121 Ibid. 99.

122 Ibid. 161.

123 Niks' Register, XXVI, 39-

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 329

On March 4, 1824, the "Democratic Republicans," at Harris-
burg, Pennsylvania, nominated Jackson
FINAL ELECTION and Calhoun. They paid tribute to the

latter for

"his democracy, enlightened views of national policy and
fearless devotion to public good ;124 his services in the War of
1812, and the economy and system in the War Department,
which saved the country much money."125

When the final vote was taken by the House of Representa-
tives, the three states which Calhoun lost, Delaware, Virginia
and Georgia, were three of the four states which supported
Crawford. All the states whose representatives voted for either
Adams or Jackson were in favor of Calhoun.126

CHAPTER VII
JOHN C. CALHOUN

There are very few sketches of Calhoun's character which
apply only to the time when he was Secretary of War, perhaps
because he did not stand out so prominently in public life in
that period of his career.

When Calhoun assumed the Secretaryship, he brought his

family to Washington and bought the

CALHOUN'S home on the heights of Georgetown to

PERSONALITY which they gave the name "Oakley." He

was very well liked socially on account of

his pleasant, unassuming manners and charming personality.
His unfathomable blue eyes and firm set features, gave indica-
tions of deep thought and self-reliance. When people looked
at him they realized that he had qualities which would make
him a distinguished character among his fellow men.127 At this
time all his virtues were well summarized by one of his later
political enemies, who said, "Mr. Calhoun deserves all that you
can say for him. He is a most captivating man."128

124 Ibid. 20.

125 Ibid. 41. Apparently these were not the same men who approached Cal-
houn about the presidential candidacy.

126 Miles' Register, XXVII, 382-388.

127 Hunt, G., John C. Calhoun, 36.

"Saw in him an indescribable attribute which set him apart from his
fellow men and proclaimed him to be moulded upon greater lines."

128 Colton, Henry Clay Correspondence, Dec. 5, 1824. IV, 107.

330 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

The Calhoun family were prominent in the life of Washing-
ton. Their official dinners were described
SOCIAL as being the most pleasant of any given

POSITION IN by members of the cabinet, the reason be-
WASHINGTON ing that they invited women, and that
Calhoun was an exceedingly good con-
versationalist.129 The attentions and aid which they received at
the death of one of their daughters indicated the regard which
people had for them. Young men especially seemed to be
greatly attracted by Calhoun, and many were influenced by his
political ideals.130

Calhoun was not a man who studied patiently and deeply on

any problem. After giving it a brief

MENTAL survey and grasping the essential points

QUALITIES OF he depended on his intuition and genius

CALHOUN to arrive at a solution. Often this method

brought him correct and even brilliant

conclusions, but sometimes he advocated such radical measures

that his followers rejected them and lost their confidence in

him. Once he advised a member of the Cabinet to study less

and trust more to his genius.

"He certainly practised his own precepts and became justly
a distinguished man," wrote William Wirt, "It may do very
well in politics where a proposition had only to be compared
with general principles with which the politician is fa-
miliar"131

Another, writing of Calhoun's early career, declared :

"He wants, I think, consistency and perseverance of mind,
and seems incapable of long continued and patient investiga-
tion. What he does not see at the first examination, he sel-
dom takes pains to search for; but his analysis never fails to
furnish him with all that may be necessary for his immediate
purposes. In his legislative career, which, though short, was
uncommonly luminous, his love of novelty and his apparent
solicitude to astonish were so great that he has occasionally
been known to go beyond even the dreams of political vision-

129 Ticknor, George, Life of, I, 349.

1 30 Hunt, G., John C. Calhoun, 39.

131 Am. Hist. Review, II, 571-2, 1905-6. John P. Kennedy, Memoirs of the
Life of W \ll\am Wirt, 1849; II, 164.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 331

aries and to propose schemes which were in their nature im-
practicable or injurious, and which he seemed to offer merely
for the purpose of displaying the affluence of his mind and
the fertility of his ingenuity."132

A New England man classed Calhoun next to Webster in

intellectual power and second only to

CHARACTERISTICS Clay as an orator. When Calhoun finished

AS A PUBLIC speaking he left the impression of im-

OFFICIAL mense power.133 and "every thought that

he uttered or imagined was marked by his

grand characteristic, impetuous energy."134 These three men
were called at a later time the

"illustrious triumvirate and the greatest of the second gene-
ration of statesmen, who, within a brief time of one another,
fell, shattered by the contentions of Congress."135

A personal friend of Calhoun's gave the following character
sketch of him :

"He is ardent, persevering, industrious and temperate, —
of great activity and quickness of perception, and rapidity of
utterance, as a politician, too theorizing, speculative and meta-
physical, magnificent in his views of the powers and capaci-
ties of the government, and of the virtue, intelligence and
wisdom of the people. He is in favor of elevating, cherishing
and increasing all the institutions of the government, and of
making a vigorous and energetic administration of it. From
his rapidity of thought, he is often wrong in his conclusions,
and his theories are sometimes impracticable. He has always
claimed to be, and is, of the Democratic party, but of a very
different class from that of Crawford ; more like Adams, and
his schemes are sometimes denounced by his party as ultra
fanatical. His private character is estimable and exemplary,
and his devotion to his official duties is regular and severe.136

132 Am. Hist. Review, II, 570-2, 1905-6.

Quoted by A. Hodgson, Letters from North America, I, 81. Published in
1824.

133 Gulf State Hist. Mag., I, 284. Documents, A New England Estimate of
Calhoun.

1 34 Hart, S. P. Chase, 10.

135 Illinois Hist. Society, 1908, p. 56.
Steven A. Douglas, by Adlai E. Stevenson.

136 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed., XIX, 37; 1881-1882.
Letters of Elijah H. Mills.

332 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

Calhoun gave men such ah impression of seriousness, perhaps

even coldness at times, that he rarely had any intimate friends

and, as he grew older, withdrew more and more to himself.137

All the reports of Calhoun's character were not as favorable

as those given above, for Gallatin in his

CRITICISMS OF letters called him a

CALHOUN "smart fellow, one of the first among

second rate men, but of lax political

principles and a disordinate ambition, not over delicate in the
means of satisfying itself."138

Lyon G. Tyler in his book on the Tylers, writing of the Presi-
dential candidates in 1823, accused Calhoun of gaining political
glory in the War of 1812, and living on it for the rest of his
life.139

In July, 1824, Calhoun stated his views on the interpretation
of the Constitution, in a letter to Robert
CALHOUN'S S. Garnett, declaring that the,
EXPLANATIONS "one portion of the Constitution which
OF His OWN I most admire, is the distribution of

POLITICAL VIEWS power between the States and general
government This is our invention —
and I consider it to be the greatest improvement which has
been made in the science of government, after the division of
power into the legislative, executive and judicial. — It is only
by this admirable distribution that a great extent of territory
with a proportional population and power, can be reconciled
with freedom, and consequently, that safety and respectability
be given to free States. As much then as I value freedom, in
the same degree do I value State rights." Speaking of the
interpretation of the Constitution on this point, he said : "I
can give but one solution to this interesting question, and
that is, it ought to be drawn in the spirit of the instrument
itself. — Believing that no general and artificial rule can be
devised that will not act mischeviously in its application, I am
forced to the result that any doubtful portion of the Consti-
tution must be construed by itself in reference to the true
meaning and intent of the framers of the instrument, and
consequently that the constitution must, in each part, be more

137 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed., XVIII, 459, and Series.
Schouler's Characterization of Calhoun.

138 Adams, Henry, Life of Albert Gallatin, 599.

139 Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, I, 341.

CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 333

or less rigid, as may be necessary to effect the intention, —
and I think it may be said with confidence that I have never
uttered a sentence in any speech, report, or word in conver-
sation that could give offence to the most ardent defender of
States rights. — I have never done any act which, if con-
demned in me, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe
must not be equally condemned. — I have nowhere in my
public capacity asserted the right of applying money (for
internal improvements) so appropriated without the consent
of the States, or individuals affected."140

Calhoun expressed his views concerning the slavery ques-
tion, and the Missouri Compromise in the
ATTITUDE following letter to Mr. Tait of South
ON SLAVERY Carolina, written on October 26, 1820,
just after Calhoun had returned from a
trip to the north :141

"Judging from such facts as come to my knowledge, I cannot
but think that the impression, which exists in the minds of
many of your virtuous and well-informed citizens to the
South, and among others who are your own, that
there has commenced between the North and the South a
premeditated struggle for superiority, is not correct. That
there are some individuals to the North, who for private ob-
jects, wish to create such a struggle, I do not doubt. It
suits their ambition, and gives them hopes of success, as the
majority of votes both in Congress and the electoral college
is from the north ; or rather from non-slave-holding states.
But their number is small and the few there are, are to be
found almost wholly in New York, and the middle states. I
by no means identify the advocates for restriction and Mis-
souri with them. The advocates of restriction are acuated by
a variety of motives. The great body of them are actuated
by motives perfectly honest. Very few look to emancipation.
I state the case, as I am well assured that it exists. We to
the South ought not to assent easily to the belief, that there
is a conspiracy either against our property, or just weight in
the Union. A belief of the former might and probably would
lead more directly to disunion, with all of its horrors. That
of the latter would co-operate, as it appears to me, directly

140 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V 115 Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 219-23;
1899-1900.

141 Gulf States Historical Magazine, I, 99- Letters of Calhoun to Tait.

334 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG

with the scheme of the few designing men to the North who
think they see their interest in exciting a struggle between
the two portions of our country. If we, from such a belief,
systematically oppose the North, they must from necessity,
resort to a similar opposition to us. Our true system is to
look to the country and to support such measures and such
men, without a regard to sections, as are best calculated to
advance the general interest. I firmly believe that, those in-
dividuals and sections of country, who have the most enlight-
ened and devoted zeal to the common interest, have also the
greatest influence.

"I have sometimes feared that the Missouri question will
create suspicions to the South very unfavorable to a correct
policy. Should emancipation be attempted, it must and will
be resisted at all costs, but let us first be certain that it is the
real object, not by a few but by a large portion of the non-
slave-holding states."

Social justification was Calhoun's argument in defense of
slavery. In conversation with J. Q. Adams, during March of
1820, he said :

"Domestic labor was confined to the blacks, and such was
the prejudice, that if he (Calhoun) who was the most popu-
lar man in his district, were to keep a white servant in his
house, his character and reputation would be irretrievably
ruined. I (Adams) said that this confounding of the ideas
of servitude and labor was one of the bad effects of slavery ;
but he thought it attended with many excellent conse-
quences. It did not apply to all kinds of labor — not, for
example, to farming. He himself has followed the plow ; so
had his father. Manufacturing and mechanical labor was
not degrading. It was only manual labor — the proper work
for slaves; no white person could descend to that. And it
was the best kind of guarantee to equality among the whites.
It produced an unvarying level among them. It not only did
not excite, but did not even admit of inequalities, by which
one man could domineer over another."142

142 Adams, J. Q., V, 10.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SOURCES.

MEMOIRS, LETTERS AND BIOGRAPHIES.

1. Adams, John Quincy, Memoirs (1817-1825) ; Ed. by Charles

Francis Adams, Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1874-
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2. Buchanan, James, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by John Bassett

Moore. Philadelphia and London, J. B. Lippincott Co., 1808-

II. 12 vol.

3. Calhoun, J. C, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by Richard K. Cralle.

New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1888. 6 vol.

4. Henry Clay, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by Calvin Colt on. New

York and London, G. P. Putnam's Son, 1904.

5. Conway, M. Daniel, Memoirs; Boston and New York, Houghton,

Mifflin & Co., 1905. 2 voL

6. Dix, J. A., Memoirs; comp. by Morgan Dix. New York, Harper

and Brothers, 1883. 2 vol.

7. Forbes, J. M., Letters and Recollections; Ed. by Sarah Forbes

Hughes. Boston, 1899. 2 vol.

8. Greeley, Horace, Recollections of a Busy Life; New York, 1868.

9. Gulf State Historical Magazine; Ed. by T. M. Owen, 1902-1903.

J. C. DuBoise, 1903-1904. Montgomery, Ala. 2 vol. Letters
of Calhoun to Mr. Tait. A New England Estimate of Calhoun.
Vol. I.

10. Illinois Historical Society, Transactions; Ed. by authority of

Board of Trustees of State Historical Library. Springfield,

III. Phillips Bros. 28 vol. Stephen A. Douglas, Vol. 13, 1908.

11. King, Rufus, Life and Correspondence; (1817-1825), Ed. by C. R.

King, New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1894-1900. 6 vol.

12. McCoy, History of Baptist Missions; Washington, 1840.

13. Magazine of American History, New York and Chicago, A. S.

Barnes & Co., 1877-93. 30 vol. Description of Calhoun's Per-
sonal Appearance. 1845. Vol. IX.

14. Madison, James, Writings; (1817-1825) IX; Ed. by Gaillard Hunt,

New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900-10. 9 vol.

15. Monroe, James, Writings (1817-1825) VI; Ed, by S. M. Hamilton.

New York, London, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898-1903. 7 vol.

16. Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 1860-2, Ed. in 1862,

Memoirs of Nathan Appleton. 1881-2, Ed. in 1879-1880. Let-
ters of Elijah H. Mills, Federalist Representative in 1815,
2nd Series, Ed. in 1903, Schouler on Calhoun, Vol. 18. The
Constitutional Ethics of Secession, Vol. 17.

17. Story, J., Life and Letters, I, Ed. by W. W. Story, London, 1851.

3 vol

18. Taney, Roger B., Memoirs; Ed. by Samuel Tyler, 2nd rev. and

enlarged edition. Baltimore, John Murphy & Co. 1876.

19. Ticknor, George, Life, Letters and Journals of, I, Boston, Hough-

ton, Mifflin & Co., 1909. 2 vol.

336 BIBLIOGRAPHY

20. Webster, Daniel, Writings and Speeches, I, 1782-1852. Boston,

Little, Brown & Co. 1908. 18 vol.

21. William and Mary Quarterly; Ed. by L. G. Tyler, Williamsburg,

Va. Vol. 17-19. The United States Congress and some of its
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NEWSPAPERS.

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Baltimore, Franklin Press. 1811-1849.,

GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS.

1. Annals of Congress, 15th, 16th, 17th Congresses. 1817-1825.

2. Journal of the House of Representatives, 1817-1825. 15th, 16th,

17th Congresses.

3. State Papers, 15th Cong., 2nd Sess. Vol. I, 17th Cong., 1st Sess.,

Vol. II.

4. House Documents, Vol. 115. American Historical Association Re-

ports, Vol. II, 1899-1900. Calhoun Correspondence. (1817-1825).

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1. Abbott, Lyman, Henry Ward Beecher, Boston and New York.

Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1904.

2. Adams, Henry, Life of Albert Gallatin, Philadelphia and London,

J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1880.

3. American Historical Association, Papers, V, New York and Lon-

don, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1886-9. Prof. McLaughlin's Paper
on the Influence of Governor Cass, Vol. III.

4. American Historical Review, New York, The Macmillan company;

Vol. 1-16. The South 1820-1830, Turner, Vol. II, 1905-6.
Letters of Vergil Maxcy to R. S. Garnett, Vol. 12, 1906-7.

5. Babcock, K. C. Rise of American Nationality, Am. Nation Series,

Vol. 13. New York and London, Harper and Brothers. 1906.

6. Bancroft, F., Life of Seward, 1801-1872. New York, 1900, 2 vol.

7. Curtis, Life of James Buchanan; New York, Harper and Brothers,

1883. 2 ' vol.

8. Hart, A. B., S. P. Chase; Ed. by Morse. Boston and New York,

Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1899.

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delphia, George W. Jacobs & Co. 1908.

10. Leland Stanford Junior University Publications, History and Eco-

nomics. Palo Alto, 1892-1896. Vol. 1-3. The Tariff Contro-
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11. McLaughlin, Andrew C., Governor Cass; Ed. by Morse. Boston

and New York, Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1891.

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Life of D. B. Cook, F. J. Turner, Vol. 31.

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14. Schouler, History of the United States. New York, Dodd Mead

& Co. 1894-99.

15. Studies in Historical and Political Science, Johns Hopkins Uni-

versity, Series 1-29. Baltimore, 1883. States Rights in N. Car.
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16. Tyler, L. G., Letters and Times of the Tylers, I, Richmond, Va.

Whittet and Shepperson, 1884-96. 3 vol.

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New York and London, Harper and Brothers, 1907.

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Co. 1882.

"ADDRESS"

(By the Canadian settlers of the Willamette Valley to the
American settlers on proposed political organization.)

TRANSLATION BY P. J. FREIN.

We, the Canadian citizens, inhabitants of (this word looks
like Wallamet which would be about the way a Frenchman
would write "Willamette") considering with interest and re-
flection the subject which has brought the people to this as-
sembly, do present to the citizens of American extraction, and
particularly to the gentlemen who have solicited the said
assembly, the unanimous expression of our cordial sentiments,
of our desire for union and for perpetual and unalterable peace
among us all, and considering our duty and interest of the new
colony, we declare :

1st. That we desire laws or regulations for the well being
of ourselves, and for the security of our property and our
labors.

2nd. That we will not rebel against the measures of that
nature passed last year by a part of the people; although we
do not approve certain regulations nor certain kinds of laws.
Let those (last year's — P. J. F.) magistrates finish their year.
(This last clause seems to have been inserted as an after-
thought—P. J. F.)

3rd. That we will not make new demands upon the Ameri-
can government because it is not decided that this land belongs
to it and because we have our reasons, until the time for fixing
the boundary of the States (U. S.) be decided upon.

4th. That we object to too anticipatory regulations which
may lead to lawsuits over boundary stones, supposed directions,
and the registry of lands, in view of the fact that we have no
guarantees from the government to be established, and that
perhaps even tomorrow all those measures may be abrogated.

5th. That we do not desire a kind of temporary government
which may be too individual and too encumbent with officers
useless to us in our poverty, and who would be a burden to the
colony rather than an advantage to it. Moreover, lawyers and

ADDRESS 339

literary men are too rare and have too much to do in a country
so new.

6th. That we want rather the system of senate, or Council,
to decide quarrels, punish crimes, except capital punishment,
and to make suitable regulations for the people.

7th. That the Council might be elected and composed of
members from all parts of the country, after the manner of
civilized countries, to act in a body, or to be represented par-
ticularly by the president, for example, and by a justice of the
peace for each part of the country, except the right of appeal
to the entire body of the Senate.

8th. That those members be asked to devote their attention
to their own and the public's welfare, through the love of right
rather than through hope of gain, so as to remove from the
mind of the people all suspicion of personal interest on the part
of their representatives and honorable legislators.

9th. That every law burdensome and oppressive to the peo-
ple— especially to the newcomers — must be avoided. Such are
imposts, useless taxes, all kinds of registration. (This prob-
ably means things that had to be registered to make them legal,
and possibly requiring a stamp of the government, P. J. F.)
We will have none of them.

10th. That the militia is useless at this time and rather a
source of danger because the tribes of savages may take
umbrage at them ; they are also the cause of delay in the neces-
sary (public — P. J. F.) works and at the same time they are a
financial burden. We will have none of them either, for the
present.

1 1th. That we consider this country as free, today and until
it has been decided by the two governments; free for every-
body to establish themselves in it without any distinction of
origin, and without any right to fine them so that they may be-
come pretended citizens of English, Spanish or American al-
legiance.

12th. That, thus, we intend to be free, we, the subjects of
England, as well as those of France, of Ireland, of California, or
of the United States, or even the native Indians ; and we desire

340 ADDRESS

a union with all respectable citizens who wish to establish them-
selves in this country, where we ask to be free to make any
regulation suitable to our needs, with the general provision
that we have some manner of redress for any grievance done
us by foreigners and that our customs and our reasonable rights
be respected.

13th. That we are ready to submit to a legitimate and rec-
ognized government, if such come.

14th. That nobody is more desirous than we of prosperity
of welfare, and of general peace — and especially of the guar-
antee of our liberty and of our rights. That is our hope for
all who are now becoming and who will hereafter become our
fellow citizens, and for long years of peace! (Here is added
the Old French: li suivent les nos — meaning "may we attain
unto it")

15th. That it be not forgotten that laws are needed only for
necessary cases. The more laws there are, the more oppor-
tunity for knavery on the part of lawyers and the greater will
be the trouble perhaps, some day.

16th. That, besides the members called to the legislative
hall to discuss and pass regulations for the needs of the colony,
every honest person shall have the right to take part in the dis-
cussions and to give his opinion, since the welfare of all is at
stake.

17th. That it be remembered, during a lawsuit, that import-
ance should be given to ordinary proofs of fact rather than to
subtle points of law, so that justice may be attained and that
trickery be not practiced.

18th. That in a new country, the greater the number of men
employed and paid by the public, the fewer the men left for
industries.

S. SMITH,

JOSEPH K. GERVAIS,
FRANCIS RENAY,
CHAS. E. PICKETT,
S. M. HOLDERNESS.

ADDRESSE

Nous les citoyens canadiens, habitans du Wallamet, consid-
erant avec interet et reflexion le suyet qui reunit le peuple a la
presente assemblee presentons aux citoyens d'origine americaine
et particulierement aux messieurs qui ont sollicite la dite as-
semblee 1' unanime expression de nos sentimens de cor-
dialite, de desir d' union et de paix perpetuelle et inalterable
entre tant de monde en vue de notre devoir et de 1' interet de la
nouvelle colonie et declarons :

1° Que nous souhaitons des lois ou reglemens pour le bien-
etre de nos personnes et la securite de nos biens et de nos
travaux.

2 Que nous ne voulons point nous rebeller contre les
mesures de ce genre passees 1' annee derniere par une partie du
peuple ; quoi que nous n' approuvions point certains reglemens
ni certains modes de loi. Que ces magistrats achevent 1' annee.

3 Que nous ne voulons point adresser de nouvelle demande
au gouvernement americain par ce qu' il n' est pas decide que
ce terrain lui appartienne, et par ce que nous avons nos raisons,
en attendant que la ligne soit decidee pour fixer les frontieres
des Etats.

4 Que nous nous opposons aux reglemens trop anticipes et
exposant a des suites pour les bornes, les directions supposees
et les enregestremens des terres, vu que nous n'avons pas de
garanties vis avis du gouvernement a venir, et que peut-etre des
demain toutes ces mesures seront brisees.

5 Que nous ne voulons pas d' un mode de gouvernement
temporaire trop individuel et trop rempli de grades inutiles a
notre pauverete et surchargeants plutot la colonie qu' il ne 1*
avancerait. D' ailleurs les hommes de loi et de lettres sont trop
rares et ont trop a faire dans un pays si nouveau.

6 Que nous desirons plutot le mode de senat ou conseil pour
juger les differens, punir les crimes (excepte la peine de mort),
et faire les reglemens convenables au peuple.

7 Que ce conseil pourrait etre elu et compose de membres
de toutes les parties du pays, sur le plan des pays civilises, pour

342 ADDRESS

agir en corps, ou se faire representer en particulier par le presi-
dent, par exemple, et par un juge de paix, sauf le droit de rappel
au corps du senat entier.

8 Que ces membres soient pries de s' interesser a leur bien-
etre et a celui du public par amour du bien plutot que par espoir
de recompense afin d' oter de T estime du peuple tout soupc.on
d' interet dans les personnes de leurs representans et respect-
ables legislateurs.

9 Qu' il faut eviter toute loi surchargeante et penible au
peuple, surtout aux nouveaux arrivans; les impots, les taxes
inutiles, les enregistremens quelconques sont de ce generenous
n' en voulons point.

10 Que la milice est inutile a present et plutot un danger
d* ombrage pour les nations Sauvages, et un retardement aux
travaux necessaires, en meme terns que c' est une charge nous
n' en voulons point non plus a present.

11 Que nous regardons le pays comme libre aujour d' hui
jusqu* a ce qu'il aitete decide entre les gouvernemens, libre a
tout individu de s' y etablir sans distinction d' origine et sans
droit a lui faire payer pour qu' il devienne citoyen soit de pre-
tention Anglaise, espagnole ou Americaine.

12 Qu' ainsi nous pretendons etre libre, nous sujets anglais
aussi bien que ceux de France, d' Irlande, de Californie ou des
Etats-Unis, ou du pays meme; et nous desirons 1' union avec
tous les citoyens respectables qui veulent s' etablir dans le pays
ou-nous demandons de nous reconnoitre libre entre nous de
faire tel ou tel reglement convenable a nos besoins, sauf la
reserve generale d' avoir moyen de justice de tout etranger qui
nous offenseroit — et que nos coutumes et nos pretensions rai-
sonnables soient respectees.

13 Que nous sommes prets a nous soumettre a un gouverne-
ment legitime et connu, s' il vient.

14 Que personne n' est plus desireux que nous le sommes
de la prosperite, de 1' amelioration et de la paix generale et
surtout de la garantie de nos libertes et de nos droits. Cest le
voeu que nous faisons pour tous ceux qui deviennent ou qui
deviendront nos compatriotes — et pour de longues annees de
paix!

ADDRESS i,

li suivent les nos.

15 Qu' on n' oublie pas qu' il ne faut de lois que pour les
cas necessaires. Plus il y a de lois, plus il y a d' occasion de
fourberie pour ceux qui en font profession, et plus il y aura
peut-etre de derangement un jour.

16 Qu' outre les membres appeles a la chambre d' assemblee
pour discuter et regler les besoins de la colonie, toute personne
honnete ait droit de prendre fait et cause dans ces conferences
et de donner son avis, puis qu'il s' agit des affaires de tous.

17 Q' on n' oublie pas, dans un proces, qu' avant toute sub-
tilite sur 1' accomplissement des points de la loi les preuves or-
dinaires de certitude du fait sont a faire valoir, afin de rendre
justice et non pas d' exercer a la ruse.

18 Dans un pays nouveau, plus il y a d' homines employes
et payes par le public, moms il en reste pour 1' Industrie.

S. SMITH, Prest.

FRANCIS RENAY / ,,. „

JOSEPH X GERVAIS f Vls Frest

CHAS. E. PICKETT I Q , P,

S. M. HOLDERNESS f ^ectretans I - )

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XIII DECEMBER 1912 NUMBER 4

Copyright, 1912, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

TRANSMISSION OF INTELLIGENCE IN EARLY
DAYS IN OREGON5

By Clarence B. Bagley

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen :

In these days of wireless and other telegraphs, telephones,
railroads and steamships, automobiles and flying machines,
those who have no personal recollections of pioneer life cannot
realize the privations and dangers, intensified by difficult and
often total lack of means of travel and communication, among
the people of Oregon in its early years. It is with the thought
that a brief recitation of a few incidents connected with the
exchange of information between near and remote points in
those days would be of interest that this paper is prepared.

The aborigines of the Northwest coast had absolutely no
methods of recording events, and no method of communicating
intelligence with each other beyond the limits of their voices.

The nomadic or plains Indians on both sides of the Rocky
Mountains were skilled in the use of fires, smoke, blankets and
gestures to convey to each other information pertaining to their
daily affairs, and in the high, clear altitudes have been known
to communicate with each other a distance of 60 miles.

Catlin records a rude system of pictographs, marked or
burned on prepared skins of animals or bark of trees, whereby
many notable feats of Indian chieftains in the matter of horse-
stealing, scalp-lifting, or just plain killing, were preserved after
a fashion.

*Read before the annual meeting of the members of the Oregon Historical
Society, held at Portland, December 21, i^J2.

348 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

•
A search through the works of Cox, Ross, Gibbs, Dall, Kane

and 20 or 30 other early writers about Indians and their daily
life does not show that the natives within the present confines
of Oregon and Washington used signals to convey informa-
tion to a distance, but they undoubtedly must have done so. In
a monograph prepared by Colonel Granville O. Haller regard-
ing his campaign into the Yakima country during October,
1855, he remarks: "The Indians evidently possessed some
system of telegraphy or signals. At times groups of Indians
were observed so near as to be within the range of the howitzer
in places where they unconsciously exposed themselves to
danger without being able to see into camp; yet the moment
the howitzer was moved toward such parties they instantly
dispersed, no doubt warned by their friends, through signals."
Personally, I do not accept this as conclusive, for on Puget
Sound I have been present when Indians were calling to each
other intelligibly at a distance of more than 1000 yards, and it
may have been that some equally strong lunged savage was
directing his comrades orally during the engagement.

From the time the Astor expedition failed, for 10 years few
white men penetrated the lower Columbia. About 1824, the
Hudson's Bay Company established Fort Vancouver and it at
once became the center of the vast operations of that company
on the Pacific. For a quarter century all communication of
intelligence from Sitka on the north to Yerba Buena and
Mazatlan on the south, from Fort Hall, and even on to the
Great Lakes and to the St. Lawrence, and westward to the
Sandwich Islands was conducted by that company. It had
ships to and from London, schooners to Honolulu, steamers
from Nisqually to Victoria, Langley and Sitka. Expresses
were sent in every direction as the needs of the service re-
quired. By canoe down the Columbia and up the Cowlitz to a
landing near the Cowlitz Farms, and thence to Nisqually by
land. The trip usually required six days. From Nisqually,
by canoe, to Victoria and Langley, though sometimes the Cad-
boro served, and after 1836 the steamer Beaver and later the
Otter, in place of canoes.

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 349

There were three ships in the trade between England and
Vancouver — the Vancouver, Columbia and Cowlitz. Outward
bound, they were loaded with machinery, tools, goods and
articles of trade not produced on the Pacific Coast. After
unloading, they went north to Sitka, or to the Sandwich
Islands, in either case carrying lumber and flour and bartered
as they went. The round trip took three years, including the
return to England carrying the furs and skins collected all over
the Pacific slope and making up the cargo with wool, hides,
horns and tallow. Of more interest than all else were the let-
ters from home, newspapers and books and friends and visitors
who came to stay for a time or permanently. Practically all
the news from home came that way during the early years
after 1824.

In 1838, about three years after the establishment of the
Methodist Missions in Oregon, it had become apparent that,
so far as the work among the Indians was concerned, it had
been and must be a failure. To Jason Lee and others, the
establishment of civilization with religion and good govern-
ment as the foundation of the edifice became the paramount
issue. It was agreed that Lee should become the messenger
to personally represent to the Church Board, to the authorities
at Washington and the public generally the needs and value of
the country ; to secure men and means for extended church
work and to enlist the attention of those who might wish to
migrate to it. He carried with him a petition or memorial
signed by three- fourths of the white male population of Ore-
gon. It gave an accurate description of the country, its fer-
tility, climate and general adaptability for the home of thous-
ands of settlers. The document was a literary gem, full of
patriotic sentiment — more the work of a statesman than a
preacher. Late in March, 1838, a party consisting of P. L.
Edwards, of the Mission, a Mr. Ewing returning to his home
in Missouri, and two Indian boys named William Brooks and
Thomas Adams, headed by Jason Lee, began the long and
hazardous journey eastward. Going up the Columbia River to
The Dalles and Fort Walla Walla and to Whitman Mission,

350 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

inland about 25 miles, they remained there until April 12. Then
eastward by way of Forts Boise and Hall, they left the latter
post June 21. After the usual dangers and trials of the over-
land route in those days they reached the Shawnee mission
near Westport on the first of September, five months on the
way. Here Mr. Lee was overtaken by a messenger who had
been dispatched for the purpose by Dr. McLoughlin, carrying
the sad news that Mrs. Lee and their infant son had died a
little more than two months before. Could any deed more
fully portray the nobility of character and kindliness of heart
than this of John McLoughlin, by sending a courier 2000 miles
to apprise a friend of his great bereavement ?

May 6, 1842, an emigrant train, composed of 112 persons,
left Independence, Mo., for Oregon. I have always felt that
more prominence should have been given to this expedition, as
it was the first of its kind, but the notable ride of Dr. Whitman
and the voluminous and interminable discussion of matters con-
nected with his errand and the migration to Oregon in 1843
have completely eclipsed the earlier expedition in the minds of
the reading public.

Three men who became in later years notably prominent in
Oregon affairs were a part of this train — Dr. E. White, Medor-
em Crawford and A. L. Love joy. The wagons were left at
Fort Hall.

February 23, 1842, the prudential committee of the mission
board that had control of the Whitman-Spalding-Eells mission
passed resolutions discontinuing three of the four stations, re-
calling Spalding and Gray to the states and ordering Whitman
to dispose of the mission property at the station thus abolished
and directing Whitman to join Walker and Eells at Tshimakain.

News of this destructive order was brought to Whitman by
Dr. E. White, reaching him about September 10. At once he
dispatched messengers to his colleagues and they assembled at
Wai-il-at-pu September 26-28. After the objections of Eells
and Walker were overcome, H was decided that Whitman
should go East by the overland route. October 5 was the time
set and the other members of the mission returned to their

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 351

stations to prepare long- letters to send by him. However, he
started two days earlier, or on October 3, 1842. A. L. Lovejoy
accompanied him. Usually they would have had little difficulty
in getting across the Rocky Mountains before winter set in.
They reached Fort Hall in the short space of 11 days. Par-
enthetically, I may say that in 1852 it took our Oregon train,
using horses, from July 12 to August 20 to drive from Fort
Hall to Umatilla — so they certainly made good time on this
part of the trip. Instead of going by the direct route through
the South Pass, they turned south through Salt Lake and Taos,
towards Santa Fe. They encountered storms, snow, ice and
partly frozen rivers. Their guide lost his direction and only
the most heroic efforts and a succession of seeming miracles
preserved them from destruction. From Taos they started for
Bent's Fort, on the head waters of the Arkansas River. Near
that fort they overtook a party en route for St. Louis. Mr.
Lovejoy remained at the fort until Spring, but Dr. Whitman
pressed on and reached Westport, now a part of Kansas City,
February 15, 1843, about 19 weeks on the way. From there to
St. Louis he went on horseback and thence by stage eastward,
as the winter was unusually severe and the frozen rivers did
not break up until April to permit steamboat navigation. He is
recorded as being in New York City March 29 and in Boston
from March 30 to April 8. His movements between February
15 and March 29 are not recorded, but a winter trip by land
from the Missouri River to the Atlantic seaboard would prob-
ably have consumed most of that time. This was almost six
months after leaving home.

The Provisional Government, June 28, 1845, adopted a reso-
lution of about 1000 words, addressed to the United States
Congress, which was not printed in the Grover archives. I
am sure it would interest all those present, if there were time,
to -hear it read, and as it was signed by those who, in later
years, played an important part in Oregon affairs, I venture to
give their names : Peter G. Stewart, W. J. Bailey, and Osborn
Russell, executives; J. W. Nesmith, Judge of Circuit Court;
M. M. McCarver, speaker ; Jesse Applegate, Medare G. Foisy,

352 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

W. H. Gray, J. M. Garrison, Abijah Hendricks, David Hill,
H. A. G. Lee, Barton Lee, John McClure, Robert Newell, J. W.
Smith, Hiram Straight, members of the Legislative Council.
Ability on the part of its author and moderation in its prepara-
tion are apparent in every paragraph. It recites the condition of
the people, "the fact that the temporary government being lim-
ited in its efficiency and crippled in its powers by the paramount
duty we owe to our respective governments, our revenues being
inadequate to its support and almost total absence apart from
the Hudson's Bay Company of the means of defense against
Indians. . . . The citizens of the United States are scat-
tered for a wide extent of the territory without a single place
of refuge. We have neither ships of war, nor of commerce,
nor any navigation of the rivers of the interior."

It asked for a distinct territorial government, for means of
protection against Indians, for Indian agents, and the acquire-
ment of the lands from the Indians ; for donations of lands to
settlers then in Oregon and to come; for navy yards and
marine depots on the Columbia River and Puget Sound (this
was before an American settler had reached Puget Sound) ;
for proper commercial regulations ; for adequate military pro-
tection to emigrants or by military escort ; for "a public mail to
be established to arrive and depart monthly from Oregon City
and Independence, Mo., and that such other local mail routes
be established, as are essential to the Willamette country and
other settlements."

December 23, 1845, it passed "an act to create and establish
a Postoffice Department, under which William G. T'Vault
became Postmaster-General. February 5, 1846, he advertised
in the Spectator for the carrying of mails on the following
routes: (1) From Oregon City to Fort Vancouver, once in
two weeks by water. (2) From Oregon City to Hill's in
Twality County; thence to A. J. Hembree's, in Yamhill
County; thence to N. Ford's, Polk County; thence to Oregon
Institute, Champoeg County; thence to Catholic Mission and
Champoeg to Oregon City, once in two weeks on horseback.

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 353

The Whitman massacre occured November 29-30, 1847. An
express was at once sent to Fort Vancouver, arriving there
December 6. Mr. Douglas' letter was read in the Legislature
the afternoon of the 8th, and preparations for war with the
Indians were begun at once. On the 15th resolutions were
passed providing for sending a special messenger overland to
Washington. Joseph L. Meek was chosen for the Eastern trip,
and $500 was appropriated to pay his expenses, but as it was
given him in the form of a draft from the Methodist mission
upon the mission authorities in New York City, he had to de-
pend upon his own resources in making the trip. He was a
member of the Legislative Council, but resigned December 16
and began his preparations for a trip that only a mountain man
would have dared to attempt or hoped to accomplish. January
4, 1848, with credentials from the Oregon Legislature and
dispatches to the President and Congress, and two traveling
companions, John Owens and George W. Ebberts, he set out on
the expedition so full of peril by reason of the inclement season
and the hostile spirit of the Indians.

At The Dalles they overtook the Oregon riflemen. Chafing
under the necessity of having to wait the slow movements of
the little army, it was almost the first of April before the party
began the ascent of the Blue Mountains. In the meantime
Meek had assisted at the interment of his old friends, Dr. Whit-
man and wife, and his own little daughter, who was being
educated at the mission and who died of exposure in the days
following the massacre.

The well-known emigrant route was followed most of the
way. The snows were deep and at times the cold intense. At
Fort Boise, at the mouth of the Boise River, near its con-
fluence with the Snake River, and at Fort Hall, on the Snake,
about 15 miles above where the Portneuf joins the larger
stream, they were entertained with generous hospitality and
supplied with everything they wished to add to their outfit.
After leaving Fort Hall on the way over the divide to Bear
River, the soft drifts of new fallen snow compelled them to
abandon their horses and proceed on snowshoes, which they

354 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

constructed from willow twigs. Provisions became scarce ; one
night they supped on two polecats they were fortunate enough
to encounter. Near the headwaters of Bear River they met
another historic character, Peg-leg Smith, who supplied their
pressing needs and sent them on their way with all the pro-
visions they could carry. From Bear River they went over to
Green River, and from there to Fort Bridger. Here they found
Bridger, who fed them well and supplied them with good
mules. In the South Pass the snows were very deep, and two
of their mules were lost in it, so they had to ride and walk by
turns. Game was scarce, and by the time the party reached
Fort Laramie they were nearly starved, as well as almost
frozen.

From that point to St. Joseph, Mo., the difficulties from cold
and snow and lack of food were not so great, but they were in
constant danger from Indians, and but for Meek's previous ex-
perience in caring for his scalp it is doubtful if they would have
got through safely. From St. Joe to St. Louis they went by
steamer. Here Meek got in communication with the President
by telegraph, and thence to Washington by steamer and stage
the remainder of the trip was made in comparative ease. The
trip from the westerly slope of the Blue Mountains to the Mis-
souri River was made in a little more than a month over two
mountain ranges during inclement weather. It was one of the
notable achievements in that period of heroic efforts and ac-
complishments.

After Meek's departure, the Oregon Legislature also re-
solved to send a messenger overland to California to notify
Governor Mason of the massacre and through him the com-
mander of the United States squadron, asking for arms and
ammunition for arming the settlers and a war vessel to be
stationed in the Columbia River. Jesse Applegate, at the head
of a party of 16 experienced men, set out on that errand about
the first of February, but encountered such depth of snow they
were compelled to return. The letters they carried were deliv-
ered to the brig Henry, March 11, and in due time reached their
destination, but not in time to do any good. In fact, I do not find

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 355

that the commander of the squadron made any effort to extend
aid to the colonists in their distress.

The Oregon and American Evangelical Unionist, the third
newspaper published in Oregon, was published at Tualatin
Plains, the first number appearing June 7, 1848. Under the
heading "Mails," it said, "Probably the greatest embarrassment
to the successful operation of the presses in Oregon is the want
of mails." It had made arrangement with Mr. Knox to carry
the paper on the east side of the Willamette and with Mr.
Stoughton on the west side from Oregon City through Tuala-
tin, Yamhill and into the upper part of the valley, once in two
weeks. Mr. Knox started out with 16 subscribers. It had also
made arrangements to receive mails regularly from Portland
once each week and oftener by express whenever foreign in-
telligence appeared in the river.

"June 31st — The Hudson's Bay Company's bark Cowlitz
from the Sandwich Islands crossed the Columbia bar the 14th
and arrived at Vancouver the 20th, and at once began loading
wheat for Sitka. She brought news of the death in Washing-
ton February 23d of the venerable John Ouincy Adams," just
five months before.

July 5, the arrival of the Evelyn with Sandwich Island notes
to June 3 is noted at length. It copied from the Polynesian of
Honolulu, and the Sandwich Island paper had in turn copied
from London papers as late as February 26. These papers
came by way of Mazatlan on the west coast of Mexico. No
regular communication existed between Mazatlan and Aca-
pulco in Mexico and San Francisco, or the Columbia River,
but a line of schooners plied between the west coast of Mexico
and the Sandwich Islands while the Hudson's Bay Company
had frequent communication between these islands and Van-
couver. Newspapers and letters were carried by water to
Eastern ports on the Gulf of Mexico, thence overland to the
west coast and in this way information regarding occurrences
in the Atlantic States four months previous and in Europe still
a month earlier was brought to Oregon and published as news.

356 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

The ratification of the tre'aty with Mexico at Washington on
the 15th of March was discussed by the newspaper at length
and with much animadversion as being in the interests of the
slave holding oligarchy of the South.

August 16th, by the Louise regular files of California papers
to May 29th received, announcing the discovery of gold "some
way above Sutter's fort, about 130 miles from San Francisco."
June 17, the Mary had arrived direct from Boston. All this
news was from the Polynesian of June 24, via Sandwich
Islands.

The treaty between Great Britain and the United States was
concluded at Washington June 15, 1846, that fixed the inter-
national boundary at latitude 49 degrees and settled the "Ore-
gon Question." No item of news of that period possessed a
small part of the interest to the white people of Oregon,
whether American or foreign born, still it was more than four
months before it reached them. In a letter I have from Peter
Skene Ogden and James Douglas to Dr. William Fraser Tolmie
at Nisqually, under date of November 4, 1846, Vancouver, is
the following paragraph : "The barque Toulon arrived lately
in the river with very important intelligence from the Sand-
wich Islands. It appears that the Oregon boundary is finally
settled, on a basis more favorable to the United States than we
had reason to anticipate . . . Business will, of course, go
on as usual, as the treaty will not take effect on us for many
years to come."

In early years the Hudson's Bay Company established a
house at Honolulu, shipped thence lumber, timber, salmon,
grain, flour and such other articles as were in demand in the
Sandwich Islands, and in turn brought back such products of
the Islands as were serviceable at Vancouver.

As early as 1845, the authorities at Washington began mak-
ing spasmodic efforts for mail service from the Atlantic States
to Oregon, via Havana, Aspinwall, across the Isthmus to Pan-
ama, thence up the Coast to the Columbia River, and
thence to the Sandwich Islands, but little came of it until the
discovery of gold in California. Early in 1847, Cornelius

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 357

Gilliam, of Oregon, was appointed postal agent for the Oregon
Country. He was clothed with plenary powers to appoint post-
masters and manage the postal affairs of the then Pacific
Northwest. John M. Shively* was appointed postmaster at
Astoria, and William G. T'Vault at Oregon City. During the
so-called Cayuse War that followed the Whitman massacre,
Colonel Gilliam commanded the Oregon forces, and in March,
1848, was accidentally shot and killed at Well Springs, Uma-
tilla. In the archives of this society are several very interest-
ing official communications from the postal authorities at
Washington to Mr. Gilliam. One of them did not reach Ore-
gon until several months after his death. After the close of
the Mexican war and the cession of California to the United
States, a postal agent to reside at San Francisco was appointed
by the United States mail authorities and clothed with the same
power that had formerly been conferred upon Colonel Gilliam.
He appointed postmasters at Portland, Oregon City, Salem and
Corvallis, but not until June, 1850, did a mail steamer come up
the Coast, but even then the visits of steamers were few and
far between until in 1851. The steamer Columbia arrived from
New York with mails and passengers in March of that year.
Her schedule between San Francisco and Portland was once
each month.

The carrying of mails in the early days was a matter of
great expense and exceeding difficulties and by land was at-
tended with danger from storms, floods, wild animals and
Indians.

On the same steamers that brought the first mails were ex-
press messengers. The Adams Company opened an office in
Portland in 1852, but gave up the field to Wells, Fargo &
Company in 1853. Until the formation of an express company
by the managers of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company
soon after the completion of that road in 1883, Wells, Fargo
& Company had a practical monopoly of the express business
of the Pacific Coast. If "safety and celerity" were desired it

*Mr. Shively, the first postmaster west of the. Rocky Mountains, wae appointed
by Jacob Collgmer, Postmaster-General,

358 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

was the rule among business men to transmit their letters under
the care of this company. The company bought government
stamped envelopes and put its own stamps on them and charged
more than one hundred per cent profit for the service, the
government mail service at the same time escaping the charge
for carrying an immense amount of mail matter that it col-
lected full postage upon.

Individuals engaged in carrying letters and light packages
overland from Oregon to California in the early '50s and as a
reward for their arduous and dangerous task received 50 cents
an ounce for the contents of their pouches.

In January, 1852, the Oregon Legislature passed a resolution
asking the delegate to secure the location of a postoffice in
each county seat and that a mail route be established to each
one of them ; also that he "request" the Pacific Mail Steamship
Company to comply with the terms of its contract, obligating
it to leave mail at Umpqua City on the upward and downward
trips of its steamships between San Francisco and the Colum-
bia River. For 40 years that company observed no law, regu-
lation or contract that was not to its liking.

In January, 1853, the Honorable Matthew P. Deady, mem-
ber from Yamhill, introduced a resolution that "the regular
transportation of the mails from all parts of the territory and
the states is a matter of vital importance to the whole people,
and six weeks having elapsed since the meeting of the Legis-
lature during which time but one mail has arrived at the
capital, our delegate be requested to obtain such instructions
from the Postmaster-General as would compel the Postal Agent
in the territory to see that the mails are faithfully and
punctually conveyed." To this Stephen Waymire added an
amendment, "or that the present Postal Agent be removed."
On this there was only one negative vote. My father lived in
and near Salem from 1852 to 1860, and I retain vivid recollec-
tions of many similar long delays. One winter the Columbia
River was frozen for many weeks, so that the wooden steamers
of that period could not break their way through and we were
without news from the states for three long months. I am of
the opinion it was this winter of 1852-3.

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 359

Construction of the railroad across the Isthmus of Panama
was begun in 1850, and on January 30, 1855, the first train
was run from Aspinwall to the City of Panama. From that
time the mails to and from the Pacific Coast were carried on
steamers plying regularly between New York and Aspinwall
on the Atlantic side, taking seven to nine days for the run, and
on the Pacific side between Panama and San Francisco, con-
suming from 12 to 15 days. Steamers usually went into Aca-
pulco on the Mexican coast for fresh water and sometimes re-
plenished their supply of coal. The trip across the railroad
was but a matter of a few hours' run.

An advertisement appearing in the Columbian at Olympia,
September, 1852, attracted my attention. It tells of the sail-
ings in April of that year of the United States mail ship
Georgia, commanded by David D. Porter, U. S. Navy (Ad-
miral David D. Porter, of Civil War fame), to leave New
York via Havana to Aspinwall. It said : "The Panama Rail-
road is now in operation and the cars running to within a few
miles of Gorgona. Passengers will thus be enabled to save
about 35 miles of the river navigation, and also the expense
and danger heretofore attending the landing of boats off
Chagres. The following will be the rates of fare to San Fran-
cisco: First cabin, $315; second cabin, $270; steerage, $200."

In 1855 the construction of a telegraph line from Portland
to San Francisco was begun. The line was actually completed
as far as Corvallis, and a few messages transmitted, at least as
far as Salem. It went through Oregon City and to Salem on
the east side, and at the latter place crossed over to the west
side, and thence to Corvallis. The wire was light iron and the
insulators the necks of common 'junk' bottles placed around
straight iron pins or nails in the tops of poles. The gathering
of bottles and sale to W. K. Smith, who then had a drugstore
in Salem, was a flourishing industry among the small boys of
the village until the supply was exhausted. After that saloon-
keepers found it necessary to keep their bins of empty bottles
under lock and key. About the first spending money the writer
ever earned was for these bottles. They were legal tender at

360 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

10 cents each, and that was the smallest coin known in Oregon
in those days. The line was a failure, technically and finan-
cially. The wires soon began to break down. Animals and
men got tangled in them, and runaways and serious injuries
became so frequent that the adjacent farmers were compelled
to make common cause and strip the wire from the poles. Coils
of it were seen for years on fence stakes and other places where
it could be kept out of the way.*

The telegraph line was completed from Sacramento to Yreka
October 24, 1861, but it was not until March 5, 1864, that it
reached Portland. September 4 of that year it reached
Olympia, and October 26, Seattle. From that time until the
completion of the Northern Pacific Railroad across the conti-
nent, in 1883, while the telegraph served the newspapers and
business needs of Oregon and Washington, the mail service
was a never-ending source of frauds, injustice and hardships
to the general public. The Oregon Railroad was begun in
1868, but not completed until 1887, and the Northern Pacific,
begun at Kalama in 1871, reached Tacoma in 1873. Those
sections of railroad, joined to steamboat service on the
Columbia River and Puget Sound, helped to better mail and
passenger service, but one reading the newspapers of the
Northwest will find the mail service under discussion and
complaint year in and year out from 1849 to 1883.

In Portland and the lower Willamette Valley, served by sea
and gradually by stage, it was bad enough, but as practically
all the mails for Washington came by way of Portland and
the wagon road from the Columbia River to Olympia was, in
winter, notoriously the worst in the world, the trouble of Ore-
gonians were but a drop in the bucket compared to ours on
Puget Sound.

The last link in the telegraph line from St. Louis, Mo., to
Yreka, in Northern California, was completed October 24,
1861. This cut off from the Pony Express its most profitable
business, and it was at once discontinued, and in commenting

*An insulator, a piece of wire, and a stamp used to stamp the dispatches, is
in the possession of this Society.

COMMUNICATION IN EARLY OREGON 361

on this fact the Sacramento Union said : "It is with regret we
part with the Pony, but it seems to be considered by those who
established the Express that it has accomplished its mission.
It effected an important and sudden revolution in the reception
of news from the Atlantic side and has proved of great benefit
to the people of California. During the year 1860 the trips by
pony were made with astonishing regularity — rarely varying
more than a few hours from the time expected. The Pony
Express also developed the Central route ; it directed public
attention to it; and by its regular trips in Winter as well as
summer, demonstrated to the world the practicability of the
route for mail purposes. The result was a contract for carry-
ing the Pacific mails overland daily. As that mail is, or ought
to be, delivered daily, the proprietors of the Pony seem to have
concluded that the Express is no longer needed."

The Pony Express was a remarkable enterprise of semi-
official character, and for a couple of years served to bridge
over the link of nearly 2000 miles between St. Joseph, Mo.,
and Sacramento, Cal. It was started April 18? 1860, and the
first trip was made in 10 days, lacking seven minutes. More
than $250,000 were wagered on the result. Miller, one of the
partners, attended to the details of the inauguration of the
service. He bought 300 of the fleetest horses he could find in
the West and employed 125 men, 80 of whom were post riders.
Men of light weight but known courage and experience on the
plains were selected. It was necessary that some portions of
the race against time should be run at the rate of 20 miles an
hour. The horses were stationed from 10 to 20 miles apart
and each rider was supposed to ride 60 miles, though it hap-
pened more than once that when the rider arrived at the end of
his run he found the other man sick or injured or dead, and
then the tired rider ran out the other man's stunt. Only two
minutes could be spared for shifting mails and changing steeds.
At first, where there were no permanent stations, tents for one
man and two horses were set up. Single miles were recorded
as being done in one minute and 50 seconds. The dangers and
difficulties, fights with Indians, dare-devil feats and hair-

362 CLARENCE B. BAGLEY

breadth escapes of these wild riders have furnished themes for
countless stories during the past 50 years.

The "star mail routes" and expresses by stage, on horse-
back and on foot across the plains and all over the Pacific
Coast would require a separate paper to describe them. Horace
Greeley, Albert D. Richardson, Schuyler Colfax, Bret Harte,
"Mark Twain," Joaquin Miller and a host of notable writers
have perpetuated the memory of notable stage drivers, and
the route over which they drove. As soon as the constantly
diminishing space between the ends of the Central and Union
Pacific railroads made it feasible, stages were run carrying
passengers and mails. This was also true between Roseburg
and Yreka, over the Siskiyou and Shasta ranges ; from Monti-
cello, on the Cowlitz near its mouth, over the Cowlitz Moun-
tains and to Olympia, on Puget Sound; from The Dalles to
Goldendale, Yakima and Ellensburg; from Wallula to Walla
Walla, Waitsburg, Colfax, Spokane and Colville; from Boise
City to Florence and the mining towns of Idaho and Montana
and to Salt Lake City. Baker City and the whole of Eastern
Oregon were for many long years served only by stage. All
the little towns of the Willamette Valley nestling near the foot-
hills of the Cascades and the Coast ranges got their mail by
stage or on horseback, once a week sometimes ; once a month
at others. All over this whole region of today the daily mail
and the rural mail delivery are accepted as a matter of course,
and only a gray-haired man or woman here and there remem-
bers the old days and the isolation and privations of pioneer
life.

DOCUMENTS

JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK, COVERING SNAKE
COUNTRY EXPEDITION OF 1830-31.

(Printed from copy made by Mias Agnes C. Laut in 1905 from the original in the Hudson's
Bay Company's House, London, England)

EDITORIAL NOTES BY T. C. ELLIOTT.

INTRODUCTION

Readers of the Quarterly will recall the publication of the
Journals of Peter Skene Ogden in Volumes 10 and 11, record-
ing the explorations and fur trapping experiences of that ener-
getic H. B. Co. fur trader in Oregon, Idaho, Utah and Nevada
between the Cascade Mountains and the main range of the
Rockies during the years 1825 to 1829 inclusive.

There is abundant indirect evidence that in the late summer
of 1829, Mr. Ogden led his company of trappers to the south-
ward from Fort Walla Walla, through Eastern Oregon and
along the eastern side of the Sierra Nevada Range and into
Southern California, and that merely a detached party visited
the Snake Country of Southern Idaho. But there is no record
available and it is necessary to pass by the experiences of that
year's journey with the hope that the original journal will be
found at some future time. Upon the return of Mr. Ogden in
the early summer of 1830 it was found that by orders from
Gov. Simpson he had been transferred to the trade along the
Coast in company with Mr. Finlayson, and the command of the
Snake Country Brigade had been assigned to Mr. John Work,
a very worthy successor. Mr. Work was of Irish descent and
his name is properly spelled Wark. In this Quarterly (Vol. 10,
page 296 et seq.), has already appeared an account of a journey
made by him in the spring of 1830 from Fort Colvile to Fort
Vancouver and a brief mention of his career.

Mr. Work's journals for at least two expeditions are avail-
able for use in this Quarterly, and that for only the first part of
the expedition of 1830-31 is now given. This is another of

364 JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK

the transcripts made by Miss Agnes C. Laut from the original
in the Hudson's Bay Company's House in London; it (the
transcript) is now a part of the Ayers Collection in the New-
berry Library of Chicago, and through the courtesy of that
Library this copy has been obtained.

The track of Mr. Work's party in 1830 follows very closely
that of Mr. Ogden in the Fall of 1827, for which compare
with Vol. II, page 355 et seq., of this Quarterly. From Fort
Walla Walla, at the mouth of the Walla Walla River, across
the Blue Mountain range and through the valleys of the Grand
Ronde, Powder and Burnt Rivers to the Snake River at Hunt-
ington and on to the mouth of the Payette River it follows very
nearly the scientifically recorded journey of John C. Fremont
in 1843. Thence Mr. Work followed up the Payette River
for two days, crossed over to the Boise River and from the
sources of one of the forks of that river over to the Camas
Plains and the waters of the Malade River in Southern Idaho.
He then visited in turn the branches of that river and of the
Lost River and proceeded across the lava bed plateau to the
Blackfoot and the Portneuf Rivers. Evidently the intent was
to trap pretty thoroughly the very sources of the various
streams already named. It is of interest to recall that the year
1830 found in the camps of the American trappers in the Snake
country some of the "mountain men" who afterward took an
active part in the early government of Oregon, namely, Joseph
L. Meek, Doc. Robt. Newell, Joseph Gale and others.

August 1830.

Sunday 22. — On the 15th the Snake Trappers whom I am
appointed to take charge of reached Fort Nez Perces1 from
Fort Vancouver with their supplies. The following days were
occupied arranging about horses. On the 20th they moved off
from the fort. I remained two days to arrange papers and
accounts to write letters and this morning followed and came
up with camp near the foot of the Blue Mountains on a branch2

1 Fort Nez Perce is the original Northwest Company's name for the trading
post erected by them in the summer of 1818 and later known as Fort Walla Walla;
for description of the building of the Fort, consult Alex. Ross's "Fur Hunters of
the Far West."

2 This branch stream was probably Pine Creek, which empties into the Walla
Walla River at the town of Touchet, sixteen miles east of Fort Walla Walla; the
horses belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company were herded on what is still known

as the Hudson s Bay ranch on this creek.

DOCUMENTS 365

of the Walla Walla. I reckon the distance 24 miles E. S.-E.
The party consists of 37 men, 4 hired servants, a slave,3 2
youths, in all 40 able to bear arms and armed, and 29 women
and 45 children (22 boys, 23 girls), a total of 114 souls. These
are provided with 21 lodges to shelter them, 272 horses and
mules, 337 traps. The horses are pretty well loaded with pro-
visions, as the journey lies through a country where animals
are scarce. In the above party are 26 Canadians, 2 Americans,
6 half-breeds from east of the mountains, 2 Iroquois, 1 Nip-
pesing.

Monday, 23 Aug. — Sultry weather. Moved 8 miles E. S.-E.
to the foot of the mountains, where we encamped4 on a small
branch of the Walla Walla. Our journey is to last a twelve-
month, and we must take care of our horses at the beginning.

Tuesday, 24 Aug. — Early on the move and camped in 5
hours east of the summit of the mountains. Four Cayuse
Indians going to the buffalo hunt joined us. They have no
women, but one of them has a slave girl who followed him and
was sent back twice ; but today again came up. On her refusing
to return, he shot her, the ball wounding 3 places, but not
mortally. This is the way of treating disobedience. I made
him to understand that the whites did not suffer such occur-
rences among them.

Thursday 26th. Encamped at entrance5 of Grand Ronde
River. All hands employed getting lodge poles to pass the
plains.

Monday 30th. Proceeded to Powder River through a fine
valley.

Thursday, 2 Sept. Proceeded to Burnt River. Kanota
killed 2 antelope. Dupard & Pritchett took 5 beaver.

3 Not a "gentleman of color" from the South, but a captive from some other
tribe and usually designated as such by having his hair cut short. This slave
gave a good account of himself before his death soon after, as will be seen a
little further on.

4 Probably near either Blue Mountain Station on Dry Creek or the town of
Weston on Pine Creek, both in Umatilla County, Oregon; from this place they
crossed the Blue Mountain divide the following day.

5 This is at Summerville, Union County, Oregon, formerly known as Indian
Valley: after four days here they passed through the Grande Ronde Valley and
over the divide to Powder River.

366 JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK

Sunday, 5 Sept. Proceeded to Snake River,6 here about 200
yards wide.

Tuesday, 7 Sept. Alex Carson who is to take charge of 5
men, Depat, Cloustine, Sanders, Turner & Jean Ba'tiste, crossed
the river northward to hunt the Wazer7 and Payette's Rivers
and cross the waters to some of the branches of Salmon River.
A party was sent last year but too late to cross the waters they
did not do well. These are to be at Nez Perces (Fort) the
10th of July (next). This reduces us 6 men, 4 women, 30
horses. We are still strong enough to oppose the Blackfeet.

Thursday 9th. Reached the discharge of Payette's River
up which we proceeded. Payette found a horse here among
the Snakes stolen 3 yrs. ago. The Indian pleaded he had traded
it, but got from Payette only a knife.

Saturday llth. Marched S. E. from Payette's River to
Reid's River8 to the south flat, to the north mountains.

Monday, 13 Sept. Cut across to Sickly River ;9 here we
encamped.

Thursday 16th. Pritchett's wife in labor we did not move
camp. Kanota & Etang returned with 7 beaver. The woman
delivered of a boy.

Sunday 19. Reached Little Camas Plain.10.

Saturday, 25 Sept. Fine weather : encamped near the moun-
tains. The people all out in different directions hunting. At
8 p. m., about an hour and a half after we encamped, one of
the men, Thomas Tanateau, came running to the camp afoot
almost out of his senses with fear and related that as he P. L,
Etang, Baptiste Tyagnainto & L. Kanote's slave were
going to their traps on the upper part of the stream in the
mountain, they were set upon by a war party of Blackfeet and
his three companions killed on the spot, that he barely escaped.

6 Huntington, Oregon, having come by way of Powder River and Burnt
River.

7 The Weiser River in Idaho; called the Wazer by Arrowsmith.

8 The Boise River, known as Reed's River after John Reed of the Astor
party who started a trading post at its mouth.

9 The Malade, or Wood River of present maps; but the party can hardly have
reached it yet.

10 Not far northeast but across the ridge from Mountain Home on the Oregon
Short Line Ry.

DOCUMENTS 367

Five of my men were in camp. Some soon arrived & we put
ourselves in a state of defence and made pens for our horses.
The men scanned the hills in vain for the enemy. Three
Cayuse Indians with us found poor L'Etang and the slave mur-
dered, stripped and the latter scalped. Baptiste was still alive.
They brought him to camp through the dark. He is wounded
but not dangerously and gives the following account of the
melancholy occurrence. The four were ascending a steep hill
afoot leading their horses and not paying attention to the sides
of the road when Indians started up from the long grass and
fired then rushed and seized him but not before he discharged
his gun and killed one. He called on the slave to fire when the
Indians rushed upon the latter and killed him. In the interim
Baptiste ran to cover in a tuft of willows where he hid till the
Cayuse found him, gun powder horn and shot pouch were torn
from him. L'Etang made no defence. The slave killed one
when he fired and it was his struggle enabled B to escape.
^Thomas was not wounded. His pursuers were near taking him
but heard Kanota's rifle fired at a deer. The Indians made off
without taking time to mangle the bodies as they are wont to
do — scalping only the slave. The enemy consisted of 20 men —
their motive to get horses and arms. Another man, F. Cham-
paign had a narrow escape. They stole 3 of his traps. These
men risked (?) themselves but the Snakes being ahead, it was
thought the Blackft would hang on the rear. Payette and 12
men interred our unfortunate companions. 4 men arrived from
Reid's River with 27 beaver ; 42 beaver this day from our own
river. Sold L'Etang's property by auction.

Tuesday 28. Encamped on Sickly River where it received
the Camas Plain River." Country rugged and barren. Black-
feet tracks are observed prowling about camp.

Saturday, 2 Oct. Marched N by E to Muskeg Swamp
where the N. fork of Sickly River has its source.12 A party
of Snakes 1 1 years ago took 300 beaver in 2 encampments here.
Few beaver are here now driven by fire & destroyed by some

11 At the hot springs about eight miles west of Stanton in Elaine County,
Idaho; present site of Magic Reservoir of U. S. Reclamation Service.

12 The North Fork of the Malade would be the Little Wood River of today.

368 JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK

sickness for there is no sign of recent hunting here. Little
but reeds growing. The beaver feed on the roots. Whether
this causes the sickening quality of the flesh or the roots,
several of the people are sick from eating the beaver. Hem-
lock is also found the roots of which cause the flesh to be
poisonous.13

Sunday, 10 Oct. One of the men who went up the river
brought back news he had met a party of 20 American hunters
just arrived from Snake River across the plains. They had
been 2 days without water. One of them an Iroquois called
Pierre,14 who deserted from us came to our camp; but little
news was obtained from him. Americans are encamped within
a short distance of us.

Tuesday, 12 Oct. Left Sickly River and struck across the
plain to a small rivulet that bears Bevens' name. Eastward lie
the plains1 s towards Snake River. Our object is to search
Salmon River. There are 2 roads of the same length — the
north branch of Sickly River and the one we take by Goddin's
River,16 preferable because level and leading sooner to the
buffalo for provisions, the people being out of food. Moreover
the Americans may not follow us by this road not knowing
our route. Their horses are (s)low but they have no families
or lodges and little baggage to embarrass them wh. gives
them an advantage over us. The Americans raised camp be-
fore us and proceeded up the river, but on seeing us strike
across the plain they left the river and followed along the foot
of the mountains and encamped behind where Payette and
party were defeated by the Blackfeet 2 yrs. ago. I did not see
a Mr. Rabides who is at the head of the party but it appears
they are 200 men, 100 hunters. Crooks & Co. are the out-
fitters. A Mr. Fontenelle1? who manages this business is now

13 The Malade was so named by Donald Mackenzie because his men were
made sick by eating beaver there; Alex. Ross reports a similar experience and
now John Work adds his testimony and explanation.

14 Evidently the same Pierre who gave Alex. Ross so much trouble in 1825
in the Bitter Root Valley.

1 5 The dry lava bed plateau of central southern Idaho, beneath which the
mountain streams flow to Snake River.

i6Arrowsmith shows this name of the Big Lost River and Day's River or
Day's Defile would be the Little Lost River of today.

17 Consult Chittenden's Hist, of Amer. Fur Trade. A trapper named Robidoux
is mentioned; also Lucien Fontenelle. Both were with the American Fur Company
of the Missouri River, with which Ramsay Crooks of Astor Company fame was
connected.

DOCUMENTS 369

at Snake River with 50 men. They have great quantity of
goods en cache. They have been hunting on the Upper Snake.
They were set upon by the Blackfeet on Yellowstone River
and 18 men killed. They had intended to go to the Flatheads
this fall but were deterred by the advanced season.

Thursday, 14 Oct. A. (?) Plante, M. Plante, P. Findlay,
& Payette killed each a buffalo. Are now in a barren country
covered with wormwood.

Wednsy. 20. Reach what is called the Fountain & a swamp
where Goddin's River has its source. A road here thro' the
mountains to Days' Defile : A road also from the south. Buf-
falo are numerous but the Banock Snakes have driven off the
elk.

Saturday 23rd. The women availed themselves of the hot
springs to wash their clothes.

Tuesday, 2nd Nov. Camped near head of Day's River.
Three years ago a party of freemen wintered here with Mr.
McKay18 we met 2 Flatheads. Their camp is 6 days' march
off, very strong, Flatheads, Pendant d'Oreilles and Spokanes
with Nez Perces being together.

Saturday, 6 Nov. The two Flatheads left to-day. I wrote
by them to Mr. C. F. McLoughlin apprising him of our route.

Tuesday, 23rd Nov. A party of Freemen under Mr. Ogden
passed the winter here some years ago. There was neither ice
nor snow in the valley then.

Sunday, 28 Nov. Stormy cold weather snow showers (?)
and drifting. Crossed the height of land 12 miles S. E. The
snow 2 ft. deep. The horses are jaded. People are fatigued.
Large herds of buffalo are about.

Wednesday, Dec. 1. Proceeded to the entrance of Day's
Defile.1? Six of the men, August Finlay at the head of the
party, O. Finlay, M. Finlay, A. Hoole ( ?). A. Plante and Bte
Gardipie separated from camp and took the road round the

18 Consult Mr. Ogden's journal for winter of 1828 when he was so anxious
about this Thos. McKay party; the latter was son-in-law of Chief Factor John
McLoughlin at Fort Vancouver.

19 Where the river canyon opens upon the plain, which they crossed a few
days later in about the line of branch line of Oregon Short Line of today to the
Blackfoot Mountains east of the Snake River and City of Blackfoot.

370 JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK

end of the mountain. These men are all half Indians. The
two roads meet at the end of a few day's march, the road
thro the pass is hilly, and uneven (depth) of snow 2 ft. Horses
gave out on the way. Excellent feeding at camp half way.
Herds of buffalo observed in the valley.

Dec. 9, Thursday. Crossed plains to a dry branch of God-
din's River.

Friday 17th. Arrived ( ? ) of Snake River lower

end of Blackfoot Hill. Found good feeding for horses and a
great many Snakes are encamped around. Loss of horses alto-
gether crossing plains 26. Cold caused the loss. The Ameri-
cans hunted this quarter summer and fall. Lately a party of
them crossed the mountains to White River to winter. We
found poor L'Etang's rifle among the Snakes, picked up in
bushes where Blackfeet had camped.

Tuesday, 21 Dec. Clear and cold. Large party of Snakes
paid us a visit on horseback as a mark of friendship passed 3
times round our camp firing volleys. They were well armed
and wore the scalps and mangled remains of the 2 Blckft
whom they killed 2 days ago suspended from their horses'
bridles.

January, 1831.

New Year's day. None of the people went hunting. They
endeavored to regale themselves. Each man was treated with
a dram of rum and some cakes.

2nd Sunday. Foggy late last night 16 Flathds and Nez P
came from the American camp20 at White River on the E. side
of the waters. They are afoot. Have been 10 days on the
journey. They sold their horses to the Americans at high
prices and now wear blankets of blue green and white besides
having guns, rifles and beads. The Americans are to come
this way in spring to form a post among the Flatheads. The
Americans have 2 parties 6 chiefs and a great many men.

March, Thursday 17. Cloudy rain cold. The Snakes are

20 Probably this refers to the vicinity of Ft. Bridger on a branch of Green
River and to the trappers of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, the partnership
of Fitzpatrick, Jackson and Sublette. This was the company with which Meek,
Newell and Gale were associated. Arrowsmith shows a White Mud River, which
would be our Bear River.

DOCUMENTS 371

moving off down the river. The chief the Horn21 and a few
old men paid us a visit.

Friday 18. Moved camp across the plain to Portneuf ( ?)
River.

(The rest of this continued to another volume).

LETTERS OF REVEREND H. H. SPALDING AND MRS. SPALDING,
WRITTEN SHORTLY AFTER COMPLETING THEIR TRIP
ACROSS THE CONTINENT.22

FORT WALLA WALLA.

Colubia River, Oct. 2, 1836.

To Brothers Wm. & Edward Porter & their wives :
Very Dear Brothers and Sisters

It gives me great pleasure that I am permitted to say, the
Lord has brought us safely through our long, doubtful jour-
ney ; and that our eyes have actually seen the long, long, long-
vvished-for Walla Walla, the end of our journey of 4100 miles.
By the blessing of God, we arrived here on the 3rd of Sep.,
seven months and three days from the time myself and wife,
left her father's house, a clay that will I think be long remem-
bered by us ; a day may I not ask, that will be set apart by
that little band at least of dear friends : (oh my soul, shall I
never see them again!) assembled in that sacred room on the
day of our departure, as a day of prayer and thanksgiving to
that God, who has sustained, and finally brought to completion,
the hazardous expedition undertaken by the missionaries of
the Board. I cannot realize that I have crossed the Rocky
mountains since the morning I drove sorrowfully out of
Prattsburgh, and am now actually on the banks of the
terrible Columbus, but it is really so. I have already been paid
a thousand fold by what my eyes have seen, and all America
with her gold and happiness could not purchase a place for
me in the states, if I must leave these poor heathen standing
thick around, pleading with their own tongues, actually, for

21 Probably the same chief named The Horse in Mr. Ogden's journal.

22 This letter was secured through the late Prof. R. K. Warren, of Portland,
a native of Bath, New York, about eighteen years ago. — George H. Himes, Assistant
Secretary Oregon Historical Society. -

372 SPALDING LETTERS

the bread of eternal life, unpitied. Call my anxiety that I
coldly expressed for the poor heathen when in the states,
enthusiasm, madness or any other name which closed up the
pulpit in my beloved Seminary against me as I passed last
spring, and gave occasion for my beloved father in theology
and one of the professors to absent themselves from the cele-
bration of our departure, held in the Cong. Church of Cincin-
natti; the snowbanks of the Rocky mountains did not kill it,
the hot blasts of the sandy desert did not wilt it, but the actual
sight of what fancy only pictured before, told me in voice of
thunder, I had not pleaded the cause of the heathen, only
attempted it. Oh that our churches at home could see and feel
what their missionaries witness every day on heathen ground !
There would be a very different story told in their pulpits, and
a very different one told on their treasurer's books.

For particulars respecting the journey I must refer you to
my letter to Mr. Green, if published, which occupies four or
five sheets and consequently cannot be written over to every
individual friend. I will however give a brief sketch, and
first, you will please connect the following points with a line
on some map which will give our route, very nearly. From
Liberty, Mo., 300 miles above St. Louis, up the south side of
Missouri river to mouth of Platte, Lat. 41 degrees, longitude
95 degrees, up the north side of Platte to the forks Lat. 41
degrees, Long. 102 degrees up the north fork to Ft. William
of N. F. Co., foot of the mountains, Lat. 41 degrees 50 minutes,
Long. 106 degrees, 40 minutes. This fort has been built three
or four years, raises grain, and have fine cattle. Up the west
branch still, till a few days of rendezvous, a place appointed
this year on Green river, a branch of the Colorado, to meet
all the trappers perhaps 300 of the Co., in the mountains ; also
the Indians that came to trade. Then about 42 degrees, 56
minutes, Long. 110 degrees, 5 minutes, S. W. into the borders
of Mexico onto the waters of Timpanagos or Salt Lake, so
called from its depositing great quantities of salt, Lat. 41 de-
grees, 50 minutes, Long. Ill degrees, 25 minutes, south of this
lake. I have just learned there is a fine country of land, well

DOCUMENTS 373

timbered with pine, oak, and what is unknown so far as I have
been able to learn in any other part of the mountains, sugar tree.
No winter, grass green through the year, Utaws and Navihoes
in the vicinity, wild Indians, no man safe among them. Navi-
hoes raise great quantities of grain, cattle, sheep, etc., and make
their own clothing, and have their own religion, reject the Cath-
olics of California, could be reached without doubt by any other
religion. Who will go ? Thence west to Fort Hall, on Snake or
Lewis river, Lat. 42 degrees, 13 minutes, Long. 113 degrees. This
fort was built in 1834 by Capt. Whyeth of Boston, who came
that year into the country to engage in the fur trade and with
whom the missionaries Lees came. No female accompanied
them. Here turnips have been raised but too frosty for farm-
ing. Some timber on a small spot and apparently several thous-
and acres of good soil. This is a dangerous situation, in the
vicinity of the Black Feet, a blood-thirsty Indian tribe, fre-
quently at the gates of the fort, have destroyed many lives
and stolen hundreds of horses. From this fort, north of west
down Snake river, to Snake Fort at the junction of Wood and
Snake rivers, Lat. 44 degrees 10 minutes, Long. 116 degrees 20
minutes, called Wood river from its having a little timber on
it, a species of poplar called cotton wood, found abundant in
the western states, and the only timber except a little pine
sometimes on the mountains, found whenever any is found
in the mountains. This fort was built last year by the Hudson
Bay Co., where 16 years ago a fort, and all the men except one
were cut up. On Wood river there is considerable land not
subject to frosts, a favorable situation for settlement, the first
we met with from fort W., a distance of 1050 miles. This is
a safe country ; Indians friendly. Snakes and Bonnocks. From
this fort northwest to Walla Walla, at the junction of Colum-
bia and Walla Walla rivers Lat. 40 degrees 10 minutes Long.
119 degrees 15 minutes. This fort was built 19 years ago by
the Hudson Bay Co. Much good land up the Walla Walla
river some 50 miles; timber plenty near the mountains, some
90 or 100 miles ; none within 60 miles of the fort, except flood
wood down the Columbia ; fertile spots of 5 or 20 acres within

374 SPALDING LETTERS

16 or 18 miles. Abundance of corn, potatoes, peas, garden
vegetables, cattle, hogs &c., raised here. Natives very friendly,
formerly very dangerous cannibals, one man perfectly safe
among them anywhere now. Cheyooses2^ [sic] and Walla Walla
speaks the Nez Perces language; one of us will probably
settle on the W. river. About six days to Walla mountains,
the valleys became covered with a short fine bunch grass, evi-
dently a very strong species of grass, from the fact that cattle
and horses grow very fat on it, summer or winter. Our cattle
were in good flesh when they ended their long journey. They
are now good beef. The cattle and horses of this country ex-
ceed for fatness, anything I ever saw in the states. This grass
extends for hundreds of miles around. The Walla Walla
country is consequently good for herding. The system of the
Hudson Bay Co. forbids them to sell cattle to any person, even
their own traders or clerks. They will lend to any extent, none
killed. In this way, the country is fast filling up with cattle.
However, a few have been killed this year at Vancouvers, and
Dr. McLoughlin has ordered Mr. Pembran23a to kill one fat ox
at this fort — we are to have half of it. There are at Vancou-
ver, 700 head of cattle ; from 20 to 100 at several other posts.
Three days after arriving at this fort we started on a visit to
Vancouver, 300 miles; went down the Columbia in a boat pro-
pelled by six oarsmen, were detained two days by head winds,
and reached Vancouver the seventh day. We were very
kindly received by Dr. McLoughlin the chief factor in Colum-
bia. We were much disappointed at the abundance of neces-
saries and comforts of life here to be obtained, and cheaper
than in the city of New York, from the fact that all goods come
to this country free of duties. Two ships from London this
year heavily ladened with goods. Two now in port, one from
the Sandwich Islands : both sent this fall. Two more expected
soon from the coast. The company have also a steamboat
for the coast. The farm at Vancouver produced 4,000 bushels
of wheat and other grains except corn, in proportion. The
Dr. has a beautiful garden of about 15 acres, containing all

23 Cayuses.

233 Mr. Pambrun,

DOCUMENTS 375

manner of fruit. As soon as we get a location, we shall, Provi-
dence permitting, supply ourselves with fruit trees. I will
name some: Apple, peach, plum, cherry, grape, prunes, etc.
We left our wives at Vancouver till we find a location and
build, as they can be better accommodated there than in this
place. Two white women arrived at Vancouver before them.
The farmer's wife in the spring and the Rev. Mr. Beaver's
wife in the ship just arrived. We remained at Vancouver a
week, returned in 12 days with the boat heavy laden with sup-
plies for us, such as flour, pork, butter, tallow, salt, farming
utensils, Indian goods, etc., etc. The Columbia is the most
frightful river I ever saw navigated by any craft. The Cas-
kades or rapids, about 100 miles from Vancouver and 200
miles from the ocean, it is easy passed with any craft from
there to the mountains, a distance of 700 miles it is a swift
current, frequent rapids, three or four compressed channels and
one or two falls — I believe there are six in the whole river,
three between this and Vancouver. Portages are made of
property, one of boat and property carried by 50 or 100 Indians
for a small piece of tobacco. Tide sets up 50 miles above
Vancouver. Probably a larger quantity of water must flow
than in the Mississippi, but it is frequently pressed into a
channel of ten rods. Many lives are lost in this river. None
but Canadians and Indians would ever think of navigating this
terrible Columbia. Last night we had a little shower of rain,
the first drop in this region since the first of May and the first
we have experienced since the 24th of June as we were entering
the mountains. Air is very pure and healthy. I think this the
healthiest country in the world. Rain is plentiful in Columbia
in the winter season; water in this country is most delicious.
We have become so attached to our mode of living as to prefer
a lodging in the open air to indoors. The atmosphere at night
is exhilarating.

Have just returned from exploring the Walla Walla river.
Doct. W. has found an excellent strip of land ; timber sufficient
in 25 miles instead of 50; rich soil extends for about 12 miles
in length; beneath [beyond?] on the mountains in about four

376 SPALDING LETTERS

miles of this building spot is the greatest country I've seen
yet. His location is about east of this. Brother Gray and
the men will go to building immediately. Doct. W. and myself
expect, God willing, to go into the Nez Perces country on the
9th. Several Nez Perces have arrived to conduct us to their
country. My beloved chief, spoken of in several letters, who
came out to meet Mr. Parker, Dr. Whitman and myself, and
who has stuck by us from the beginning, I think will be here
tomorrow. The Nez Perces are certainly the handsomest In-
dians I ever saw, the most friendly, a most likely of the red
men and live better than any other tribes on this side of the
mountain. The Cheyoos among whom Doctor_has settled, next ;
the Walla Walla's next. All these speak the Nez Perces lan-
guage. But as we pressed west the Indians became more
wretched and filthy. The women have a small covering about the
loins, the men are entirely naked, with no appearance of shame.
You may frequently see four or five hunting in each other's
herd [heads] and eating the prey. They were formerly in the
habit of shooting all the horses of a chief over his grave. I saw
a large pile of horse bones the other day in such a place. This
custom the Hudson Bay. Co. have broken up. It was once the
custom, if a mother died at any time within six weeks after the
birth of a child, to bury the living child with the mother. This
custom was also broken up by the Company. There has been
no case until now for five years. A Walla Walla woman
died soon after the birth of a child. The father gave a
horse for another woman to nurse the child; three days after,
the father of the mother, took the child and buried it alive
with its mother. The father of the child takes it very hard.
The women of this country are great gamblers; six or eight
of them will frequently stake property, especially among the
Nez Perces, to the amount of $500.00 mostly ornaments. Let
me tell the dear Christian ladies who lay out the Lord's money
to appear fine, could they see a Nez Perces woman with
herself and house [horse] equipped, pass through one of their
cities, they would go to their drawing room, take down their
sham trappings and cast them into the fire, as not worth notic-

DOCUMENTS 377

ing in comparison with the splendid equipage of a Nez Perces
lady and her milk-white steed.

You will hardly believe when I tell you, that Mr. Pambra
[Pambrun] who has done so much to forward our object,
spending more than a month in traveling with us, and has
been with us to look at a location, and says he will do every-
thing in his power to help us, and wishes us to take his children
to bring up, is a Roman Catholic.

Tell your dear children all, I remember them. Have seen
5000 Buffalo at once probably. Hope they will all become
missionaries. Letters or a box of good clothing can come to
us by way of the Sandwich Islands. Direct, postpaid to Rev.
David Green, Boston, to Doct. McLoughlin, chief actor of
the H. B. Co., Vancouver. Tell Mr. and Mrs. Bridges I am
much pleased with their new relation. I supposed Miss Hop-
kins was to marry Mr. Bull, till I received your letters. Get
all the good friends in P. to write six sheets in one letter to
me. Give my love to your dear father and all friends in P.

H. H. SPALDING.

P. S. — Oct. 20, Vancouver. — God has brought me back to
this place. Since I left Utica, I have traveled 5,300 and my
wife 4,900 miles ; we have yet to travel 425 to end our wander-
ings. The Lord directed us to a favorable location, among the
Nez Perces, 125 miles east of Walla Walla, and 12 east of
Lewis river on a river putting in from the north called Koos-
koos. The Nez Perces are much rejoiced that I have found a
place. They say, "only let us know what you want, and it
shall be done at once." They are to meet me at Walla Walla,
the 15th of November to take all my effects to their country.
In the meantime, God willing and assisting, I expect to take
a boat load of supplies with the hands up the river while Doct.
W. remains to prepare his house.

378 SPALDING LETTERS

Mrs. Spalding writes in fhe same letter to Mrs. O. and C.
Porter :
Dear Sisters :

Allow me the privilege of addressing you a few lines through
the medium of Mr. Spalding's letter, which after reading what
he has written respecting the state of my health during the
greater part of our journey you doubtless will receive not only
as the voice of one from the far West but of one from another
world. But bless the Lord with me, dear sisters, for His
preserving mercy which has brought our little company through
that long and hazardous journey in good health and under
favorable circumstances in every respect. Mrs. Whitman and
myself have spent our time since the 12th of September at
Vancouver in the family of Dr. McLoughlin where we have
been favored with all the attentions and luxuries of life desir-
able. The principal exercise our situation here affords us is
walking in the garden, to which place we frequently resort to
feast on apples and grapes, and riding occasionally on horse-
back. The riding-horses here are high-spirited, trained to
gallop, and a ride of ten or fifteen miles is performed in a very
short time. You may think us adepts at performing on horse-
back after the experience our late journey has afforded us. I
was thrown from my horse twice in consequence of his taking
fright and becoming unmanageable, [sic] but received no seri-
ous injury. I have been wonderfully and I sometimes almost
think miraculously preserved and brought through a journey I
often thought I could not survive. Surely the mercies of the
journey demand our consumate [sic] gratitude. I long to
exchange my present comfortable situation for one among the
poor Nez Perces where I can spend the strength which I have
wholly regained in laboring to benefit them. I did not leave my
friends and all I hold dear and valuable in my native country to
reap the comforts and luxuries of life in a land of strangers. No,
I trust the only object I had in view in coming to this heathen
land was to labor for the temporal and spiritual good of those
whose minds are enshrouded in heathen darkness. I long to
see their precious souls enlightened and interested in the bless-

DOCUMENTS 379

ings of that gospel which brings life and immortality to light.
Remember and pray for us that we may labor successfully for
the promotion of our Master's cause in this heathen land. A few
words to the little folks. Tell them we often think how happy
they must be to have kind parents to take care of them, give
them good food and clothes and books and send them to school
where they can learn much that will be very useful to them.
We have seen a great many Indian children who have no
clothes and never have bread or anything very good to eat.
They sometimes get a little meat but when they have no meat
they eat roots, grass, seeds, crickets and a great many bad
things. They are very poor children and know nothing about
God. Dear children, is not your condition a happy one indeed ?

Affectionately,

MRS. SPALDING.

LETTER BY JAMES W. NESMITH TO FRIENDS IN THE EAST.

Oregon City, Willamette Falls, O. T.

27th June, 1845.
My Dear Friends : —

As Dr. White is on the eve of starting with a small party for
the United States, I avail myself of the opportunity to return
you my most sincere thanks for your long and affectionate
letter bearing date 15th of March, 1844, which was gratefully
received on the 5th of December of the same year.

I have read it until it is completely and entirely worn out ; the
fragments I have carefully deposited in my desk and frequently
refer to them as the only reward for the innumerable and
lengthy letters written by me for the last four or five years.

I console myself with the hope that you may do better for
the future.

It was gratifying to me to hear that you were all in the
enjoyment of health and prosperity for the continuation of
which you have my best wishes.

380 JAMES W. NESMITH

Well Cozs Theophilus arfd Jane are married — this is no more
than I expected to hear. I wish them all the joy imaginable
together with a dozen pledges of affection.

I suppose that I may never expect to see a line from either
of them again, as the objects which await their attention at
present is of more interest than a wandering cousin.

If Aunt Peggy, Sally, Harriet and Jessie had all formed
similar connections, I suppose that I might have waited for a
letter until the year nineteen hundred and a long time to come.
As for David, he never would condescend to correspond with
me, and Miss Margaret and Joseph2* seem to partake of the
same disposition. Uncle and Aunt would be excusable for not
writing if they would only make the others do it.

Harriet expresses a wish that I should bring her some
'curiosities when I return. I can only give her the assurance
that I have a large quantity of them collected, but the period of
my return depends very much upon circumstances. This likely
leads you to make the injury of what I am about. You will
laugh heartily at the answer ; however, you shall have it, since
I am confident that your critical remarks will have but little
tendency to lower the dignity of the Supreme Judge of Oregon.

I am engaged in reading law and discharging the duties of
the above mentioned office for which I receive a salary of five
hundred dollars per year, besides all the fees for probate busi-
ness, which swells the amount to about $600.

I am well, doing well and well satisfied. I am sorry that
I have not room to give you a history and description of our
Government and laws, but I hope that you will not form an
unfavorable opinion of it from the fact that you happen to
be acquainted with one of its most important officers.

We have five organized counties, the Gov., Judge, Sheriff,
Recorder, Attorney, Treasurer and Assessor are State officers
and operate for the whole, and hold two courts in each county
annually; the Justices form the inferior courts. We have a
Legislature composed of thirteen members who have now just
commenced their annual session at this place which is the seat
of Government.

24 Joseph G. Wilson, who came to Oregon in 1852, was elected to Congress in
1872, and died July 2, 1873—3 cousin of Mr. Nesmith.

DOCUMENTS 381

I was appointed to my present office in December last to
fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Dr. Babcock,
who left for New York by water. I received the nomination
of the Champoeg Convention and ran for the office at the
election which took place on the first Tuesday of the present
month at which I received the unanimous vote of the whole
Territory happening to be on all tickets, two of which I send
you enclosed which were printed for Champoeg County. They
are the first tickets printed in Oregon. You should preserve
them as curiosities.

The question of adopting a constitution was before the people
at the late election, but was rejected. All names marked thus X
on the tickets were elected. Everything appears prosperous
and flourishing in the colony.

By the Brig Cowlitz from California via the Sandwich
Islands, we have American and English papers up to the first
of January, 1845, which informs us that Polk is elected
and Texas annexed, also a revolution in California. The
patriots will be reinforced from this place,

Don't fail to write every opportunity ; you can send letters by
the Hudson Bay Co.'s express by paying the postage to Mon-
treal or Quebec, direct to Fort Vancouver, Columbia River.

Dr. White, U. S. Sub. Ind. Agent west of the Rocky Moun-
tains, will bear this letter to the States, as he goes through
Cincinnati ; he may call on you. If he does, I know that you
will receive him kindly for my sake. He is a most worthy
man, indefatigable in the discharge of his duties, full of his
urbanity and kindness, besides being my particular personal
and political friend.

Law books are scarce here. I sent last year to St. Louis for
a few volumes, but have heard nothing from the agent since.
We have a very good circulating library in town, but few books
that are of much aid in the study of law.

The Cowlitz brought President Tyler's message ; we are all
waiting with great anxiety to see what Congress will do for
Oregon.

382 GOVERNOR GEORGE SIMPSON LETTER

Three more merchant Bri£s are expected in daily ; one from
New York, which left January last and will bring us a printing
press,25 the funds to pay for which was raised at this place by
subscription.

It affords me but little satisfaction to write to you, as I wish
to say so many things, and have room for so few. If I could
only be with you I could tell you more in half an hour than I
could write in a week. I shall write you again in the latter
part of this summer, which I will send to the Islands and over-
land through Mexico. You will likely receive it as soon nearly
as you do this.

With great respect, I remain

J. W. NESMITH.

LETTER FROM SIR GEORGE SIMPSON TO ARCHIBALD McKiNLAY,
1848, WITH INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

Editor of the Quarterly :

Some question has always remained as to the personal rela-
tion of Dr. John McLaughlin toward the accounts he opened
so freely with the settlers in Oregon after their arrival in such
destitute circumstances. The following letter written in June,
1848, by Gov. George Simpson, then in charge of the Hudson's
Bay Company's affairs in America, to Mr. Archibald McKinlay,
the chief trader of the Company in charge of their store at
Oregon City, throws some light upon that question. When
writing this letter Gov. Simpson was at Norway House on
Lake Winnipeg, where was usually held the annual council
with his chief factors and traders and where he passed upon
the reports from the various districts of the Company's terri-
tory. The letter was brought to Mr. McKinlay by the express
leaving Norway House after the council and crossing the
Rocky Mts. by the Athabasca Pass and arriving at Fort Van-
couver usually in October.

25 The press upon which the Spectator was printed February 5, 1846 — the first
newspaper west of the Rocky Mountains in American territory.

DOCUMENTS 383

The disturbed state of the Oregon country to which Gov.
Simpson refers was the Indian war then in progress and
reported to him in the dispatches from Fort Vancouver in the
spring of 1848; and the sketch of Oregon City by Paul Kane,
the artist, would be of interest, if accessible now. An inter-
esting inquiry arises as to the Mr. McMellan mentioned ; could
this have been the Mr. McMillan who was on the Columbia
with David Thompson as early as 1809 and returned east with
Gov. Simpson from Fort Vancouver in March, 1829, and
seemingly then retired from the service as far as the Columbia
District was concerned — an efficient and trusted officer ?

This letter is one of many discovered at the home of a
son-in-law of Mr. McKinlay, at Savonas, B. C. ; the original is
now in the Archives Department at Victoria.

T. C. ELLIOTT.

Walla Walla, December, 1912.

Norway House,

24th June, 1848.
Archibald McKinlay, Esqre.,
Willamette Falls.

My Dear Sir: —

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your valued
communication of 16th March by which I am glad to find that
all goes on with you at the Willamette Falls as well as might
be expected from the disturbed state of the Country and the
poverty and reckless habits of the surrounding population;
the old outstanding debts come in very slowly and I fear there
is very little prospect of their ever yielding a dividend of 50%.

It is very satisfactory to learn that so good an understanding
exists between Mr. McLoughlin and yourself ; you ought by all
means to cultivate that gentleman's good will and be as useful
to him as in your power. I should be glad to learn the nature
and extent of Mr. McLoughlin and his sons business oper-
ations.

384 GOVERNOR GEORGE SIMPSON LETTER

Notwithstanding the wanf of capital among the Willamette
population you appear to have done good business there during
the past year, more especially so as it has been conducted on
the principle of prompt payment from which there ought to be
no deviation. I was quite surprised by the picturesque and
respectable appearance of your city at the Falls, exhibited in
a sketch by Mr. Kane, the doctor's mills form a very con-
spicuous object. I should be glad to learn how they are likely
to turn out.

Your furlough came round this season but as you have not
availed yourself thereof, lest your absence might be attended
with inconvenience to the service, which is exceedingly con-
siderate and laudable, care will be taken that leave of absence
or change of rotation will be obtained for you in 1850 should
you desire it; it would be well to apprise me next year if you
be really determined to go in '50 in order that some other
gentleman may be provided to fill your place.

It affords me great satisfaction to learn by letters from Mr.
McMellan this spring (conveying very favorable reports of
Mrs. McMellan & their family) they have it in view to come
out to Canada next year in order to take up their quarters at
Point Fortune; indeed I think they would have been out this
year had he been able to dispose of his place in the neighbor-
hood of Perth to advantage.

I am full of business, being about taking my departure for
Canada, which will account for the brevity of this communi-
cation and hoping to have the pleasure of hearing from you
next season.

Believe me to be,

My Dear Sir,

Very truly yours,

G. SIMPSON.

DOCUMENTS 385

MEMORIAL OF CITIZENS OF ASTORIA PROTESTING AGAINST A

PROPOSED REMOVAL OF DISTRIBUTING POST OFFICE AND

PORT OF ENTRY FROM ASTORIA TO PACIFIC

CITY, 1850.

To the Hon. The Senate £ House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress Assembled :

The Memorial of the Undersigned Citizens of Astoria, in
the Territory of Oregon, respectfully showeth :

That your Memorialists have been informed that a petition
has been presented, or forwarded for presentation, to your
Honorable body, for the removal of the Distributing Post
office and Port of Entry, from Astoria to a place called Pacific
City, nominally located on Baker's Bay, under Cape Disap-
pointment on the North side of the Columbia River, and about
thirteen miles below Astoria.

Your Memorialists show that the relation of Cape Disap-
pointment to Astoria is precisely similar to that of Sandy Hook
to the city of New York ; that Baker's Bay is a place of
anchorage, formerly used by vessels before the discovery of
what is called the South Channel, while wind bound in passing
Cape Disappointment; that vessels passing through the South
Channel, whether in or out, owing to the prevalent winds of the
country, suffer no other detention than that attending the
mouth of any other river, from actual storms ; that, on the
other hand, vessels passing through the North Channel, under
Cape Disappointment, are exposed to detention on entering, as
well as in going out; that they have often been delayed for
weeks in Baker's Bay when they might have passed on by the
South Channel at once ; that the anchorage within the bar is
inferior in Baker's Bay to that under Tansy Point on the south
side, and vessels lying there are more exposed to the prevalent
winter storms.

Your Memorialists further show that since the survey of the
mouth of the Columbia by Commander Wilkes, the bar has un-
dergone considerable change ; that the old channel has con-
tracted, while the South or Clatsop Channel, has straightened

386 MEMORIAL OF CITIZENS OF ASTORIA

and deepened; that since the end of February, when the ship
Louisiana was first taken out by Captain Charles White, our
Pilot, among nearly a hundred vessels which have crossed the
bar in entering or going out, not more than ten have passed
through the old channel or near to Pacific City ; that only one
vessel ever voluntarily stopped at that port, and that even she
came in at the South Channel.

Your Memorialists further show that to all vessels ascending
or descending the river a saving of some miles in actual distance
is effected by the present route, as well as of time and peril;
that vessels of any size which navigate our waters can enter
by the south channel to Astoria; that the U. S. Steam Ship
Massachusetts, the Sloop of War Falmouth, the Pacific Mail
Steamers Carolina & California, have all passed it without
detention or danger.

And Your Memorialists further show that the petition for a
change of the Port of Entry does not come from the people
of Oregon or express their sentiment, nor does it further the
interests of commerce ; that it is solely the offspring of specu-
lators who are seeking to bolster up a fictitious town by the
transfer of Government patronage from its natural seat.

Your Memorialists finally show that a survey has recently
been concluded of this port and harbor by the officers of the
United States surveying schooner Ewing under Capt. Wm. P.
Me Arthur, and also a reconnaissance by the joint Commission
of Army & Navy officers attached to the United States Steamer
Massachusetts, and they respectfully suggest that before any
change is contemplated, those officers may be examined as to
its propriety.

And Your Memorialists will ever pray, etc. Dated at
Astoria this 6th day of September, 1850.

DOCUMENTS

387

SUMMERS & SMITH,
A. P. EDWARDS,
WILLIAM JOLLY,
JOHN AD AIR,
*P. C. DAVIS,
THOMAS TRISTRAM,
JOHN GRAW,
ROBERT DYSON,
ALFRED BOURGEOIS,
SAMUEL T. McKEAN
A. B. McKEAN,
D. W. COFFINBERRY,
JOSEPH LINCOLN,
J. EDMUNDS,
S. M. HENSILL,
F. SWEVEAY,
LUKE TAYLOR,
GEO. GIBBS,
GEO. H. HEWETT,
THOMAS GOODWIN,
THOMAS V. SMITH,

C. W. SHANE,
DAVID INGALLS,

D. T. MANSELL,
J. W. CHAMP,
WM. W. FROST,
JOHN A. ANDERSON,
JACOB G. COE,

TAYLOR,

MOSES ROGERS,

,WM. P. BREED,
R. SHORTESS,
JAMES NIBLIN,
JAMES ROBINSON,

J.S.RlNEARSON & CO.

R. H. BAIRD,
JOHN SWEETMAN,
S. C. SMITH,
THOMAS NORRIS,
J. W. MOFFITT,
THOMAS MITCHELL,
ALNE M.D.MACKAY,

JOHN MCCLURE,
ORIN POTTLE,
C. BOELLING,

A. VANDUSEN,

E. C. CROW,

IRA H. McKEAN,
J. FROST & Co.
HENRY MARLIN,
ANDREW CONNERS,
JAMES WELCH,
JOHN E. GREENE,
W. S. KEENE,
O. J. HUMPHREY,
S. H. SMITH,
R. HUNTS,
EDW. MCCARTY,

F. W. PETTYGROVE,
DAVID E. PEASE,
CHAS. H. MUNN,
HENRY DRIVER,
H. S. AIKEN.

*The only one in the above list now alive — a resident of California.

-M1

INDEX

INDEX TO VOL. XIII

Address of Canadian citizens, reasons
for fixing date of, in 1844, 151-9.

Agricultural statistics of Willamette
Valley settlers, 1836-7, 210.

Amendment, thirteenth to constitution
of tne United States, ratified by the
Oregon legislature, 44.

American civil government organiza-
tion, sixty-ninth anniversary of cele-
brated, 225.

Argus, Oregon, attacks Bush because
of his change of attitude toward the
Lincoln Administration, 18-19; in No-
vember, 1863, is consolidated with
the Statesman under the name of
Statesman, 20.

Astoria Citizens' Memorial protesting
proposed removal of distributing post
office and port of entry, 385-7.

ASTORIANS, THE TRAIL OF THE, 227-39.

Baker County, centennial of the arrival
of the first white men in, 85-6.

BARLOW ROAD, THE, 287-96.

BARLOW ROAD, experiences in the open-
ing of the, 261-76; making of the, in
1846, 280-1.

BARLOW, SAMUEL KIMBROUGH, 248-50;
288-92.

BARLOW, WILLIAM, REMINISCENCES OF
SEVENTY YEARS, 240-86.

BROWN, BERIAH, editor of the "Johnson
Organ," 55-6; 60.

BUSH, ASAHEL, in Statesman changes
attitude toward administration, 16-20;
retires from editorship of Statesman,
20.

CALHOUN, JOHN C., AS SECRETARY^ OF
WAR, 1817-25, 297-337; his adminis-
tration and reduction of the Army,
304-9; his report on military roads
and fortifications, 310-3; his adminis-
tration of Indian affairs, 313-7; his
connection with Seminole War and
annexation of Florida, 317-24; as
candidate for president, 324-9; per-
sonality of, 329-34.

CALHOUN, JOHN C., as Congressman,
300-3.

Canadian Settlers of the Willamette
Valley, address of, on proposed po-
litical organization, translation of,
338-40; original text of, 341-3; fac-
simile of (insertion) between 338-9.

CLAY, HENRY, 246-8.

CONDON. THOMAS, research work of,
provides material for picture of pre-
historic Oregon, 2.

Copperhead conspiracy, fear of out-
break of, 36.

CORBETT, H. W., elected United States
Senator, 58-9.

Corvallis Union (Malone), attacks
Bush, 19-20.

CROOKS, RAMSAY, 73; 227-8; 234-9.

DEADY, MATTHEW P., his characteriza-
tion of George H. Williams, 34-5;
though a pro-slavery democrat at
opening of war votes for Lincoln in
1864; on the political situation, 1865,
52; writes to Nesmith on Oregon
situation, 57; his "scrap book" as a
source of Oregon history, 67.

Democratic State Convention, 1864, 31;
state convention, platform and nomi-
nations, 1866, 48-50; convention of
1868, 60-2.

Democrats, Union, 18-19; in fall of
1863, 23.

DORION, MADAME, mother of first white
child born in Eastern Oregon, 75.

Elections, result of, 1864, 33; result of,
1866, 50-1; result of, 1868, 64; Ore-
gon vote in the presidential election,
1860, 70.

Emigrant train, 1842, 350.

Express service, introduction of into
Oregon, 1852, 357-8.

FISKE'S, JOHN, CHANGE OF ATTITUDE

ON THE WHITMAN LEGEND, 160-74.
Fur Trade, the lure of, 72.

GILLIAM, CORNELIUS, appointed postal
agent for Oregon Country in 1847,
357; accidentally killed at Well
Springs, March, 1848, while com-
manding Oregon forces in Cayuse
War, 357.

HARDING, BENJAMIN F., though sup-
porter of Lincoln administration is
dropped by Republicans, 33.

HENDERSON, J. H. D., nominated for
Congressman, 29.

History building for Indiana, 87; his-
torical society buildings discussed in
conference of historical societies, 87.

Hudson's Bay Company's system of
communicating intelligence, 348-9.

HUNT, WILSON PRICE, 72-3; 228-39.

Immigration of 1843, 118-9.

Indians of the Pacific Northwest, their
methods of communicating intelli-
gence, 347-8.

Indian statistics, 200-2.

JACOBS, ORANGE, candidate for congress
in Union party, 28.

Knights of the Golden Circle, 22.

INDEX

Laurel Hill (Barlow Road) experiences,

294.

Lausanne party, 97-8.
LEE, JASON, as Oregon messenger in

1838, 349-50.
Lincoln's majority in Oregon in 1004,

Liquor in early Oregon, 279-80.

Loyal League in Oregon, 23-6 (See

Union League.)
LUCIER, ETIENNE, credit due to, for

voting in favor of a provisional

government, 116-7.

MCCORNACK, ELLEN CONDON, GLIMPSE
INTO PREHISTORIC OREGON, 3-13.

MACDONALD, FiNAN, commands Snake
country expedition, 79.

MACKENZIE, DONALD, and his four
years of work developing the fur
trade of 'the Snake country, 75.

Mail, Oregon, routes, 1845-7, 355-7-

Mail, Oregon, service, xmsatisfactory to

• general public, 1883, 360.

MALONE, PATRICK, as editor of Cor-
vallie Union represents "copperhead
democracy," 19.

MATTHIEU, FRANCOIS XAVIER, last sur-
vivor of May meeting, 1843, 119-20.

MEEK, JOSEPH L., special messenger to
Washington to implore aid against
Indians in Cayuse War, 1847, 353-4-

MITCHELL, JOHN H., elected president
of senate and started long political
career, 34.

"National Union Convention" and its
Oregon contingent, 52.

NESMITH, JAMES W., gives Lincoln
administration good support, 33; pre-
fers McClellan in 1864, 35; on Ore-
gon political situation in 1866, 49-50;
crushed "between upper and nether"
political millstone, 57-9.

NESMITH LETTER, 1845, 379-82.

Nursery business in early Oregon, 276-

OGDEN, PETER SKENE, operations of,
in the Snake Country, 79-83.

O'MEARA, leader of "Oregon copper-
heads," 1863, 23; insisted on remain-
ing unreconstructed, 40.

Oregon, Barlow's narrative of trip
across plains to, 251-74.

Oregon City in 1846, 278-9; 281.

Oregon constitution, vote on adoption
of, 69.

Oregon in age of ice and period fol-
lowing, 6-8; fauna and flora of in
prehistoric times, 9-10; human life
in prehistoric, 10-13.

Oregon governmental authority during
period of joint occupancy, 140-1;
need of more efficient legal machin-
ery in, seriously felt, 142-3; develop-
ment of movement for organization,
143-52.

Oregon newspapers suppressed as trea-
sonable, 21.

Oregon, population of, in 1840-1, 104-
5; in 1849, 136.

Oregon railroads, 360.

Oregon Country, boundary of, 89; dis-
covery, early exploration of and oc-
cupation of, 90-1; joint occupancy
of, 91-2.

OREGON TERRITORY, How BRITISH AND
AMERICAN SUBJECTS UNITE IN A
COMMON GOVERNMENT IN 1844, 140-

59-

OREGON TRAIL, THE EARLIEST TRAVEL-
ERS ON THE, 71-84; development of,
83-4; marking of in Nebraska, 87.

Oregonian, contends that republicans
were greatly in the majority in the
Union party, 27-8; takes congres-
sional attitude in reconstruction, 40-
3; straddles negro suffrage issue, 44;
at issue with Statesman in contending
that it represented real Union party in
Oregon, 46; true exponent of Union
party, 55; comments on efforts to
commit Oregon democrats to John-
son, 56.

Pacific Mail Steamship Company fails
to observe regulations or contracts in
carrying Oregon mail, 358.

Pacific Republic, plotters for a, wait
for Confederate success and are
cause of retention of troops in
Northwest, 21-2.

Panama railroad as link in rail route
to Oregon, 359.

Pioneer reunion, fortieth, 225-6

PITTOCK, H. L., Union party nominee
for state printer, 30.

Political confusion and realignment
after death of President Lincoln,
38-9-

Pony express, 360-2.

Presidential campaign of 1864 in Ore-
gon, 35.

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, A BRIEF HIS-
TORY OF THE, AND WHAT CAUSED ITS

FORMATION, 89-139.

Provisional Government, reasons for
forming, 98-104; opposition to, 106-9;
March meeting preliminary to, 109-
10 ; May meeting preliminary to, 110-
3 ; names of persons voting on the
organization of 114-6; land laws of,
123-4; work of 1843, 117-8; of 1844,
124-6; organic law of 1845, 126-30;
Hudson's Bay Company and the,
130-5; summary and conclusion, 137-
9; memorial to Congress, June 28,
T845, 351-2; creates Post Office De-
partment, Dec. 23, 1845

RAMSAY the Indian pilot, 74.
REED, JOHN, 74; 233.

Santa Fe Trail, marking of, in Kansas,

87.
SCOTT, HARVEY W., begins career as

editor of Oregonian and serves as

[392]

INDEX

Secretary of Union State Conven-
tion, 47.

Secession Sentiment in Oregon, organi-
zation of, 22.

SHIVELY, JOHN M., appointed postmast-
er at Astoria, 357.

SIMPSON, SIR GEORGE, letter of, 382-3.

SLACUM'S REPORT ON OREGON, 1836-7,
175-224.

SLACUM visit to Oregon, reasons
President Jackson had for requesting,
175; summary of what Slacum ac-
complished, 176-7; letter of instruc-
tions received, 180-1; political and
statistical data on conditions in Ore-
gon, 1836-7, 186-91; report of condi-
tions at missions, 192-5; his interven-
tion causing the abandonment of dis-
tillery enterprise, 195-6; Indian sta-
tistics, 200-2.

Slavery, Indian, in Oregon, 191-2.

Slavery as dominant issue in Oregon
politics, 66.

Southern immigrants in Oregon, 46;
affect political situation, 51 ; cause
democratic victory, 1868, 64-5.

Spalding letters, 1836, 371-9.

Star mail routes, 362.

Statesman, Oregon, attitude of, toward
administration at opening of war,
16-7; attitude changes to one of hos-
tility, 17-20; attempts political read-
justment after death of Lincoln, 38-
9; opposes negro suffrage, 44; at-
tempts a "middle of the road" atti-
tude, 53-5.

Telegraph line, construction of, from
Portland to San Francisco begun, in
rSss, 359-60; connection between
California and Portland not com-
pleted until March 5, 1864, 360.

TRANSMISSION OF INTELLIGENCE IN
EARLY DAYS IN OREGON, 347-362.

T'VAULT, WILLIAM G., Postmaster Gen-
eral of Oregon, 352; postmaster at
Oregon City, 357.

Union League in Oregon, 23-6.
Union party as substitute for Republi-
can in Oregon, 27-8; Union state

convention, 1864, 29; Union state
convention, 1866, 47; adopts plat-
form of glittering generalities, 47-8;
becomes radical, 51-4; name dis-
carded for "Republican," 59-60.

Viva Voce ballot law, repeal of, sup-
ported by democratic members but
law upheld by Union members, 35.

Virginia and Kentucky resolutions
adopted as first plank in democratic
platform and made center of attack
by Union party, 31-3.

Walnuts, black, first in Oregon, 285-6.

WHITE, DR. ELIJAH, and immigration
of 1842, 106.

Whitman massacre, the, 136-7.

Whitman missionary enterprise, Fiske's
original version of, in Astoria ad-
dress, 1892, 162-5; revised version
of, 165-74.

Whitman's winter trip to secure retrac-
tion of order for withdrawal of mis-
sionaries, 351.

Whitman-Spalding-Eells mission ordered
contracted by prudential committee
of mission board, Feb. 23, 1842, 350.

WILKES, COMMANDER, on advisability
of proceeding to political organiza-
tion, 103-4.

Willamette or Oregon Cattle Company,
Slacum's account of, 196-8; articles
of agreement pertaining to, 208-9.

Willamette Valley, first settlers in, 92-
3 : American settlers in, prior to
1841, 93-7.

WILLIAMS, CJEORGE H., elected to
United States Senate, 34; character-
ization of, by Deady, 34-5.

"Wolf meeting," the, 109.

WORK, JOHN, JOURNAL OF, COVERING
SNAKE COUNTRY EXPEDITION, 1830-1;
363-71-

YOUNG, EWING, and Carmichael dis-
tillery project, documents relating to,
211-3.

[393]

F Oregon historical quarterly

871

047

v.13

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