SPECPOL
Addressing the Diplomatic Complexities Between China and Taiwan
Debating Upon the International Recognition of Northern Cyprus
1
Table of Contents
Letter from Secretary General ................................................................................................................ 3
Letter from Under Secretary General .................................................................................................. 4
GA-4: SPECPOL Committee ..................................................................................................................... 5
Agenda Item Ι: Addressing the Diplomatic Complexities Between China v. Taiwan ............................... 6
a. Origins of the Conflict ................................................................................................................. 6
b. Current Status in the Area........................................................................................................... 6
c. Major Countries .......................................................................................................................... 8
d. Guiding Questions ....................................................................................................................... 9
e. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 9
Agenda Item II: Debating Upon the International Recognition of Northern Cyprus ............................ 10
a. History of Cyprus ....................................................................................................................... 10
b. The International Conjuncture Upon the Recognition .............................................................. 10
c. Major Countries ........................................................................................................................ 12
d. Guiding Questions ..................................................................................................................... 13
e. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 14
Country Matrix ...................................................................................................................................... 15
References and Further Reading ........................................................................................................... 16
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Letter from Secretary General
Dear participants,
With sincere excitement, we extend our warmest welcome to each and every one of you to the 4th
session of Fatih Sultan Mehmet International Model United Nations. We are honored to welcome
such a distinguished assembly of aspiring pioneers and committed change-makers. The foundation of
FSMIMUN rests upon the words of Sultan Mohammed the Conqueror, who said, in order to discover
the limits of possibility, you must attempt the impossible.
Inspired by these words, we have embarked on a journey, determined to surpass the limit of
possibility. In a world dominated by double standards and injustice, a world in which one’s race is a
determining factor of their fate, we believe that change begins with a dream, which then solidifies
into a conviction. It is from this conviction that the fountain of initiative springs, gradually
intensifying until it becomes a gushing current of action that serves as driving force of positive
change in our world.
This is precisely our purpose in organizing our conference. FSMIMUN’24 is not a conference to be
reduced to a four-day time span, nor is it one to be limited by the borders of city nor country.
Unbounded by temporal or spatial constraints, FSMIMUN’24 represents a milestone on our journey
of breaking barriers and sparking positive change.
Hailing from all over the world, our diverse organization team has the great honor of sharing this
noble journey with our esteemed participants. With shoulders side by side and hearts filled with
conviction, let’s tread this path, transforming dreams into faith and ideas into actions.
We are looking forward to seeing you at the conference.
Yours sincerely,
Yehya Darwish
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Letter from Under Secretary General
Most distinguished participants of FSMIMUN’24,
I, Safigül Zeynep Gemici, am a senior at the Bilim College; recently graduated from the International
Baccalaureate Diploma Programme. It is my utmost pleasure to welcome you all to FSMIMUN and to
our committee, SPECPOL. I hope nothing but best for all of the delegates to construct a fruitful and
propitious conference throughout these four days.
The GA committees are a proper way to step into and thrive in the MUN world; experiencing the
diplomatic aspect while blooming socially. As for our committee, the discussion will revolve around
two vital topics; the international recognition of Northern Cyprus and the diplomatic dilemma
between Taiwan v. China. Both of the issues are cumulative that have been garnered over decades.
The news, reports, and humanitarian concerns among those areas are deeply disturbing and demand
concrete solutions. With the SPECPOL committee, we are aiming to achieve those needs and
demands that are currently lacking. The way we step in with our committee is a key to the world's
future, dedicating the fate of politics; as youth, we pave the way to break the barriers of
impossibilities.
Finally, I would like to thank our academic team for their superb help and contribution to the
committee, ensuring a promising conference for all of the delegates. If you have any questions,
please do not hesitate to contact me.
Yours truly,
Safigül Zeynep Gemici
SPECPOL Under-Secretary General
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GA-4: SPECPOL Committee
The Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL), also known as the Fourth Committee
of the General Assembly (GA), is a relatively new committee within the United Nations. It was
established following GA Resolution 47/233, which was adopted on August 17, 1993. This
committee's creation marked a significant development in the structure of the United Nations, as it
merged two previously existing committees: the Special Political Committee and the Fourth
Committee, also known as the Decolonization Committee. The merger of these two committees
aimed to streamline the UN's efforts and resources in addressing various global issues. While the
terms and the primary focus of the Special Political and Decolonization Committee remained
essentially unchanged, the merger allowed SPECPOL to handle a broader range of issues, including
those that previously overlapped between the two separate committees.
SPECPOL's primary areas of concern encompass political destabilization within or between member
nations. It provides a platform for member nations to raise grievances and concerns, fostering
discussions aimed at addressing these political challenges. Additionally, the committee addresses
issues related to the General Assembly that pertain to fundamental topics such as the right to self-
determination, decolonization, the utilization of UN peacekeeping forces, and other matters not
within the purview of the Disarmament and International Security Committee, also known as the
First Committee of the General Assembly.
In essence, SPECPOL, like other GA committees, deliberates on issues for which the United Nations
Security Council may potentially enforce decisions and measures, including economic sanctions.
However, it's important to note that SPECPOL does not possess the authority to impose sanctions or
authorize military action through its resolutions. Instead, its role is to facilitate discussions, offer
recommendations, and contribute to the broader efforts of the United Nations in maintaining peace,
security, and stability worldwide. The Special Political and Decolonization Committee plays a vital
role in addressing complex political and decolonization challenges, providing a forum for member
nations to engage in diplomacy and collaboration in pursuit of peaceful resolutions to global issues.
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Agenda Item Ι: Addressing the Diplomatic Complexities Between
China v. Taiwan
a. Origins of the Conflict
The China v. Taiwan conflict descends upon the Chinese Civil War (1927-1949), between Kai-shek, the
leader of the Nationalist Party, and Mao Zedong, the Communist Party. Presumed chaos in the
country paused by the ongoing World War II, when Japanese forces started to invade the territories
and America started to attack towards to East. Forwardly, in 1949, the Communist Party led by
Zedong announced their victory in establishing the People’s Republic of China (mentioned as PRC in
the following) in the, now called, Chinese territory while the Nationalist Party retreated to, now
called, Taiwanese territory. At the time, The Nationalist Party was still holding control of the
aforementioned territory and a few islands which led to the thought of an independent state, apart
from China. As is natural, the Nationalist Party developed their understanding of the social, economic
& political state system which led to the declaration of their independence on their new land,
establishing Taiwan and calling the land as Republic of China (referred to as ROC in the following). For
all those years, through the perspective of the international arena, the PRC was so-called
represented via the ROC’s diplomats, leading to the demand that part of the land be a part of the
ROC, and should be under the rule of their sovereignty.
b. Current Status in the Area
The aforementioned roots of the conflict are causing the diplomatic complexities not exclusively in
the area but among the international
understandings of politics. For several
decades, the ROC held China's seat at the
United Nations and was recognized by
numerous countries. This recognition of
only the ROC led to the ROC claiming that
the land under the rule of the PRC was a
part of their land when their sovereignty
and ruling were only limited to the borders
of Taiwan and a few islands.
However, in 1971, the UN recognized the
PRC as the legitimate representative of the
country Cina, leading to the expulsion of
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the ROC. Subsequently, many countries shifted diplomatic recognition from the ROC to the PRC
which is also an indicator of the changing power politics of global diplomacy. Today, Taiwan operates
as a self-governing democratic island with its own government, military, and constitution. The PRC
considers Taiwan a part of its territory and seeks reunification, while Taiwan asserts its separate
identity and maintains de facto independence. The international community remains engaged in a
delicate balance, acknowledging the One-China policy while maintaining various levels of unofficial
relations with Taiwan. The China v. Taiwan issue is also influenced by broader geopolitical factors,
including the U.S. & China relationship and regional security dynamics. Tensions in the South China
Sea and broader strategic interests contribute to the complexity of the situation. Additionally, while
many countries officially recognize the PRC, The United States in particular, has maintained a policy
of strategic ambiguity, providing defensive arms to Taiwan while officially recognizing the PRC. The
level of support from other countries varies, with some maintaining robust economic and diplomatic
ties with Taiwan.
The points of issues are also the foundations of a variety of human rights, security, and border
problems. Taiwan is a thriving democracy with a robust political system, respect for human rights,
and adherence to the rule of law. In contrast, concerns about political freedoms, freedom of
expression, and human rights persist in the People's Republic of China (PRC). As known, the
communist-ruled PRC implies some regulations that are discussed globally. Human rights concerns in
the PRC include the treatment of ethnic and religious minorities, such as the Uighurs in Xinjiang and
Tibetans, raising international scrutiny. On the other hand, the issue of security expands as the days
pass. The PRC's military modernization, including the development of advanced missile systems and
naval capabilities, raises concerns about its intentions toward Taiwan. While the PRC is pressuring in
the international arena, the Taiwan conflict is not just about regional stability; it reflects broader
global debates on democracy, human rights, and self-determination. Still, some countries and
international actors actively support, differing as officially or unofficially, Taiwan as a democratic and
free society, seeing it as a model that contrasts with the political system in mainland China.
The significance of the Taiwan territory is not exclusive to China and its history of a hundred years.
The global significance of technology relies on manufacturing in Taiwan. The chips that are made in
Taiwan are dominating the World commerce arena. The global tech industry heavily depends on
Taiwanese companies like TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company). Being home to
high-tech industries, including semiconductor manufacturing, and a crucial part of the global supply
chain, a disruption in Taiwan's economic activities could have ripple effects on global markets and
industries that rely on Taiwanese products and components.
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Last but certainly not least, the geopolitical advantage Taiwan holds plays a vital role in this soft
power war. Taiwan is strategically located in the East Asian region, controlling key sea routes,
including the Taiwan Strait (refer to Figure 1). Its proximity to China, Japan, and Southeast Asia makes
it a critical crossroads for maritime trade and security. The stability of the Taiwan Strait is crucial for
regional peace and stability. Any conflict or instability in the region could have far-reaching
consequences, impacting neighboring countries and creating a potential flashpoint.
c. Major Countries
1. United Kingdom: The United Kingdom advocates for Taiwan's involvement in international
organizations where statehood is not a prerequisite. This includes efforts to secure Taiwan's
participation in the World Health Organization. Some Members of Parliament in the UK have
referred to Taiwan as a country.
2. United States: Adhering to its China policy, the United States does not endorse de jure
independence for Taiwan. However, it supports Taiwan's membership in relevant
international organizations like the World Trade Organization, the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) forum, and the Asian Development Bank, where statehood is not a
mandatory criterion. Additionally, the U.S. backs opportunities for Taiwan's representation in
organizations where formal membership is not feasible.
3. Canada: Canada and Taiwan have maintained unofficial bilateral relations since 1970. Initial
contact between Canada and Taiwan dates to 1871, marked by the arrival of George Leslie
Mackay. Formal relations between Canada and the Republic of China (ROC) were established
in 1942.
4. European Union (EU): In July 2022, the EU Ambassador of China, Jorge Toledo Albiñana
stated that the EU does not endorse Taiwan's independence but rather supports "peaceful
reunification." He emphasized the EU's stance on maintaining the One-China principle.
However, in case of a military invasion, the EU, along with the United States and its allies,
pledged to impose measures against the aggressor similar to or even more severe than those
taken against Russia. In June 2023, a delegation from the European Parliament visited
Taiwan, holding discussions with leaders, including President Tsai.
5. Russia: In 2022, Russia included Taiwan in the Unfriendly Countries and Territories List,
categorizing it as a territory of China. During a visit by Chinese leader Xi Jinping to Moscow in
March 2023, both China and Russia reiterated their stance that Taiwan is an "inalienable"
part of China. This statement was criticized by Taiwan.
6. South Korea: Diplomatic ties between South Korea and Taiwan were severed on August 23,
1992, coinciding with South Korea's recognition of China. Relations resumed in 1993 under
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the "New Relations Framework Agreement." Since 2019, the relationship between Taiwan
and South Korea has strengthened, with increased cultural exchanges and a growing number
of tourists visiting each other's countries. Taipei City is the first Sister City of Seoul City. While
non-diplomatic, the two nations have robust relations, including South Korea's participation
in political warfare training at Fu Hsing Kang College.
d. Guiding Questions
1. How does the involvement of other states impact the power politics in the region?
2. What possible measures must be taken between Taiwan and China to engage in peace co-
existence?
3. What are the prospects for the solutions to the disputes and tensions?
4. How can the characteristics of inalienability and indivisibility of human rights play a role in
the recognition problem?
e. Conclusion
In conclusion, the Taiwan-China issue stands as a complex and sensitive matter with deep-rooted
historical, geopolitical, and socio-political dimensions. The dispute reflects contrasting narratives and
divergent perspectives on sovereignty, identity, and the future of the region. Taiwan operates as a
self-governing democratic island, asserting its separate identity and maintaining de facto
independence, while the People's Republic of China (PRC) considers Taiwan an integral part of its
territory, seeking reunification. On top of these, efforts to find a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan-
China issue have faced challenges, with the historical "One Country, Two Systems" model losing
credibility, especially after events in Hong Kong. The status quo, characterized by a delicate balance
and diplomatic ambiguity, persists, with the potential for both cooperation and conflict. The future
trajectory of the Taiwan-China issue remains uncertain, and its resolution will likely require delicate
diplomacy, respect for the principles of international law, and a comprehensive understanding of the
aspirations and concerns of the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. As the international
community navigates these complexities, finding a sustainable and peaceful solution to the Taiwan-
China issue remains a critical goal for regional and global stability
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Agenda Item II: Debating Upon the International Recognition of
Northern Cyprus
a. History of Cyprus
The history of Northern Cyprus is intricately woven into the broader historical tapestry of the entire
island of Cyprus. Dating back to ancient times, various civilizations, including the Mycenaeans,
Phoenicians, and Assyrians, established settlements in Cyprus, contributing to its diverse cultural
heritage. The Hellenistic and Roman periods further shaped the island under Greek and later Roman
influence, with Cyprus serving as a significant Byzantine outpost crucial for the spread of Christianity.
Throughout the medieval era, Cyprus saw a succession of rulers, including notable figures such as
Richard the Lionheart of England, the Templars, and the Lusignan. A shift in governance occurred in
1489 when the Republic of Venice acquired the island. However, the Ottoman Empire's conquest in
1571 ushered in a new era of Ottoman rule, lasting for several centuries until the late 19th century.
In 1878, Cyprus became a British colony after being ceded to the British Empire, leading to growing
tensions between the Greek Cypriot majority and the Turkish Cypriot minority. The mid-20th century
witnessed a rising desire for independence and self-determination among Cypriots. In 1960, Cyprus
gained independence from Britain, but inter-communal conflict persisted between the Greek and
Turkish Cypriot communities. The pivotal year of 1974 saw a Turkish military intervention in response
to a coup attempt aimed at unifying Cyprus with Greece. This intervention resulted in the division of
the island, and in 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) declared its existence.
However, international recognition is extended only by Türkiye.
Despite extensive efforts by the United Nations to mediate and reach a comprehensive settlement,
the Cyprus issue remains unresolved. A United Nations buffer zone divides the island, with the
Republic of Cyprus in the south receiving international recognition, while the TRNC in the north
persists as a self-declared entity. The history of Northern Cyprus is marked by conflict, political
disputes, and ongoing diplomatic endeavors to find a peaceful resolution. The division of the island
remains a complex issue in international politics, with Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots holding
differing perspectives on its future.
b. The International Conjuncture Upon the Recognition
The Turkish Cypriot People have their own state, known as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC), which functions as a fully-fledged state with its democratically elected President,
Government, Parliament, an independent judiciary, and all other state institutions. In contrast, the
Greek Cypriot side refers to themselves as the "Republic of Cyprus," a title they use to assert a Greek
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Cypriot State. It is essential to recognize both peoples on the island as sovereign equals, and any
attempts to address the Cyprus issue should acknowledge this reality.
The Turkish Cypriot People,
demonstrating a constructive and
result-oriented stance for over 50
years, still endure the
continuation of the status quo on
the island, facing unjust and
inhumane isolation in various
aspects of life, including
representation in international
fora, travel, sports, trade, and
culture. The longstanding "bi-zonal, bi-communal federation" model, negotiated for six decades, has
proven unsuccessful due to the Greek Cypriot side's intransigence in power-sharing with the Turkish
Cypriot People. The Turkish Cypriot side believes that a new approach, based on current realities, is
necessary since old models for a Cyprus agreement have been exhausted. In the Cyprus talks held in
Geneva in April 2021, the Turkish Cypriot side introduced a new vision, aiming to provide stability,
security, and cooperation in and around the island of Cyprus.
Advocating for an agreement within the framework of good neighborly relations between two
existing states based on sovereign equality and equal international status, the Turkish Cypriot side
asserts that the continued insistence on the "federation" model is not aligned with the on-the-
ground reality. In a historic speech at the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly,
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan emphasized the demands and expectations of the Turkish Cypriot
people and the TRNC from the international community.
In subsequent statements, TRNC Foreign Minister Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu reiterated the Turkish Cypriot
people's call for the official recognition of the TRNC and the reaffirmation of their vested rights,
including sovereign equality and equal international status. The international community is urged to
understand the realities on the island and actively work towards a solution that acknowledges the
sovereign equality of the Turkish Cypriot People. In this context, negotiations based on the new
vision, recognizing the equal international status of the two existing states on the island, are ready to
commence.
The United Nations has had a presence on the Island since the arrival of the UN Peacekeeping Force
in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in March 1964. And has taken the following actions:
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1. The establishment of the UNFICYP has played a crucial role in facilitating dialogues and
negotiations between the parties involved in the conflict. Maintaining the ceasefire and
providing the Mission of Good Offices of the UN Secretary-General for the negotiations on
the Cyprus issue.
2. UNFICYP maintained and adjusted its operations in the Northern and Southern parts of
Cyprus with the consent of both sides and through local agreements reached between
UNFICYP and the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot authorities respectively.
3. Immediately after the cease-fire came into effect at 1,800 hours on 16 August 1974, UNFICYP
inspected the areas of confrontation and drew up the cease-fire lines. The military status quo
was thus established and the area between the cease-fire lines was placed under the
authority of UNFICYP as the Buffer Zone. By the agreement reached between the UNFICYP
and the two sides in Cyprus, UNFICYP took full control of the Buffer Zone and maintained the
status quo by keeping the cease-fire lines and the buffer zone under constant surveillance.
All forces other than those of UNFICYP are strictly prohibited from entering the Buffer Zone.
Certain civilian and humanitarian activities are permitted from time to time in designated
areas but no other civilian movement or activity is permitted unless specially authorized by
UNFICYP.
c. Major Countries
1. Türkiye: Currently, Türkiye is the only country that recognizes Northern Cyprus. In 1983,
under international pressure, Bangladesh and Pakistan withdrew their recognition in
response to Security Council Resolution 541. In 2005, then Gambian President Yahya
Jammeh said the Gambia was ready to recognize the independence of Northern Cyprus. The
Cypriot government protested and Gambia did not recognize the TRNC. The Nakhichevan
Autonomous Republic (an enclave of Azerbaijan) issued a resolution in the mid-1990s
granting independence to the TRNC, but Azerbaijan itself has yet to officially support the
decision due to its Nagorno-Karabakh problem (i.e. The ethnic and territorial conflict
between Azerbaijan and Armenia over a disputed region in Nagorno-Karabakh). Azerbaijan is
sympathetic to the TRNC, but if Azerbaijan officially recognizes the TRNC, the Republic of
Cyprus may also recognize Nagorno-Karabakh. Recently, there has been an increase in high-
level contacts between Azerbaijan and Northern Cyprus. Then-TRNC Prime Minister Faiz
Sukoor hoped that Azerbaijan would recognize his country in 2022. TRNC Foreign Minister
Tasin Ertruloğulu addressed OIC members at the OIC Foreign Ministers' Coordination
Meeting on 23 September 2022. Just days after the Turkish president made a similar call to
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the international community at the 77th session of the United Nations General Assembly, he
called for his country to be recognized in New York.
2. European Union (EU): The northern part of Cyprus is legally part of the EU, but the law is
suspended due to it being under the control of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus,
which the EU does not recognize. The North uses the Turkish lira instead of the euro,
although the euro circulates alongside the lira and other currencies. On the resolution of the
Cyprus dispute and the reunification of the island, the euro would become the official
currency of the north. Adoption by the North would be the first time the euro has replaced
the use of another currency that has not ceased to exist after the euro adoption. Euro
adoption would help to address inflation in the North by bringing in price stability. Cypriot
euro coins already bear the name of Cyprus in both Greek and Turkish, displaying
representations of natural and ancient Cypriot history. In the wake of the April 2004
referendum on unification, and the support of the Turkish Cypriot community for the plan,
the European Union made pledges towards ending the isolation of Northern Cyprus. The
proposal for trade between the EU and the Turkish Cypriots was never implemented due to
opposition from the Greek Cypriots argued that trade would amount to an indirect
recognition of the TRNC. Proposals to open trade were discussed by Parliament again in 2010
but still opposed by the Republic of Cyprus.
d. Guiding Questions
1. How can negotiations be restarted and sustained between the states and the governments
involved?
2. How can the “de facto” effect of Northern Cyprus upon the citizens be minimized under the
human rights laws?
3. How can economic integration and cooperation be encouraged between the two parts of
Cyprus for the welfare of both communities?
4. What security guarantees can be put in place to ensure the safety and protection of both
communities in a unified Cyprus or a two-state solution?
5. What role can global actors, such as the United Nations, the European Union, and Türkiye,
and what role does Greece play in facilitating a resolution to the Cyprus issue?
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e. Conclusion
In conclusion, the issue of Northern Cyprus remains a longstanding and intricate challenge, marked
by historical complexities, political disputes, and divergent narratives. The division of the island into
the internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus in the south and the self-declared Turkish Republic
of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the north has endured for decades, perpetuating a state of political
and socio-economic separation. Endeavors to find a comprehensive and lasting solution have been
hindered by the historical entanglements of the Cyprus dispute, the geopolitical dynamics in the
region, and the contrasting aspirations of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. The
“bi-zonal, bi-communal” federation model, negotiated for an extended period, has faced challenges,
leading to a continued impasse and frustration on both sides. As the Cyprus issue persists, finding
common ground between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, as well as considering
the geopolitical interests of involved parties, remains a formidable task. The international
community's engagement and commitment to understanding the complexities of the situation are
essential for fostering an environment conducive to dialogue and a peaceful resolution that respects
the rights and aspirations of all stakeholders.
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Country Matrix
1. Algeria
2. Australia
3. Azerbaijan
4. Bangladesh
5. Canada
6. China
7. Egypt
8. France
9. Germany
10. Greece
11. Guatemala
12. Haiti
13. India
14. Indonesia
15. Iran
16. Japan
17. Lebanon
18. Pakistan
19. Philippines
20. Russian Federation
21. South Africa
22. South Korea
23. Spain
24. Taiwan
25. Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
26. Türkiye
27. United Kingdom
28. United States of America
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References and Further Reading
DODD, C. H. (1992). Politics in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The Turkish Yearbook of
International Relations (22), 37-49. [Link]
Hsieh, Pasha. (2009). The Taiwan Question and the One-China Policy: Legal Challenges with Renewed
Momentum. Pasha L. Hsieh. [Link]
europemediterranean/cyprus/268-island-divided-next-steps-troubled-cyprus
[Link]
[Link]
recognition/3000452
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
_research
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