Showing posts with label happiness. Show all posts
Showing posts with label happiness. Show all posts

Thursday, 19 May 2022

Morning roundup

The computer begs to be rebooted. But the tabs...

  • There's an underlying demand-side problem to misinformation. You can't con an honest man...

  • Some days, I love our Environment Minister. Here's David Parker giving Auckland Council a deserved slap for nonsense around character designations. People who want to protect character are "entitled to do that in respect to their own property. But in other parts of their suburb, there will be areas where more intensive housing will and should be built." EXACTLY!! If only central government would fix the incentives that encourage councils to do this...

  • New Zealand regime around medicinal cannabis remains a broken mess. I think it was allowed to fall into disrepair on expectation that legalisation would be coming and make it redundant. It has to be very frustrating for anyone who needs cannabis as treatment, and anyone who wants to supply it. The Newsroom column is gated today, but I think will ungate tomorrow if you pull out the /pro from the link. In addition to all the other problems, medicinal cannabis suppliers have a tough time finding banking or insurance. 

  • Kate MacNamara keeps digging on the messes around Covid testing regulation. Just impossibly frustrating. You can use a LAMP test to meet the testing requirements to fly to NZ. It's way more accurate than a RAT. But they're banned in NZ. If you try begging permission to use one here just to give some added assurance before going to visit a vulnerable relative, the Government just doesn't answer. Vogons would give the MoH an award for being more Vogon than anything they'd ever come up with. 

  • One problem for all the "let's base policy on happiness" people at Treasury and elsewhere: the measures are crap and you can't do anything with them. Here's Bond & Lang, JPE 2019:
    "The necessary conditions for nonparametric identification are strong and unlikely to ever be satisfied. Standard parametric approaches cannot identify this ranking unless the variances are exactly equal. If not, ordered probit findings can be reversed by lognormal transformations. For nine prominent happiness research areas, conditions for nonparametric identification are rejected and standard parametric results are reversed using plausible transformations."
    If you can just run a plausible transformation on the dependent variable to reverse a result, you've got another degree of freedom to justify whatever policy you'd wanted to rationalise. 

  • National Party leader Chris Luxon says he doesn't like corporate welfare in the climate response. Good! But the ETS revenues are hypothecated. Does he support putting them back into general revenues? Or, better, would he support a carbon dividend? I like National's emphasis on an ETS led approach, but that's harder if you don't rebate ETS revenues back to households. If he's not going to, he should promise to end the hypothecation that's let Robertson have a slush fund. 

  • Princeton no longer supports academic freedom.

  • Regulatory regimes can embed fragility against shocks. NZ building materials supply, US baby formula...
Ok. I think I can reboot now. 

Wednesday, 12 December 2018

Hard Spirits

I write a lot of columns. I rather like how this one turned out. It was up at Newsroom Pro yesterday; it's ungated here, and copied below.
Hard Spirits

It was during the discussions of measuring spiritual capital that the ghost of Sir John James Cowperthwaite hovered near. The shade whispered in my ear, “When I was Financial Secretary of Hong Kong, I refused to collect economic statistics for London. Why? For fear that I might be forced to do something about them.”

I wish more people at last week’s Indicators Aotearoa New Zealand indicator selection event had been able to hear him.

Statistics New Zealand’s Indicators Aotearoa project aims to build a comprehensive suite of (you guessed it) indicators measuring wellbeing. Where SNZ’s 2014 Progress Indicators Tool, now discontinued, included 16 measures ranging from adult educational attainment to distribution of selected native species, the new framework aims to include about 100.

The project is linked to Treasury’s Living Standards Framework and to the Government’s desire for more measures of wellbeing. Treasury has been developing its own suite of wellbeing indicators as part of the Living Standards Framework; whose indicators will reign supreme remains a bit up in the air. If Treasury’s framework and indicators wind up satisfying the Government’s wellbeing needs, then Statistics New Zealand’s indicators project – or at least those indicators that do not make it into Treasury’s framework – might yet follow its predecessor into the bin of discontinued data series.

So the bureaucratic stakes are high, as far as these things go.

Statistics New Zealand took a reasonable approach in trying to figure out which measures to include: they asked New Zealanders what wellbeing means to them in a series of workshops around the country, along with an online campaign. Then data experts tried to figure out which of those might possibly be meaningfully quantified among those that are not already measured.

That led to a long list of indicators to be pared down at last week’s indicator selection event, where I was visited by the ghost of Sir Cowperthwaite.

Inputs, outcomes and A3 posters

There’s a management truism that what gets measured gets managed, and what doesn’t get measured doesn’t get managed. Choosing the right measures then matters, especially if these kinds of indicators get targeted by a Government desperate to be seen to be improving our wellbeing.

The big headline measures should reflect final outcomes (like healthy life expectancy) rather than intermediate outcomes (like cancer rates) or inputs (like the proportion of people using sunscreen appropriately).

If there are lots of intermediate outcomes that are all captured by the final outcome, promoting intermediate outcomes into being final outcomes is a very bad idea. It invites paying more attention to those selected measures rather than to other ones that Government might more usefully target. In the example above, if an intervention targeting diabetes did more to improve healthy life expectancy than an intervention targeting cancer, the latter might nevertheless be preferred if cancer is a headline statistic and diabetes is not.

Turning inputs into headline statistics is at least as bad, for similar reasons. Inputs might be detrimental to some measures of wellbeing, but useful for others. An index of health-related behaviours, counting exercise, diet, and various consumption choices would be a poor one to include in headline statistics on health. To the extent that those behaviours improve health, they are already captured in the healthy life expectancy statistic. But including them as a headline measure risks targeting them for improvement in ways that may hurt other measures of wellbeing.

And, finally, the outcome measures chosen should be things that the Government might plausibly have any business doing something about. We might wish to be careful about what gets measured lest we be managed into improving our wellbeing in ways we might not welcome.

To take an obvious example, I have yet to see a survey of wellbeing or happiness that, if it included satisfaction with one’s sex life as a measure, failed to find that it mattered considerably. If any participant in Statistics New Zealand’s workshops had been honest and reported that sexual fulfilment mattered greatly in their wellbeing, their input did not make it into the workshop. Really, if the number proved to be a bit softer than we might have wanted, what on earth should policy seek to do about it? All options seem atrocious.

Unfortunately, the process of outcome selection at the Statistics New Zealand event was less fruitful than it should have been.

About 150 people attended at the Michael Fowler Centre.

Two hours of introductory remarks included a welcome from the Government statistician, a hand-clapping game, an invitation to check our privilege with the help of a bingo-sheet of privilege indicators like not being red-haired, and an extensive discussion from a PhD candidate who warned (among other things) about consulting with Ngāi Tahu on issues Māori because they are too corporate.

The two hours of introductory remarks did not include any discussion of the difference between final outcomes, intermediate outcomes, and inputs. Nor did it point out that current measures of inputs and intermediate outcomes would continue to be collected regardless of whether they became headline statistics.

After being encouraged to reflect on my privileges in being able-bodied, not hard of hearing, having a loud speaking voice, and not being red-headed, I joined a group of about 50 people who all had to stand for an hour around an A3 poster to discuss the proposed health indicators – before moving on to stand and talk around other A3 posters. Those unable to stand for extended periods were denied effective participation, as were those even of normal hearing if they were not very close to some of the very soft-spoken participants. Microphones and chairs may not have gone amiss, but I am probably in too privileged a position to have standing to comment on that. Our facilitator did his best but had a difficult task.

Because nobody had explained the difference between inputs and outcomes, or that failure to select particular measures did not mean they would cease to be measured, conversations had to keep coming back to those basic points. Every worthy-sounding input measure had its proponent for inclusion in the mix.

And many of the indicators seemed, well, problematic. Some outcomes were listed as “contributing unambiguously to progress” when they seemed manifestly contestable. For example, the response to the Initiative’s report last year lauding the merits of diversity and immigration suggested not everyone agrees diversity is a good thing. But appreciation of diversity was included as a potential outcome variable deemed to contribute unambiguously to progress. It seems a political argument to win rather than an outcome variable to technocratically maximise. If it were unambiguously associated with progress, we would have received less hate mail insisting on the demerits of diversity and that New Zealand needs fewer immigrants from culturally dissimilar places.

A dangerous thing to attempt to measure

Most contentious in the health discussion was the inclusion of spiritual health as a desirable outcome. And it is there that the spirit of Sir John James Cowperthwaite visited me – as I am a very spiritual person in my own utterly non-spiritual way.

Sir John is generally credited with Hong Kong’s transformation from a desolate place at the end of the Second World War into about the richest and most economically free city in the world. He credited some of his success to his refusal to provide Whitehall with the statistics they might attempt to use in applying Atlee-style management to the Hong Kong economy. His policy of positive non-interventionism certainly outperformed the UK’s more scientific-looking approach built on a mountain of economic statistics.

His spirit warned me that spiritual health is a dangerous thing to even attempt to measure as a headline wellbeing outcome, even if it is deeply meaningful to many communities. There is the obvious problem that atheists like me would not have a clue how to begin answering a survey question on whether we are spiritually fulfilled as the area, to those who share my views, is meaningless. But there is the far worse problem that what gets measured may be managed. If a headline outcome measure of spiritual fulfilment were half of what people expected, or double(!), what on earth should the Government ever do about it? The measure invites management. And any attempt at management would be worse than the measured problem.

I do not envy Statistics New Zealand the task ahead of them. The workshop will not have been as useful as it could have been in selecting an appropriate set of indicators. Will they weigh more heavily what makes sense as outcome measures, or what participants claimed to want? Either way, they will be stuck with trying to measure the things – while being unsure whether much of the project will be superseded by Treasury’s work. All this while battling with what seems an ever-worsening problem in getting the Census out.

I wish Statistics New Zealand good spiritual health in the months ahead, as they will need it.
I feel bad for Stats.

They took a fair bit of stick about having us fill out a Privilege Bingo form. I think that we wound up doing the privilege bingo exercise by accident. They had time to fill when a video screwed up, and rather than fill the time with something useful (see the column), the team scheduled to give that presentation scrambled for something tangentially related to their having asked lots of different communities for input into their data exercise.

They were utterly utterly oblivious to that they were stepping in very firmly on one side of the culture wars, perhaps because those involved were so ensconced in one side of it that they couldn't anticipate that it was problematic. If it hadn't been a late fill-in, maybe somebody with some nous would have headed it off. But it wasn't completely last minute. They had had time to have photocopied Privilege Bingo sheets on everyone's seats along with the day's agenda.

And today, the Census problems alluded to in my penultimate paragraph hit the front page of the Dom and Radio NZ.

I wonder about the usefulness of the community consultation exercise. It is very very easy for those things to make it very hard for people with potentially dissenting views to say anything. Remember the kinds of preference falsification exercises that Timur Kuran talked about, and information cascades? I wonder if anybody at Stats reads this kind of stuff.

If you're in a room where a couple people have just made very clear that the inclusion of spiritual wellbeing is more than just important to them, that they'd take it as a slight to their entire way of being and sense of self if anyone challenged that measure's inclusion (like, not explicitly, but in the way they make the argument), how many would be happy to step in and challenge it? At the poster session, we could put stickers on particular measures. Before discussion, there were about 10 red stickers on spiritual health, suggesting ten people wanted it demoted, and 2 green stickers, suggesting two people disagreed with the red stickers. I spoke against the inclusion of the measure, then a couple of people spoke about how sacred the measure was to them, and not a single other person who had put up a red sticker was willing to say a word.

If there's just been strong discussion of the importance of kaitiakitanga in land management, would you be the one willing to say "You know, my family settled our farm a hundred years ago and has worked and loved that land for four generations. Shouldn't we count too?" Like, the two can work together, but it is hard to get to that kind of discussion.

A friend gave an analogy that seems to fit. Suppose you've got a juggler who's really really good at juggling five balls. The business-as-usual stuff at Census is the five balls - there is a pile of it. In a Census year, they have to juggle six or seven balls. And they do a great job of that too, because they can manage six or seven for a short period. But throw another ball in the mix and everything starts falling down because eight is way harder than five. I wonder whether the Indicators project isn't that deadly eighth ball.

Thursday, 6 September 2018

Easterlin?

I'm glad that Thomas Coughlan and Richard Harman went to the Wellbeing Revival this week so I didn't have to.

Coughlin highlights the Easterlin paradox:
The case for assessing the welfare implications of Budget bids rests on what is known as the Easterlin paradox.

Developed by economist Richard Easterlin in the mid-1970s, the Easterlin paradox describes the point at which rising GDP ceases to translate into greater happiness.

Examples can be found at both ends of the scale. Countries riven by war and poverty would be markedly happier if they could add to their wealth, but the world’s wealthiest country, the United States, faces an epidemic of suicide and opioid addiction — clear symptoms of rising unhappiness.

The obvious question, then, is how will a Wellbeing Budget fix these problems? 
If that formed much of the basis for what was going on at the meetings, that's a bit of a worry. The Easterlin paradox was resolved a decade ago. 

Stevenson and Wolfers show that there is a link between economic development and happiness and between economic growth and happiness - at least across Europe and Japan. When they take another indicator, net affect (positive experience less negative experiences), they find strong correlation with log household income and log GDP per capita. 

They conclude:
The time-series part of our analysis is necessarily only suggestive: repeated (and comparable) surveys of subjective well-being data are both noisy and scarce, and hence they speak less clearly. In many cases we find happiness within a country rising during periods of economic growth and rising most rapidly when economic growth is more rapid. The United States stands out as a notable exception: Americans have experienced no discernable increase in happiness over the past thirty-five years (and indeed, happiness among U.S. women has declined). In contrast, Japan stands out as a remarkable success story, recording rising happiness during its period of rapid economic growth. So, too, life satisfaction has trended upward in Europe, and this trend has been most evident in those countries in which economic growth has been most robust. All told, our time-series comparisons, as well as evidence from repeated international cross-sections, appear to point to an important relationship between economic growth and growth in subjective well-being. Quantitatively, the time-series well-being–GDP gradient yields a role for income similar to that seen in our within- and between-country
contrasts. Taken as a whole, the time-series evidence is difficult to reconcile with earlier claims that economic growth yields no boost to happiness. 
It would be stupid to say that income is the only thing in a utility function. There are lots of things in a utility function. But it's also odd to be hanging much on the Easterlin Paradox. 

Thursday, 10 May 2018

Afternoon roundup

Today's closing of the browser tabs brings a greater share of stupid New Zealand policy than I'd like.

  • The SuperGold Card scheme was always stupid. Why? It's badly targeted. If you want to alleviate poverty, give money to poor people. Giving free transport to old people doesn't make a lot of sense. And as Duncan Greive over at the Spinoff points out, there's a big subsidy to rich retired (or just old and still working) people who live up on Waiheke Island - and who can get a free 23km ferry ride any time after 9am. Greive shows that this is just under $2m of the $28m government travel subsidy provided to old people. One upshot from Andrew Leigh's visit to New Zealand earlier this month: where Australia's government tries to give money mostly to poor people, New Zealand's government tries to give money mostly to old people. 
  • Biddy Fraser-Davies is a hero. It takes a hero to fight MPI, year after year, to be able to make cheese despite MPI's regulatory efforts. It shouldn't take a hero to do this, and yet here we are. .
  • The Public Health People are trying to ban schools from getting special alcohol licenses for school events. It's not like anybody's giving booze to kids. Sometimes there'll be parent events and fundraisers at which they want to be able to serve wine. It's harmless. But the nannies just can't help themselves. At least they've not been as successful as they'd like.

And one bit of news from outside of New Zealand: dictators lie about their GDP figures. And we can tell by the night sky
I study the manipulation of GDP statistics in weak and non-democracies. I show that the elasticity of official GDP figures to nighttime lights is systematically larger in more authoritarian regimes. This autocracy gradient in the night-lights elasticity of GDP cannot be explained by differences in a wide range of factors that may affect the mapping of night lights to GDP, such as economic structure, statistical capacity, rates of urbanization or electrification. The gradient is larger when there is a stronger incentive to exaggerate economic performance (years of low growth, before elections or after becoming ineligible for foreign aid) and is only present for GDP sub-components that rely on government information and have low third-party verification. The results indicate that yearly GDP growth rates are inflated by a factor of between 1.15 and 1.3 in the most authoritarian regimes. Correcting for manipulation substantially changes our understanding of comparative economic performance at the turn of the XXI century.
I do like this bit from the conclusion. Is GDP too 'hard' a measure as proxy for how well things are going? Looks like things go the other way:
These results provide additional justification for the use of innovative and ‘harder’ measures of economic performance, such as nighttime lights, in the study of economic development.

Wednesday, 27 May 2015

Stories that are probably linked...

The latest General Social Survey has Kiwis pretty happy:
  • The majority of New Zealanders rated their overall life satisfaction and sense of purpose highly in 2014.
  • Just over 8 in 10 people reported high levels of overall life satisfaction and almost 9 in 10 felt a sense of purpose in the things they did. 
  • Some population groups had lower levels of both overall life satisfaction and sense of purpose: sole parents, unemployed people, and people with no qualifications. 
  • Other population groups had notably lower levels of overall life satisfaction but their sense of purpose ratings were still similar to other groups’ – people who didn’t live in families, had incomes of $30,000 and under, needed an extra bedroom in their home, or identified as Māori or Pacific peoples.
  • Age differences had a strong effect on the different well-being rates reported by different population groups.
The data tables are interesting, but would be more interesting if we had by-respondent data.

For example, those outside the labour force had greater happiness than those working and those on the highest incomes were less likely to report "overall life satisfaction" scores of 10, the highest, than were those earning $30-70k in household income. And higher degrees are associated with far less life satisfaction and sense of purpose than having no qualifications at all. I expect retirees are affecting all those results. But we'd need some regressions to show it.

Meanwhile, John Key's National Party is polling well north of 50% support. Generalised happiness and life satisfaction is good for incumbents. Even the unemployed report a median "overall life satisfaction" score only one point below those in employment.

Thursday, 10 July 2014

Hamlet was an outlier

Happiness is being Danish, it seems.

Eugenio Proto and Andrew Oswald find that Danes are happier than other people, that Danes living in the United States are happier than other ethnicities in the United States, and that Danes are less likely to have the short-allele variant of 5-HTTLPR, which is associated with depression and mental disorder.

There's a lot of risk of "just-so" findings in genetic correlates: you've rather a few alleles, so some of them will come up significant in studies just by chance. But Proto and Oswald weren't out on a data-mining expedition here. They started with the usual result that Denmark is one of the happiest countries in world survey rankings of such things, then looked to the psych lit to find genes correlated with depression, then checked whether Danes are less likely to have that variant. And, the "Danes in the United States are happier too" finding weighs against other potential explanations, like that perhaps it's Danish welfare systems driving things rather than characteristics specific to Danes.

Further, the greater your "genetic distance" from the Danes, the worse your country's happiness score.

If this one holds up, I wonder what happens to the literature that argues the happiness merits of Nordic social democracy. I suppose you'd need a rich international panel checking the interaction between Danish background and the country of residence's institutional structure. I wonder whether the Danish diaspora would be big enough for reasonable tests.

HT: Chris Dillow

Saturday, 16 June 2012

Happiness and process

The Economist notes that rising incomes in China in the last two decades haven't increased measured happiness as much as we might have hoped. Why?
“It is a mistake to think that rising income gaps are the main or even a primary source of popular discontent in China,” Mr Whyte says. It is, he adds, procedural injustices, abuses of power and the lack of recourse that make people angry enough to take to the streets.

Most migrant workers know first-hand what Mr Whyte is talking about. Lei Pengcai, 61, moved to Beijing last year from a small town in Hunan province and took work washing the dishes in a restaurant. His monthly wage is 1,400 yuan ($220), most of which he sends back home to his wife and family. Moving to Beijing has opened his eyes to the kind of wealth that some enjoy, but he sees income disparity as a fact of life. “I haven’t been, but isn’t there great inequality in America and England too?” he asks.

Mr Lei declares himself pleased with the past decade’s reduction in rural taxation; not too bothered by moderately rising prices of goods; and somewhat concerned that, although his basic health care is adequate, his coverage would not suffice if he were to suffer a severe illness or injury. But he is clear on the one thing that does make him unhappy: official corruption. In his hometown, official posts are handed out to friends or bought and sold. Once installed, he laments, officials can grab land, charge fines, and demand bribes under threat of closing down a business. They do whatever they want, he says, and the people cannot stop them.
Fairness matters. And, it's revealed more in process than in outcomes.

Tuesday, 29 March 2011

A spike for happiness

Fortunately, we have not introduced Gross National Happiness as maximand.
Psychologists investigating the well-being of patients with an acquired brain injury (ABI) have documented a curious phenomenon, whereby the more serious a person's brain injury, the higher their self-reported life-satisfaction.
...
'Sustaining a head injury does not always lead to a deterioration in one's quality of life,' the researchers concluded. '...[D]ata from this study serves to tell a coherent story about the way in which the quality of life of those who experience ABIs can be enhanced by the personal and social "identity work" that these injuries require them to perform. ... Nietzsche, then, was correct to observe that that which does not kill us can make us stronger.'
Ministry of Health guidelines for minor head injuries might recommend driving a spike into the wound and swirling it round a little to help encourage a happier recovery.

Don't tell Bhutan.

From BPS Research Digest, courtesy of Barking Up The Wrong Tree.

Monday, 27 December 2010

Policy implications of happiness

If you spend time in the dodgier parts of the interwebs, you'll see arguments that we should replace GDP statistics with gross national happiness statistics and that government should be targeting happiness rather than GDP growth.

We economists are utilitarians; we tend to like GDP growth because it correlates with increased happiness. Sure, you'll see odd things like results showing low incremental happiness gains with increased income beyond a certain threshold, but think about how the happiness numbers are collected: by self-reported happiness on a scale from zero to ten. You start running into right truncation issues pretty quickly. So the guy who answered "seven" when asked how happy he was a decade ago while a student without much money may well answer "seven" when asked again today because he can still imagine being even happier - who can't? Alternatively, imagine if we stopped measuring folks' income directly and started asking, as one Twitterer [update: Tim Harford, thanks for the reminder, LemmusLemmus] suggested a while back, how rich people felt on a scale from zero to ten: "Oh, I just got paid today, so I'll say a 7."

But suppose that we take the happiness directive seriously. What policy implications flow from this kind of work:
Here we explore the extent to which baseline happiness is influenced by genetic variation. Using data from Add Health, we employ a twin study design to show that genetic variation explains about 33% of the variation in happiness, and that the influence of genes varies by gender (women 26%, men 39%) and tends to rise with age. We also present evidence that variation in a specific gene predicts happiness. Individuals with a transcriptionally more efficient version of the serotonin transporter gene (SLC6A4) are significantly more likely to report higher levels of life satisfaction; having one or two alleles of the more efficient type raises the average likelihood of being very satisfied with one's life by 8.5% and 17.3%, respectively. Finally, using data from an independent source (the Framingham Heart Study) we show that a linked single nucleotide polymorphism (rs2020933) in the SLC6A4 gene also predicts life satisfaction. These results are the first to identify a specific gene that may be associated with baseline levels of happiness.
The policy conclusion seems obvious to me: provide a baby subsidy to folks with the transcriptionally efficient alleles. Make the magnitudes big enough to matter. Within a few generations, we have an expectationally happier population. Look again at the magnitude of the differences reported: they're big relative to the effects of other shocks, and they're baseline rather than transitory. If what we care about is national happiness, it's hard to think of anything that would be more effective. Now, I wouldn't advocate the policy. But neither would I advocate the other policies that get pushed by the happy people.

The excellent James Fowler is one of the authors of the paper and sensibly avoids policy conclusions. He instead makes even more interesting suggestions about using genes as instruments in disentangling endogeneity problems.

Thursday, 29 April 2010

Sports and happiness

The economic benefits of hosting major sporting events are overblown at best. Today's BPS Research Digest suggests another motive: consumption benefits. They summarize work from the latest J Economic Psychology:
Kavestsos and Syzmanski looked for any changes in average life satisfaction scores in surveys that took place in the Autumn following the Olympics, Football World Cup or European Cup. Specifically, they wanted to know if a country doing better than expected in a competition had any benefial effect on average life satisfaction and/or whether hosting a competition had any benefits (the data available meant the latter question was restricted to the hosting of football events).

There was very little evidence that performing better than expected at a sports event had any positive benefit for the average life satisfaction scores of a country's citizens. The data moved in the right direction but with one exception the effects were not statistically significant. By contrast, there was strong evidence that hosting a major international football event boosted the life satisfaction of a host nation's citizens. Good news for South Africa.

Just how large was the life satisfaction increase for a typical citizen in a host nation? Kavetsos and Syzmanski said it was pretty big: three times the size of the happiness boost associated with gaining a higher education; one and half times the happiness boost associated with getting married; and nearly large enough to offset the misery triggered by divorce.

Is there a catch? Unfortunately, yes. By one year after the event, the benefits had gone, so the effects on people's happiness were extremely short-lived (the effects of marriage on happiness, by contrast, are long-lasting). There was also no evidence of a host country's happiness being boosted in anticipation of hosting an event.

'Most politicians calculate that hosting events can only enhance their political standing,' Kavetsos and Syzmanski said. 'This makes sense if the benefits of hosting are not derived through economic gains [which the research says don't exist], but through the feelgood factor, specifically associated with being the host.'
Consumption and fun do matter. I get disutility from these things but know that preferences vary. I just wish that these events would be sold as "hey, let's spend a pile of money and have a really big party" rather than on the basis of dodgy economic impact analyses that dress up consumption spending as investment.